f^ v^' 



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mMr^^^-^^n^ 



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1871. 



PUBLISHED EVERY iMOS 

f EXCEPT ItUNCAV). 1 

^ AT THE LKDGER BtilLDi 

fVCUTHWEST CORNKR OF SIXTH AND CHKSNDTBTS. 

! BY GEORGE W. CIUJLDS. 



The I.pdfpr ie tprvpd hv tli« rarriprs lf> IbeireDb- 



lOvorybotly who can read Is fiitniliar with I 
the ciiiioaities of nnwspapersat ihe probeut i 
day. It may be aiuusing to copy some of 
llie eccentricities aud peculiarities of the , 
newspapers fifty years ago and over. Item ! 
first is a notice of newspaper corrections— 
always awkward, even when most carefully 
written. A newspaper in an editorial note, 
apropos to a marrla!»e published under the 
proper head, felicitated the bridegroom on 
'his union with "a lady of great beauty aud 
fortune, and of every acoomplishmeut ne- 
^cessary to render the marriage state happy," 
Ac.,&c. On the next day the editor apolo- 
gised, stating that h!s felicitations were 
"premature." But whether the prema- 
turity arose from tlie olrcumstauce that the 
wedding had not occurred, or because the 
bride had no " beauty," or no "fortune," or 
no " accomplishments," was ^eft to the Ima- 
gination of the reader. This word " pre- 
mature" seems to be a prime favorite with 
the editor referred to. On another occasion, 
having announced that a lady had fallen 
out of a window, with a child In her arms, 
and that both the lady and child had been 
killed, he the next day retracted the state- 
ment as "premature," leaving his readers 
to Infer that although the fatal accident had 
not actually occurred when the statement 
was published, that it might nevertheless 
be expected at any moment. 

If there were some stupid paragraphlsts 
tlicn as there are now, there were also witty 
advertisers. A lady wishing to employ a 
governess for her children, desires one 
"whose patience is inexhaustible, whose 
temper is tireless, whose vigilance Is un- 
winking, whose power of pleasing Is bound- 
less, Whose industry is matchless, whose 
neatness is unparalleled, and whose accom- 
plishments are universal. None others need 
apply. Compensation, a good home." Per 
contra, a Governess advertises: "Music— 
To Schools and Families. An accomplislied 
theorist, empiiatic pianist, aud elegantly 
chaste artlculative vocalist, whose intelli- 
gible system In a short time suggests to the 
student an agreeable mode of performing." 
1 The blacking men who publish engravings 
i of gentlemen shaving by the reflection of 
I their faces in their polished boots, use no 
new device. The sarue "pulT reflective" was 
In vogueover fifty years ago. So of rhyming 
advertisements. The wife of the proprietor 
of a famous blacking, when asked how 
these metrical advertisements were ob- 
[ talned, answered, "Bless your innocence: 
Vt'e keeps a poet." 

A vinter In Boston advertises, June 15, 
1787, that he has opened a wine cellar "under 
the Old South Meeting House." In his list 
of wines we And "Oaoavllla" and "Fyall." 
The last is probably another spelling of 
Fayal. But Cacavilla may puzzle our wine 
dealers. 



In the same paper, "The Massachusetts 
Centlnel," is ah advertisement of silver ar- 
ticles stolen by burglars, among which are 
enumerated a quart can, a pint can, and a 
pint " porringer.' This latter article of 
housekeeping was a shallow saucepan, very 
convenient, and Is highly prized In old fa- 
milies now, in which the "porringer" Is an 
heirloom. Touching porringers, It Is re- 
lated that when porringers were still in 
use, and "lozenges" as a form of giving 
medicine were just coming in, an unfortu- 
nate apothecary found his advertisement of 
"Worm Destroying Lozenges," twisted by 
the printer into " Storm Destroying Por- 
ringers." Sugar refiners called themselves 
"Sugar Bakers" In 1787, and spelt molasses 
molosses. >/elasses Is probably nearer right. 
The chief item of interest In reference to 
Pennsylvania in the copy of the Centlnel 
which lies before us is, that men were taken 
from the Jails (spelled "gaols,") and put to 
work on the roads. "Six of the wheelbar- 
row men" taken from "Chester county 
gaol," mastered their keeper, took away his 
pistol, made blm promise silence, under 
peril of his life, and made their escape. 
Those were primitive times. The Idea of 
working a gang of convicts on the high 
road, with no other guard than one keeper, 
though armed with a pistol, could only 
have been conceived at a time when the 
law bad some moral terror for evil doers. 
Among other curiosities In old advertise- 
ments, are found "elastic heads," as part 
of the stock of a hair-dresser. In the Lon- 
don papers of 1804 was advertised, " The 
walk of a deceased blind beggar 'in a chari- 
table neighborhood), with his dog and 
stair." 

A collector of " eccentricities" In 1822 says : 
"Rag merchants, paper makers, stationers, 
paragraph mongers, translators, reporters, 
printers, hawkers, have all to bless the pub- 
lic propensity for these anonynn, anonymo- 
rum, the newspapers. Certainly, newspa- 
pers ought to be reckoned among staple 
commodities. In 1760 a newspaper was the 
' mere abstract and brief chronicler of the 
time;' now (1820) it Is a salmagundi of every- 
thing, and we m.-xy burn our books. It is 
the diurnal cyclopedia, which must be filled 
by the poUtlcasters, poetasters, declalmers, 
profauers, extractors, detractors, jeerers, 
sneerers, nlbblers, qulbblers, libellers and 
lampooners of the day.' Probably the man 
who wrote this, in 1820, is no longer living, to 
carp and criticise. His style indicates one 
whose unhappy temper had not improved 
with age. Though the satire convoyed above 
Is true In some degree,and of some publica- 
tions, the improvement in Journalism has 
made newspapers better worthy to take the 
place of the books which, to a certain ex- 
tent, they may have supplanted. Yet it 
may well be contended that a well conduct- 
ed periodical literature makes new readers. 
Instead of diverting old ones from more 
I formal literature. 




^3 .^JLmi j^/t 








' / ^ 3 $ OV.ofPI.l-MOUTH COLONY. 



CHRONICLES 



THE PILGRIM FATHERS 



THE COLONY OF PLYMOUTH, 



FROM 1602 TO 1625. 



NOW FIRST COLLECTED FROM ORIGINAL RECORDS AND CONTEMPORANEOUS 
PRINTED DOCUMENTS, AND ILLUSTRATED WITH NOTES. 



By ALEXANDER YOUNG. 

rt 



' Gentis cunabula nostrse. 
' The mother of us all.' 



SECOND EDITION. 



BOSTON: 

CHARLES C. LITTLE AND JAMES BROWN, 



MDCCCiSLIV. 






■^a 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in tlie year 1841, 

By Alexander Young, 

in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. 

Unv 

FEP - ''■"'■ 



^S^-j2U 



boston: 

Printed by freejian and eolles, 

washington street. 



/ 



oCp 



THE HONORABLE 

WILLIAM PRESCOTT, LL.D 

IN TOKEN OF HIGH ESTEEM 

AND SINCERE REGARD, 

THIS VOLUME 

IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED 

BY HIS OBLIGED FRIEND 

AND PASTOR. 



PREFACE 



This volume will be found to contain an authentic 
History of the Pilgrim Fathers who planted the Colony 
of Plymouth, from their origin in John Robinson's con- 
gregation in 1602, to his death in 1625, written by 
themselves. Some account of the nature of these 
Chronicles, and of the circumstances which led to their 
compilation in this form, may not be unacceptable to 
the reader. 

It is well known to those who are familiar with the 
early history of New England, that William Bradford, 
the second governor of Plymouth, wrote a History of 
that People and Colony from 1602 to 1647, in 270 
folio pages ; which was used by Morton in compiling 
his Memorial, by Hutchinson in writing his History of 
Massachusetts, and by Prince in digesting his Annals 
of New England. The manuscript of this valuable 
work, being deposited with Prince's library in the 
tower of the Old South Church in this city, disap- 
peared in the War of the Revolution, when that church 



VI 



PREFACE. 



was occupied by the British troops, and has long since 
been given up by our historians as lost. The most 
important part of this lost History I have had the good 
fortune to recover. On a visit at Plymouth, a few 
years since, I found in the records of the First Church 
a narrative, in the hand-writing of Secretary Morton, 
which, on comparing it with the large extracts in 
Hutchinson^ and Prince,^ I recognized as the identical 
History of Governor Bradford ; a fact put beyond all 
doubt by a marginal note of Morton at the beginning 
of it, in which he says, " This was originally penned 
by Mr. William Bradford, governor of New Plymouth." 
This fact of the real authorship of the document seems 
to have escaped the observation of all who had pre- 
ceded me in examining the records, such as Judge 
Davis, Mr. Bancroft, and even of Hazard, who attri- 
butes it expressly to Nathaniel Morton.^ Hazard 
copied and printed the larger part of it, as a work of 
Morton's, in his valuable collection of State Papers, 
though in a very incomplete and inaccurate form, not 
being able always to decipher the cramped and abbre- 
viated characters in which it is written, and being 
frequently obliged to leave blank spaces in his page. 

' By comparing the second chapter in this volume with the first article 
in Hutchinson's Appendix, ii. 449-451, which he quotes from Bradford's 
MS., it will be found that they agree nearly word for word. 

^ The extracts in Prince are too numerous to be referred to ; the prin- 
cipal are on pages 114, 120, 128, 130, 140-145, 147, 155, 160, of the oc- 
tavo edition, printed in 1826. 

' Hazard's State Papers, i. 340. 



PREFACE. 



Vll 



By the favor of the Plymouth Church I was permitted 
to make a new transcript of this very important paper, 
the entire accuracy of which has been secured by its 
careful collation with another copy made by the Rev. 
WiUiam P. Lunt, of Quincy, who kindly favored me 
with the loan of it. The value of this document de- 
pends upon its authorship, and cannot be over-esti- 
mated. It takes precedence of every thing else relat- 
ing to the Pilgrims, in time, authority, and interest. 
It will be found to contain a detailed history of their 
rise in the north of England, their persecutions there, 
their difficult and perilous escape into Holland, their 
residence in that hospitable land for twelve years, the 
causes which led to their emigration, and the means 
which they adopted to transport themselves to Ame- 
rica. 

The next document is Bradford's and Winslow's 
Journal of the first settlement of the Colony, containing 
a minute diary of events from the arrival of the May- 
flower at Cape Cod, November 9, 1620, to the return 
of the Fortune, December 11, 1621. This document 
joins on to the former, making a continuous narrative. 
It was printed in London in 1622, with a Preface signed 
by G. MouRT, and has since been usually cited as 
Mourt's Relation. It will be seen from the notes on 
pages 113 and 115 of this volume, that Mourt was 
probably George Morton, the father of Nathaniel, the 
Secretary, then resident in England, that he had no 



vm 



PREFACE. 



hand in writing the Journal, but that it was actually 
written by Bradford and Winslow, a circumstance 
which gives to it new value and interest, and confers 
on it the highest authority. In 1625, this Relation 
was abridged by Purchas, and printed in the fourth 
volume of his Pilgrims. This abridgment, comprising 
only about half of the original, and abounding with 
errors, was reprinted in 1802 in the eighth volume of 
the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Soci- 
ety. In 1822, after an interval of twenty years, the 
portions omitted by Purchas were reprinted in the 
nineteenth volume of the same Collections, from a 
manuscript copy of the original edition, made at Phil- 
adelphia. The transcriber, however, omitted some 
important passages, and committed many errors in 
copying. The parts of the work being thus disjointed, 
and printed in separate volumes, rendered the reading 
of it extremely difficult and repulsive. The present 
is the only correct and legible reprint that has been 
made since the appearance of the original in 1622. 

The third paper is Robert Cushman's Discourse, 
delivered at Plymouth in November, 1621, reprinted 
from an old copy in the library of the American An- 
tiquarian Society. 

The fourth document is Edward Winslow 's Relation, 
entitled " Good News from New England," which 
takes up the narrative where it was left off by the for- 
mer Journal, and brings it down to September 10,1623, 



PREFACE. iX 

This book was printed in London in 1624, was 
abridged by Purchas in the same way as the former 
Relation, was reprinted in the same fragmentary 
manner by the Massachusetts Historical Society in 
1802, and the omissions in a separate volume in 
1 822. It is now reprinted for the first time entire, 
and in a legible form, from the original London 
edition, for which, as well as for the original of 
Bradford's and Winslow's Journal, I am indebted to 
the rich hbrary of Harvard College. 

Next in order is Edward Winslow's " Brief Narra- 
tion of the true grounds or cause of the first planting 
of New England," which was printed at London in 
1646, at the end of his Answer to Gorton. No copy 
of this rare book is known to exist in this country. 
The manuscript from which I print was kindly copied 
for me by the Rev. George E. Ellis, of Charlestown, 
from the printed volume in the British Museum. In 
this paper we have the original of Robinson's cele- 
brated farewell address to the Pilgrims at Leyden, and 
several facts relating to them not recorded elsewhere. 

The sixth paper is a Dialogue, written by Governor 
Bradford, which has never before appeared in print. 
A fragment of it, written with his own hand, I found 
among the manuscripts in the cabinet of the Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society ; but the entire work I ob- 
tained from the records of the First Church in Ply- 
mouth, into which it was copied by Secretary Morton. 
b 



X 



PREFACE. 



The next document is a Memoir of Elder Brewster, 
written by Governor Bradford as part of his History, 
and also copied by Morton into the Church records. 

The volume closes with some letters of John Robin- 
son, and of the Pilgrims at Leyden and Plymouth, 
procured from the records of the Plymouth Church 
and from Governor Bradford's Letter Book. 

The value of these contemporaneous documents 
cannot be overstated. They are the earhest chronicles 
of New England. We have here the first book of our 
history, written by the actors themselves. We should 
esteem it a fortunate circumstance, a peculiar privi- 
lege, that we thus have the whole story of the origin 
of this earliest of our northern colonies in the very 
words of the first planters.^ In authority and import- 
ance nothing can exceed them ; and I feel that I have 
been engaged in a useful as well as interesting labor 
in collecting together and illustrating these scattered 
memorials of the Fathers. The notes will be found to 
be copious and various, touching upon all points, and 
in all cases referring to authorities from which the 
statements may be verified, and fuller information be 
obtained. Considering myself as engaged in erecting 
another monument to the memory of the Pilgrims, I 
have spared neither labor nor expense in endeavouring 
to render the work accurate and complete. If the 

' " Quis est autem, quem non raoveat clarissimis monuraentis testata 
consignataque antiquitas?" Cicero de Divinatione, lib. i. 40. 



PREFACE. Xi 

reader shall derive from its perusal the same satisfac- 
tion which I have found in its compilation, I shall feel 
myself abundantly remunerated for this labor of love. 

Regarding these documents as the only authentic 
chronicles of those times, I have considered all devia- 
tions from them in subsequent writers as errors, and 
when they have fallen under my notice, I have not 
scrupled to point them out. In this I have no other 
object in view than historical accuracy ; and accord- 
ingly for whatever errors I may have fallen into, I 
shall hold myself equally obnoxious to criticism. 

The portrait of Governor Winslow at the begin- 
ning of the volume, so beautifully engraved by House, 
is an accurate copy of the original picture painted in 
London in 1651, in his 57th year. This picture, the 
only portrait that we have of any of the Pilgrims, has 
been handed down in the family ever since it was 
painted, one hundred and ninety years ago, and was 
kept till within a few years at the seat of the Wins- 
lows, in Marshfield. It is now the property of Mr. 
Isaac Winslow, of Boston, the only surviving male 
descendant of the Governor, bearing his name, by 
whose kindness I have been permitted to have it en- 
graved, and who has deposited it, with other portraits 
of his ancestors, in the Hall of the Massachusetts 
Historical Society. The coat of arms was probably 
painted at the same time with the picture, and has 
always been an heirloom in the family. The fac- 



Xll 



PREFACE. 



simile of Winslow's signature was copied from a 
letter written by him to Governor Winthrop, from his 
seat at " Careswell, this 17th of the last month, 1639." 
The original is in the archives of the Massachusetts 
Historical Society, and it was printed by Hutchinson 
in his Collection of Original Papers, page 110. 

The map of Plymouth, on page 160, is copied by 
permission, on an enlarged scale, from the accurate 
map of the State, now in preparation under the direc- 
tion of Simeon Borden, Esq., and the map of Cape 
Cod, on page 116, is partly reduced from Major Gra- 
ham's beautiful chart, and partly composed from 
recent surveys made for the State map. The en- 
graving of the Mayflower on page 108 is copied from 
one of Sir Walter Raleigh's ships in De Bry, and is 
a correct representation of the vessels of that day. 
The chairs of Winslow, Carver, and Brewster, are 
faithfully drawn from the originals, the first of which 
is preserved in the Hall of the Massachusetts Histor- 
ical Society, and the last two in the Pilgrim Hall, at 
Plymouth. The seal of the Colony is taken from the 
title-page of the Book of the General Laws of New 
Plymouth, printed in 1685. Judge Davis says, " it 
originated probably in Mr. Cushman's advice to Gov- 
ernor Bradford in a letter from England, Dec. 18, 
1624 : ' Make your corporation as formal as you can, 
under the name of the Society in Plymouth in New 
England.' Of this seal the Colony was deprived in 



PREFACE. 



Xlll 



the rapacious days of Andros. On a return to the 
old paths, the Governor was requested to procure its 
restoration. If this appHcation were successful, the 
seal has since been lost." 

In regard to the minuteness of some of the particu- 
lars recorded in the ensuing pages, no better apology 
can be offered than that of the Roman annalist : 
" Pleraque eorum quae referam parva forsitan et levia 
memoratu videri, non nescius sum. Non tamen sine 
usu fuerit introspicere ilia, primo adspectu levia, ex 
quis magnarum ssepe rerum motus oriuntur."^ — " If 
any tax me for wasting paper with recording these 
small matters, such may consider that small common- 
wealths bring forth matters of small moment ; the 
reading whereof yet is not to be despised by the 
judicious, because small things in the beginning of 
natural or politic bodies are as remarkable as greater 
in bodies full grown." ^ 

Boston, June 1, 1841. 

' Tacitus, Ann. lib, iv. 32. 

^ Dudley's Letter to the Countess of Lincoln. 



LIST OF THE ENGRAVINGS 






Page. 

1. Portrait of Governor Winslow . . . , i 

2. The Mayflower 108 

3. Map of Cape Cod 116 

4. Map of Plymouth Bay ..... 160 

5. Governor Winslovt's Chair ..... 238 

6. Governor Carver's Chair ..... 458 

7. Elder Brewster's Chair ..... 470 

8. Seal of Plymouth Colony . . . Back Title. 



CONTENTS. 



Chap. Page. 

Gov. Bradford's History of Plymouth Colony . 1 

I. The first beginnings of this church and people . . 19 

II. Their departure into Holland, and their troubles there- 
about, with some of the many difficulties they found 
and met withal ..... 25 

III. Their settling in Holland, and their manner of living and 

entertainment there . . . . .33 

IV. The reasons and causes of their removal from Holland 44 
V. The means they used for preparation to this weighty 

voyage . . . . . .52 

VI. The conditions of their agreement with several merchant 

adventurers towards the voyage ... 80 

VII, Their departure from Leyden, and embarkation from 

Delft-Haven . . . . . .86 

VIII. The troubles that befell them on the coast of England, 
and in their voyage in coming over into New England, 
and their arrival at Cape Cod ... 97 

Bradford's and Winslow's Journal . . . 109 

IX. The first planters' combination by entering into a body 
politic together ; with their proceedings in discovery of 
a place for their settlement and habitation . 117 

X. Their landing and settling at New Plymouth . . 163 

XI. A Journey to Pokanoket, the habitation of the great king 
Massasoit ; the message, and the answer and entertain- 
ment they received from him . . . 202 
XIT. A Voyage to the kingdom of Nauset, to seek a boy that 
had lost himself in the woods ; and the accidents that 
befell them in that voyage . . . .214 
XIII. A Journey to the kingdom of Namaschet, in defence of 
the great king Massasoit against the Narragansetts, and 
to revenge the supposed death of Tisquantum . 219 



Xvi CONTENTS. 

Chap. Paoe. 

XIV. A Relation of their voyage to the Massachusetts, and 

what happened there ..... 224 
XV. A Letter from Edward Winslow to a friend in England, 
setting forth a brief and true declaration of the worth 
of the Plantation at Plymouth ; as also certain useful 
directions for such as intend a voyage into New Eng- 
land 230 

XVI, Robert Cushraan's reasons and considerations touching 

the lawfulness of removing out of England into the 
parts of America ..... 239 

Cushman's Discourse ..... 253 

XVII. The state of the Colony, and the need of public spirit in 

the Colonists ..... 255 

WiNSLOw's Relation ..... 269 
XVIII. The first planters menaced by the Narragansetts, and 

their second voyage to the Massachusetts . . 280 

XIX. The planting of Weston's colony at Weymouth, and 

sundry excursions after corn . . . 296 

XX. Winslow's second journey to Pokanoket, to visit Massa- 

soit in his sickness . . . . .313 

XXI. Standish's expedition against the Indians of Weymouth, 

and the breaking up of Weston's Colony at that place 327 
XXII. The first allotment of lands, and the distressed state of the 

Colony ...... 346 

XXIII. The manners, customs, religious opinions and ceremonies 

of the Indians ...... 354 

XXIV. The situation, climate, soil, and productions of New Eng- 

land ...... 368 

Winslow's Brief Narration .... 377 

XXV. The true grounds or cause of the first planting of New 

England ...... 379 

Gov. Bradford's Dialogue .... 409 

XXVI. A Dialogue, or the Sum of a Conference between some 
Young Men born in New England, and sundry Ancient 
Men that came out of Holland and Old England . 414 

Gov. Bradford's Memoir of Elder Brewster , 459 

XXVII. Memoir of Elder William Brewster . . .461 

XXVIII. Letters . . . . . .471 



GOV. BRADFORD'S HISTORY 



OF 



PLYMOUTH COLONY. 



MORTON'S PREFACE. 



Christian Reader, 

I HAVE looked at it as a duty incumbent on me to 
commit to writing the first beginnings and after pro- 
gress of the Church of Christ at Plymouth in New 
England ; forasmuch as I cannot understand that there 
is any thing particularly extant concerning it, and al- 
most all the members of the said church, both elders 
and others, being deceased, by whom intelligence of 
matters in that behalf might be procured.^ I dare 
not charge the reverend elders of that church who are 
gone to their rest, with any neglect on that behalf; for 
when they were in Holland, they were necessitated to 
defend the cause of Christ by writing against opposites 
of several sorts ; so as such like employs, together 
with the constant and faithful discharge of the duties 
of their offices, probably took up the greatest part of 
their time ; and since the church parted, and a consid- 
erable part thereof came unto this going down of the 
sun, it might be neglected partly on the account that 
divers writings, some whereof being put forth in print, 

' In 1679, the year previous to came over in the Mayflower. See 
the date of this Preface, tw^elve only Hutchinson's History of Massachu- 
were living of the hundred who setts, ii. 456. 



MORTON'S PREFACE. 

did point at and in a great measure discriminate the af- 
fairs of the church ; forasmuch as then the small com- 
monwealth, in our first beginning at New Plymouth, 
consisted mostly of such as were members of the 
church which was first begun and afterwards carried 
on in Leyden, in Holland, for about the space of 
twelve years, and continued and carried on at Ply- 
mouth, in New England, a small part whereof remain- 
eth until this day. If any thing was done on this kind 
by those worthy leaders, I suppose the blame is rather 
to be laid on those which had the first view of their 
studies, and had their books and writings in custody 
after their decease ; for I am persuaded that such was 
their faithfulness and prudence, as that they did not 
wholly neglect this matter.^ 

Some years since it pleased God to put an impulse 
upon my spirit to do something in a historical way con- 
cerning New England, more especially with respect to 
the Colony of New Plymouth ; wiiich was entitled 
New England''s Memorial;^ in which I occasionally 

^ The records of John Robinson's of Plymouth Ch. and Mass. Hist, 

church at Leyden contained, no Coll. iv. 107. 

doubt, some account of its origin ^ This work was printed at Cam- 
and its memorable vicissitudes in bridge in 1669, in a small quarto 
England and Holland. These re- volume, of 193 pages, and the ex- 
cords, however, were probably lost pense was defrayed by a contribu- 
when the remnants of that church tion in the several towns in the 
were scattered after his death in Colony. The greatest part of Mor- 
1625. The church at Plymouth had ton's information was " borrowed," 
no settled pastor till 1629, and af- as he informs us, " from his much 
terwards, for long intervals, was honored uncle, Mr, William Brad- 
destitute of a regular ministry until ford, and such manuscripts as he 
1669, when John Cotton, son of the left in his study." Prince, the New 
famous John Cotton of Boston, England annalist, whose copy of 
was ordained. No records were the first edition of the Memorial is 
kept by either of his three prede- now before me, enriched with his 
cessors, Ralph Smith, Roger "Wil- marginal notes and emendations, 
liams, and John Reyner. The re- says that " Morton's History, from 
cords of the church, previous to his the beginning of the Plymouth peo- 
settlement, are in the handwriting pie to the end of 1646, is chiefly 
of Secretary Morton. MS. Records Gov. Bradford's manuscript, abbre- 



MORTON'S PREFACE. 

took notice of God's great and gracious work in erect- 
ing so many churches of Christ in this wilderness. 
But it was judged by some that were judicious that I 
was too sparing and short in that behalf; the consider- 
ation whereof put me on thought of recollecting some- 
thing more particularly relating to the church of Ply- 
mouth. But it pleased the Lord so to dispose, that 
having accomplished my desires, some time after the 
finishing of this work I was solicited to lend it to a 
reverend friend at Boston, where it was burned in the 
first fire that was so destructive at Boston, in the year 
1667.^ Yet, notwithstanding, I have, through the 
goodness of God, crowded through many difficulties 
to achieve it the second time ; and, for that end, did 
once again repair to the study of my much honored 
uncle, Wilham Bradford, Esquire, deceased,- for whose 
care and faithfulness in such like respects we stand 
bound ; as firstly and mostly to the Lord, so seconda- 

viated." In fact, Morton's chief tion after the publication of the 

merit is that of a diligent, but not Memorial in 1G69 ; and the date of 

always accurate copyist of his un- "the first fire that was so destruc- 

cle"s documents. He would have tive at Boston" was Nov. 27, 1676. 

done a much greater service by The reverend friend to whom the 

causing Gov. Bradford's History to manuscript had been lent, was In- 

be printed entire. It is the loss of crease Mather, whose church was 

that work that now gives so much destroyed by this fire, as well as his 

value to his extracts and compila- dwelling-house, and a part of his 

tions. The fifth edition of the Me- library. Increase Mather had mar- 

raorial, greatly enlarged by the ried a daughter of John Cotton, 

valuable notes of the learned ed- of Boston ; and her brother be- 

itor, Judge Davis, was printed at ing at this lime the minister of 

Boston in 1826, in an octavo vol- Plymouth, this circumstance pro- 

ume of 480 pages. See Plymouth bably led to an acquaintance be- 

Colony Laws, p. 153, Morton's tween Mather and Secretary Mor- 

New England's Memorial, p. 10, ton. See Hubbard's Indian Wars, 

Thacher's Hist, of Plymouth, p. p. 194, Hutchinson's Hist, of Mas- 

126, (second edition,) and Prince's sachusetts, i. 349, Snow's History of 

Annals of New England, p. xx. Boston, p. 164, Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. 

(8vo ed. 1826.) 269, xvi. 648, and Cotton Mather's 

^ This is unquestionably an er- Memoirs of his Father, p. 79. 
ror; it should be 1676. For the - Gov. Bradford died May 9, 

writer says he began this compila- 1657, in his 69ih year. 



MORTON'S PREFACE. 

rily to him and his, whose labors in such respect might 
fitly have been pubhshed to the world, had they not 
been involved in and amongst particulars of other 
nature. 

Gentle reader, I humbly crave thy patience, and ac- 
ceptance of this small treatise, so as to read it over 
considerately ; wherein so doing thou wilt discern 
much of the goodness, mercy, and power of God ; who 
as at the first brought this fabric of the world out of 
the womb of nothing, hath brought so many famous 
churches of Christ out of so small beginnings ; with 
many other useful considerations that thou mayest 
meet with in the serious perusal thereof. So leav- 
ing thee and this small work to the blessing of the 
only wise God, 

I remain thine in Christ Jesus, 

Nathaniel Morton.^ 
Plymouth, in Neio England, January ISth, 1680. 

^ Nathaniel Morton was the son Court, and continued in this office 

of George Morton, who had mar- till his death, June 28, 1685, in 

ried in England a sister of Gov. his 73d year. His residence in 

Bradford, and came over to Plym- Plymouth was by the side of Wel- 

Guth with his family in July, 1623, lingsly Brook, half a mile south of 

in the ship Anne. His father died the village. See Judge Davis's 

in June, 1624, when Nathaniel was Preface to Morton's Memorial, pp. 

twelve years old. In 1645 he was iv. and 101, and Mass. Hist. Coll. 

chosen Secretary of the Colony xiii. 178. 



INTRODUCTION. 



AN INTRODUCTION TO THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF 

THE CHURCH OF CHRIST AT PLYMOUTH, IN 

NEW ENGLAND, AS FOLLOWETH.i 

It is well known to the godly and judicious, how intr. 
that ever since the first breaking out of the light of the 
Gospel in our honorable nation of England, — which 
was the first of nations whom the Lord adorned there- 
with, after that gross darkness of Popery, which had 
covered and overspread the Christian world, — what 
wars and oppositions ever since Satan hath raised, 
maintained, and continued against the saints from time 
to time, in one sort or other ; sometimes by bloody 
death and cruel torments, otherwhiles imprisonments, 
banishments, and other hard usages ; as being loth his 
kingdom should go down, the truth prevail, and the 
churches of God revert to their ancient purity, and 
recover their primitive order, liberty, and beauty. But 
when he could not prevail by these means against the 
main truths of the Gospel, but that they began to take 
footing in many places, being watered with the blood 
of the martyrs and blessed from heaven with a gracious 

* This was originally penned by Mr. William Bradford, Governor of 
New Plymouth. — Morton's Note. 



8 INTRODUCTION. 

INTR. increase ; he then began to take him to his ancient 
stratagems, used of old against the first Christians ; 
that when by the bloody and barbarousness ^ of the 
heathen emperor he could not stop and subvert the 
course of the Gospel, but that it speedily overspread 
with a wonderful celerity to the then best known parts 
of the world, he then began to sow errors, heresies, 
and wonderful desertions amongst the professors them- 
selves, working upon their pride and ambition, with 
other corrupt passions incident to all mortal men, yea 
to the saints themselves in some measure ; by which 
woful effects followed, as not only bitter contentions 
and heart-burnings, schisms, with other horrible confu- 
sions, but Satan took occasion and advantage thereby 
to foist in a number of vile ceremonies, with many 
unprofitable canons and decrees, which have since 
been as snares to many peaceable poor souls even to 
this day ; so, as in the ancient times the persecution by 
the heathen and their emperors was not greater than 
of the Christians, one against another, the Arians' and 
other their accomplices' against the orthodox and true 
Christians (as witnesseth Socrates in his second book, 
saith he) " was no less than that of old practised 
towards the Christians when they were compelled and 
drawn to sacrifice to idols ; for many endured sundry 
kinds of torments, others racking, and dismembering 
of their joints, confiscating of their goods, some be- 
reaved of their native soil, others departed this life 
under the hands of the tormentor, and some died in 
banishment, and never saw their country again." ^ 
The like method Satan hath seemed to hold in these 

'-' So in llie MS. * Eccles. Hist. lib. ii. cap. 27, 



INTRODUCTION. 9 

latter times, since the truth began to spring and spread intr. 
after the great defection made by Antichrist, the Man 
of Sin. For to let pass the many examples in sundry 
nations, in several places of the world, and instances 
of our own, whenas the old serpent could not prevail by 
those fiery flames, and other his cruel tragedies, which 
he by his instruments put in ure every where in the days 
of Queen Mary and before, he then began another 1553. 
kind of war, and went more closely to work, not only 1558. 
to oppugn, but even to ruinate and destroy the kingdom 
of Christ by more secret and subtle means, by kind- 
ling the flames of contention and sowing the seeds of 
discord and bitter enmity amongst the professors and 
seeming reformed themselves. For when he could not 
prevail by the former means against the principal doc- 
trines of faith, he bent his force against the holy disci- 
pline and outward regiment of the kingdom of Christ, 
by which those holy doctrines should be confirmed, and 
true piety maintained amongst the saints and people 
of God. 

Mr. Fox recordeth how that, besides those worthy 
martyrs and confessors which were burned in Queen 
Mary's days and otherwise tormented, many, both stu- 
dents and others, fled out of the land, to the number 1554. 
of eight hundred, and became several congregations at 
Wesel, Frankfort, Basle, Emden, Marburg, Strasburg, 
and Geneva, &c.^ Amongst whom, especially those 
at Frankfort, began a bitter war of contention and per- 1555. 
secution about the ceremonies and service book, and 
other popish and antichristian stuflf, the plague of Eng- 
land to this day, which are like the high places in 



^ Fox, Acts and Monuments, iii. iii. 146, and Fuller's Ch. Hist, of 
40. See also Strype's Memorials, Britain, ii. 405, (ed. 1837.) 

2 



10 INTRODUCTION. 

INTR. Israel which the prophets cried out against, and were 
their ruin ; which the better part sought, according to 
the purity of the Gospel, to root out and utterly de- 
stroy, and the other part, under veiled pretences, for 
their own ends and advancement, sought as stiffly to 
continue, maintain, and defend ; as appeareth by the 
Discourse thereof pubhshed in print anno 1575, a book 
that deserves better to be known and considered than 
it is.^ The one side labored to have the right worship 
of God and discipline of Christ established in the 
church according to the simplicity of the Gospel, with- 
out the mixture of men's inventions, and to have and 
to be ruled by the laws of God's word, dispensed in 
those offices and by those officers of pastors and teach- 
ers and elders, according to the Scriptures. The 
other party, though under many colors and pretences, 
endeavoured to have the episcopal dignity, after the 
popish manner, with their large power and jurisdiction, 
still retained, with all those courts, canons and cere- 
monies, together with all such livings, revenues, and 
subordinate officers, with other such means as formerly 
upheld their antichristian greatness, and enabled them 
with lordly and tyrannous power to persecute the poor 
servants of God. 

* This work is entitled, " A Brief the view and consideration of the 

Discourse of the Troubles begun at most Honorable and High Court of 

Frankfort, in Germany, anno Domi- Parliament, and the reverend di- 

ni 1554, about the Book of Common vines of the intended ensuing As- 

Prayer and Ceremonies, and contin- sembly," Hallam says, in his Con- 

ued by the Englishmen there to the stitutional History of England, 

end of Queen Mary's reign; in the i. 233, that "this tract is fairly 

which Discourse the gentle reader and temperately written, though 

shall see the very original and be- with an avowed bias towards the 

ginning of all the contention that Puritan party. Whatever we read 

hath been, and what was the cause in any historian on the subject, is 

of the same. 1575." The place derived from this authority." Both 

where it was printed is not men- editions of this rare book are in the 

tioned. It was reprinted at London Library of the Massachusetts His- 

in 1642, and " humbly presented to torical Society. 



INTRODUCTION. 



11 



This contention was so great, as neither the honor intr. 
of God, the common persecution, nor the mediation of 
Mr. Calvin and other worthies of the Lord in those 
places, could prevail with those thus episcopally mind- 
ed ; but they proceeded by all means to disturb the 
peace of this poor persecuted church, so far as to charge 
very unjustly and ungodlily (yet prelate like) some of 
their chief opposers with rebellion and high treason 
against the Emperor, and other such crimes.^ And 
this contention died not with Queen Mary, nor was 1558. 
left beyond the seas. But at her death, these people 7 J' 
returning into England, under gracious Queen Ehza- 
beth, many of them preserved aspired to bishoprics and 
other promotions,^ according to their aims and desires ; 



' Calvin, in his letter of Jan. 20, 
1555, addressed to John Knox and 
William Whittingham, at Frank- 
fort, says, " In the liturgy of Eng- 
land I see that there were many 
tolerable foolish things ; by these 
words I mean that there was not 
the jmriiy which was to be desired. 
These vices, though they could not 
at the first day be amended, yet, 
seeing there was no manifest im- 
piety, they were for a season to be 
tolerated. Therefore it was lawful 
to begin of such rudiments or abece- 
daries ; but so that it behooved the 
learned, grave, and godly ministers 
of Christ to enterprise farther, and 
to set forth something more filed 
from rust, and purer. If godly reli- 
gion had flourished till this day in 
England, there ought to have been 
a thing better corrected, and many 
things clean taken away. I cannot 
tell what they mean which so greatly 
delight in the leavings of popish 
dregs." Knox was soon after ac- 
cused of treason before the magis- 
trates of Frankfort by some of the 
opposite party, on the ground of 
certain passages in a book of his, 
entitled An Admonition to Christ- 



ians, in which he called the empe- 
ror of Germany " no less an enemy 
to Christ than was Nero ; " in con- 
sequence of which he was obliged 
to leave the city. See Discourse 
of the Troubles of Frankfort, pp. 
35 and 44, ed. of 1575, and Fuller's 
Ch. Hist. ii. 411. 

* See in Prince's Annals, p. 288, 
a list of those who were thus pro- 
moted. It is a just remark of Hal- 
lam, Const. History of England, 
i. 238, that the objections to the 
church ceremonies and the clerical 
vestments " were by no means con- 
fined, as is perpetually insinuated, 
to a few discontented persons. The 
most eminent churchmen, such as 
Jewel, Grindal, Sandys, Novvell, 
were in favor of leaving ofi" the sur- 
plice and what were called the 
popish ceremonies. The current 
opinion that these scruples were 
imbibed during the banishment of 
the reformers, must be received 
with great allowance. The dislike 
to some parts of the Anglican ritual 
had begun at home, it had broken 
out at Frankfort, it is displayed in 
all the early documents of Eliza- 
beth's reign by the English divine?, 



12 INTRODUCTION. 

INTR. SO that inveterate hatred against the holy disciphne of 
Christ in his church hath continued to this day ; inso- 
much that, for fear it should prevail, all plots and devices 
have been used to keep it out, incensing the Queen and 
State against it as dangerous to her commonwealth ; 
and that it was most needful for the fundamental points 
of religion should be preached in those ignorant and 
superstitious times, and to win the weak and ignorant, 
they might retain divers harmless ceremonies ; and 
though it were to be wished that divers things were 
reformed, yet this was not a season for it ; and many 
the like, to stop the mouths of the more godly, to bring 
them on to yield to one ceremony after another and 
one corruption after another ; by these ways beguiling 
some and corrupting others, until at length they began 
to persecute all the zealous professors in the land, 
(although they knew little what this discipline meant), 
both by word and deed, if they would not submit to 
their ceremonies and become slaves to them and their 
popish trash, which have no ground in the word of 
God, but are relics of the Man of Sin. And the more 
the light of the Gospel grew, the more they urged their 
subscriptions to these corruptions, so as notwithstanding 
all their former pretences and fair colors, they whose 
eyes God had not justly blinded might easily see 
whereto these things tended. And to cast contempt 
the more upon the sincere servants of God, they oppro- 
briously and most injuriously gave unto and imposed 

1564. upon them that name of Puritans,^ which it is said the 

far more warmly than by their Swiss concise and accurate account of the 

correspondents. The queen alone origin and growth of Puritanism in 

was the cause of retaining those England, will be found in Prince's 

observances, to which the great Annals, p. 282 — 307. 

separation from the Anglican estab- * The era of the English Puri- 

lishment is ascribed." The most tans properly begins in 1550, when 



INTRODUCTION. 



13 



"^Novatians, out of pride, did assume and take unto intr. 
themselves.^ And lamentable it is to see the effects 
which have followed. Religion hath been disgraced, the 
godly grieved, afflicted, persecuted, and many exiled ; 
sundry have lost their lives in prisons and other ways. 
On the other hand, sin hath been countenanced, igno- 
rance, profaneness and atheism increased, the Papists 
encouraged to hope again for a day. 

This made that hcdy man Mr. Perkins cry out in his 
Exhortation unto Repentance, on Zephaniah ii, " Re- 
ligion," saith he, " hath been amongst us this thirty- 



Hooper refused, for a time, to be 
consecrated in the ecclesiastical 
habits. But in the year 1564, " the 
English bishops, "says Fuller, ''con- 
ceiving themselves empowered by 
their canons, began to show their 
authority in urging the clergy of 
their respective dioceses to subscribe 
to the liturgy, ceremonies, and dis- 
cipline of the Church ; and such as 
refused the same were branded with 
the odious name of Puritmin. We 
need not speak of the ancient Ca- 
thari, or primitive Puritans, suffi- 
ciently known by their heretical 
opinions. ' Puritan ' here was taken 
for the opposers of the hierarchy 
and church-service, as resenting of 
superstition. But profane mouths 
quickly improved this nickname, 
therewith on every occasion to 
abuse pious people ; some of them 
so far from opposing the liturgy, 
that they endeavoured (according 
to the instructions thereof in the 
preparative to the Confession) ' to 
accompany the minister with a pure 
heart,' and labored (as it is in the 
Absolution) ' for a life pure and 
holy.' " An old writer of the 
Church of England, quoted by 
Prince, says, " they are called Pu- 
ritans who would have the Church 
thoroughly reformed; that is, purged 
from all tho.se inventions which 
have been brought into it since the 



age of the Apostles, and reduced 
entirely to the Scripture 'purity.''' 
See Fuller's Ch. Hist. ii. 331, 474 ; 
Strype's Annals, i. 459-463 ; Cam- 
den's Elizabeth, p. 107 ; Prince, pp. 
100, 283 ; Neal's Puritans, i. 46, 72, 
91. (4to ed.) 

' " Novatus, a presbyter of the 
church of Rome, being puffed up 
with pride against those who in the 
times of persecution had lapsed 
through infirmity of mind, as if 
there were no further hope of salva- 
tion for them, although they per- 
formed all things appertaining to an 
unfeigned conversion and a sincere 
confession, constituted himself the 
ringleader of a peculiar sect, of those 
who by reason of their haughty 
minds styled themselves Cathari, 
that is, the Pure.^' Eusebius, Ec- 
cles. Hist. lib. vi. cap. 43. His 
excessive rigor towards the lapsed 
appears to have been the only heresy 
of Novatus ; and it is quite as likely 
that the name of Puritan was fas- 
tened upon his followers in derision 
and reproach as that they assumed 
it of themselves ; as we know was 
the case with the modern Quakers 
and Methodists. For an account 
of Novatus and his opinions, see 
Lardner's Credibility, part ii. ch. 
47; Mosheim, de Rebus Christiano- 
rum ante Const. Magn. Comment. 
512-527 ; Jackson's Novatian, Praef. 



14 INTRODUCTION. 

iNTR. five years. But the more it is published, the more it 
is contemned and reproached of many, &c. Thus not 
profaneness nor wickedness, but rehgion itself is a 
by-word, a mocking-stock, and matter of reproach; so 
that in England at this day, the man or woman that be- 
gins to profess religion and to serve God, must resolve 
with himself to sustain mocks and injuries, even as 
though he lived amongst the enemies of religion ; and 
this common experience hath been too apparent." ^ 

But before I pass on, I cannot omit an observation 
worthy to be noted, which was observed by the author, 
viz. Mr. WilHam Bradford, as followeth. 

Saith he : Full little did I think that the downfall 
of the bishops, with their courts, canons, and ceremo- 
nies, had been so near when I first began this writing, 
which was about the year 1630, and so pieced at leisure 
times afterwards, or that I should have lived to have 
seen or heard of the same.^ But it is the Lord's doing. 
Matt, and ought to be marvellous in our eyes. " Every plant 
which mine heavenly father hath not planted," saith 
our Saviour, " shall be rooted up."^ " I have snared 

* Works, vol. iii. p. 42I,ed. 1613. his older age he altered his voice, 
William Perkins lived in the reign and remitted much of his former 
of Elizabeth, was a fellow of Christ's rigidness, often professing that to 
College, Cambridge, and a Puritan preach mercy was the proper oiEce 
Nonconformist. He was a strict of the ministers of the gospel." 
Calvinist, and had a controversy ^ Charles I. was beheaded and 
with Arminius. His writings were the church establishment over- 
held in high esteem by the fathers thrown in 1G49. 
of New England. Fuller says, in ^ The version of the Bible here 
his Life of him in the Holy State, quoted, and subsequently, is the 
that " he would pronounce the word one which was made by the Eng- 
damn with such an emphasis as left lish exiles at Geneva, in the reign 
a doleful echo in his auditors' ears of Queen Mary. It was first printed 
a good while after. And when in 1560, and was so highly esteemed, 
catechist of Christ's College, in ex- particularly on account of its notes, 
pounding the commandments, ap- that it passed through thirty edi- 
plied them so home, able almost to tions. King James appears to have 
make his hearers' hearts fall down, had a special dislike of it ; for in 
and hairs to stand upright. But in the Conference at Hampton Court 



INTRODUCTION. 15 

thee, and thou art taken, O Babel, (bishops) and thou intr. 
Avast not aware : thou art found and also caught, j^_. , 
because thou hast striven against the Lord." But will ^^" 
they needs strive against the truth, against the servants 
of the Lord, what ! and against the Lord himself? 
Do they provoke the Lord to anger ? Are they stronger ^ cor- x. 
than he ? No, no, they have met with their match. 
Behold, I come against thee, O proud men, saith the ^%[}- 
Lord God of hosts ; for thy day is coming, even the 
time that I will visit thee. May not the people of God 
now say, and these poor people among the rest. The 
Lord had brought forth our righteousness : come, let ^"{q]'- 
us declare in Zion the work of the Lord our God. 
Let all flesh be still before the Lord, for he is raised ^^13; "• 
up out of his holy place. ^ 

This poor people may say among the thousands of 
Israel, When the Lord brought again the captivity of cxxvli. 
Zion, we were like them that dream. The Lord hath vs. 3 
done great things for us, whereof we rejoice. They 
that sow in tears shall reap in joy. They went weep- vss. 5,6. 
ing and carried precious seed ; but they shall return 
with joy, and bring their sheaves. 

Do ye not now see the fruits of your labors, O all 
ye servants of the Lord that have suffered for his truth, 



"he professed that he could never Annals, i. 229 ; Troubles at Frank- 
yet see a Bible well translated in fort, p. 192; Barlow's Sum and 
Eno-lish ; but the worst of all his Substance of the Conference at 
Majesty thought the Geneva to be." Hampton Court, p. 46; Strype's 
This opinion of the royal pedant Life of Abp. Parker, 205 ; Fuller's 
would not lower it in the estimation Ch. Hist. iii. 182, 247. 
of our fathers, who used it in Eng- • This elevation of spirit was a 
land and Holland, and brought it considerable time after the first pen- 
with them to this country. King ning of these writings, but here en- 
James's version, which was first tered because of the suitableness of 
printed in 1611, had hardly got into the matter going before it. — Mor- 
common use in England when they ion's Note. 
came over in 1620. See Strype's 



IQ INTRODUCTION. 

INTR. and have been faithful witnesses of the same ? And 
ye httle handful amongst the rest, the least amongst 
the thousands of Israel ? You have not had a seed- 
time, but many of you have seen a joyful harvest. 
O Should ye not then rejoice, yea, again rejoice, and 
xix.7;2. ^^7' Hallelujah ! salvation, and glory, and honor, and 
power, be to the Lord our God ; for true and righteous 
are his judgments. 

But thou wilt ask. What is the matter ? What is 

done ? — Why, art thou a stranger in Israel, that thou 

shouldst not know what is done ? Are not those 

2 Sam. Jebusites overcome, that have vexed the people of 

V. 6. ^ . 

Israel so long, even holding Jerusalem even until Da- 
vid's days, and been as thorns in their sides for many 
ages, and now began to scorn that not any David 
should meddle with them ; they began to fortify their 
tower, as that of the old Babylonians. But these proud 
Anakims are now thrown down, and their glory laid in 
the dust. The tyrannous bishops are ejected, their 
courts dissolved, their canons forceless, their service- 
books cashiered, their ceremonies useless and despised, 
their plots for Popery prevented, and all their super- 
stitions discarded, and returned to Rome, from whence 
they came ; and the monuments of idolatry rooted out 
of the land, and the proud and profane supporters and 
cruel defenders of these, as bloody papists, wicked 
atheists, and their malignant consorts, marvellously 
overthrown. And are not these great things ? Who 
can deny it ? 

But who hath done it ? Even he that sitteth on the 
Rer. white horse, who is called Faithful and True, and 

xii. 11. 

judgeth and fighteth righteously, whose garments are 
vs. 13. dipped in blood, and his name was called The Word 



INTRODUCTION. 17 

of God ; for he shall rule them with a rod of iron ; for intr. 
it is he that treadeth the wine-press of the fierceness ^^ ^5 
and wrath of Almighty God ; and he hath upon his 
garment and upon his thigh a name written, The 
King of Kings and Lord of Lords. Hallelujah ! 

See how this holy man's spirit was elevated and his 
heart raised up in praising of the Lord in consideration 
of the downfall of the proud prelacy ; as he and many 
more of the saints had good reason, who felt the smart 
of their bitter and cruel tyranny ; who are, indeed, a 
limb of Antichrist. And if the generality of the saints 
had been thus sensible of this great and marvellous 
work of God, possibly that proud hierarchy had not 
got up so soon again as they have done, soon after this 
good man's departure out of this world.* Nevertheless, 
we doubt not but that God will bring them down in 
his good time. For undoubtedly all those that will 
not that the Lord Jesus should reign over them, but 
instead thereof exercise an usurped lordly power over 
the poor saints of God, shall be brought and slain 
before him, and (without repentance) shall, together 
with the beast and false prophet, be thrown into the ^f^^^'ao. 
lake burning with fire and brimstone. When Babylon 
cometh into remembrance before God, then shall the 
saints with the angel say. Thou art just and holy, ^v^-^^ 
because thou hast judged these things ; for they, (viz. 
the whore of Rome and the prelates, their adherents,) 
have shed the blood of the saints. Give them blood vs. e. 
to drink ; for they are worthy. 



* Gov. Bradford died May 9, 1657. Charles II. was restored and 
Episcopacy reestablished in 1660. 

3 



13 INTRODUCTION. 

INTR. The exordium being concluded, I shall come more 

^ nearer my intended purpose, viz. in reference unto the 

Church of Christ at Plymouth in New England, first 

begun in Old England, and carried on in Holland and 

at Plymouth aforesaid. 



CHAPTER I. 



OF THE FIRST BEGINNINGS OF THIS CHURCH AND PEOPLE. 

When, by the travail and diligence of some godly chap 
and zealous preachers, and God's blessing on their _^__ 
labors, as in other places of the land, so in the north impru 
parts, many became enlightened by the word of God, 
and had their ignorance and sins discovered by the 
word of God's grace, and began, by his grace, to re- 
form their lives and make conscience of their ways, 
the work of God was no sooner manifest in them, but 
presently they were both scoffed and scorned by the 
profane multitude, and the ministers urged with the 
yoke of subscription,^ or else must be silenced ; and 
the poor people were so urged with apparitors and 
pursuivants and the Commission Courts,^ as truly their 

' Subscription to the book of com- persons, twelve of whom were 

mon prayer, the rites and ceremo- bishops, many more privy counsel- 

nies, and all the thiity-nine articles, lors, and the rest clergymen or civi- 

See Fuller, iii. 68 ; Prince, p. 99. Hans. Its spirit and mode of pro- 

^ This was the celebrated Court ceeding seem to have been derived 

of High Commission, so called be- from the Spanish Inquisition. The 

cause it claimed a larger jurisdic- commissioners were empowered and 

lion and higher powers than the directed to inquire of all heret- 

ordinary courts of the bishops ; its ical opinions, to punish all persons 

jurisdiction extended over the whole absent from church, to visit and 

kingdom. It was provided for by reform all errors, heresies, and 

the Act of Supremacy, passed in schisms, to deprive all persons of 

1559, but did not go into full opera- ecclesiastical livings who main- 

tion till 1584. It was an ecclesias- tained any doctrine contrary to the 

tical court, consisting of forty-four thirty-nine articles, to examine all 



20 ORIGIN OF THE PILGRIMS. 

CHAP, affliction was not small. Which, notwithstanding, 
-^ — -^ they bare sundry years with much patience, until they 
were occasioned, by the continuance and increase of 
these troubles, and other means which the Lord raised 
up in those days, to see further into these ^ things by 
the light of the word of God ; how that ^ not only 
those base beggarly ceremonies were unlawful, but 
also that the lordly, tyrannous power of the prelates 
ought not to be submitted to, which those contrary to 
the freedom of the Gospel would load and burthen 
men's consciences with, and by their compulsive power 
make a profane mixture of persons and things in the 
worship of God ; and that their offices and callings, 
courts and canons, &c. were unlawful and antichrist- 
ian, being such as have no warrant in the word of 
God, but the same that were used in Popery, and still 
retained ; of which a famous author thus writeth in 
his Dutch commentaries : — 
16 3. a ^t the coming; of Kinor James out of Scotland into 

April. 

England,^ the new king," saith he, " found there estab- 

suspected persons on their oaths, Neal's Puritans, i. 84, 274, 285 ; 

and to punish the refractory by ex- Hallara, i. 271. 
communication, fine, or imprison- ' I have inserted the words these 

ment, according to their discretion, and that from Prince, who quotes 

They had full authority to com- this passage from Bradford's MS. 

mand all sheriffs, justices, and other See his Annals, p. 100. 
officers to apprehend and bring be- ^ At the famous Conference at 

fore them all persons that they Hampton Court, held Jan. 14, 1604, 

should see fit. Pursuivants or mes- James declared, "I will none of 

sengers were sent to the houses of that liberty as to ceremonies ; I will 

suspected persons with a citation have one doctrine and one disci- 

for them to appear before the com- pline, one religion in substance and 

missioners, when they were re- ceremony. — I shall make them 

quired to answer upon oath to a [the Puritans] conform themselves, 

series of interrogatories, which as or I will harry them out of the land, 

Lord Burleigh said, were " so curi- or else do worse. — If any would not 

ously penned, so full of branches be quiet, and show his obedience, 

and circumstances, as he thought he were worthy to be hanged." — 

the inquisitors of Spain used not so In his speech at the opening of his 

many questions to trap their preys." first parliament, March 19, 1604, 

See Strype's Annals, iii. 180; he " professed that the sect of Puri- 



THEY FORM A SEPARATE CHURCH. 



21 



lished the reformed religion, according to the reformed chap. 

rehgion of King Edward the Sixth, retaining or keep 

ing still the spiritual state of the bishops, &c. after the 
old manner, much varying and differing from the Re- 
formed Churches of Scotland, France, and the Nether- 
lands, Emden, Geneva, &c., whose Reformation is 
cut or shapen much nearer the first churches, as it 
was used in the Apostles' times." ^ 

So many therefore of these professors as saw the 
evil of these things, in these parts, and whose hearts 
the Lord had touched with heavenly zeal for his truth, 
they shook off this yoke of antichristian bondage, and, 
as the Lord's free people, joined themselves, (by a 1602. 
covenant of the Lord,) into a church estate, in the fel- 
lowship of the Gospel, to walk in all his ways, made 
known, or to be made known unto them, according to 
their best endeavours, whatsoever it should cost them.^ 



tans or Novelists was not to be suf- 
fered in any well governed common- 
wealth." In a private letter writ- 
ten about the same lime, he said, 
" I had rather live like a hermit in 
the forest, than be king over such a 
people as the pack of Puritans that 
overrules the lower house." He 
had previously written to his son in 
the Basilicon Doron, " Take heed, 
my son, to such Puritans, very pests 
in the church and commonwealth. 
I protest before the great God, that 
ye shall never find with any High- 
land or Border thieves greater in- 
gratitude and more lies and vile 
perjuries than with these fanatic 
spirits." Barlow's Sum and Sub- 
stance, pp. 71, 83, U2 ; Calderwood, 
Hist. Ch. Scotland, p. 478 ; Hallam, 
i. 419. 

In conformity with these views, 
on the 5th of March, 1004, he issued 
a proclamation, that the same reli- 
gion, with common prayer, and 
episcopal jurisdiction, shall fully 
and only be publicly exercised, in 



all respects, as in the reign of Queen 
Elizabeth, without hope of tolera- 
tion of any other; and on the 6th of 
July he issued another proclamation 
in which he ordered the Puritan 
ministers either to conform before 
the last of November, or dispose of 
themselves and families some other 
way ; as being men unfit, for their 
obstinacy and contempt, to occupy 
such places. The consequence of 
this was, that before November of 
the next year more than three 
hundred ministers were ejected, 
silenced, or suspended, some of 
whom were imprisoned, and others 
driven into exile. Prince, pp. 107, 
108, 110 ; Neal's Puritans, i. 433. 

' The Reformed Churches shapen 
much nearer the primitive pattern 
than England ; fur they cashiered 
the bishops, with their courts, can- 
ons and ceremonies at the first, and 
left them amongst the Popish trash, 
to which they appertain. — Morton's 
Note. 

' Prince says, " Governor Brad- 



Z^Z, JOHN ROBINSON'S CHURCH. 

CHAP. And that it cost them much pains, trouble, sorrow, 

affliction, and persecution, and expense of their estates, 

&c. this ensuing history will declare.^ 
16 6. These people became two distinct bodies or churches, 
in regard of distance of place, and did congregate sever- 
ally, for they were of several towns and villages, some 
in Nottinghamshire, some in Lincolnshire,^ and some 
of Yorkshire, where they bordered nearest together. 
In the one of these churches, besides others of note, 
was Mr. John Smith,^ a man of able gifts, and a good 
preacher, who afterwards was chosen their pastor. 
But these afterwards falling into some errors in the 
Low Countries, there for the most part buried them- 
selves and their names. 

But in this other church, which must be the subject 
of our discourse, besides other worthy men, was Mr. 
Richard Clifton, a grave and reverend preacher, who 
by his pains and dihgence had done much good, and 

ford's History takes no notice of the correct reading, as Lincolnshire 
the year of this federal incorpora- borders both on Nottinghamshire 
tion ; but Mr. Secretary Morton, in and Yorkshire, whilst Lancashire 
his Memorial, places it in 1602. does not. Besides, Prince was re- 
And I suppose he had the account markable for his accuracy, and is 
either from some other writings of less likely to have made a mistake 
Gov. Bradford, the Journals of Gov. in deciphering and copying a word 
Winslow, or from oral conference than Morton. He tells us, " In the 
with them, or other of the first passages relating to the Plymouth 
planters ; with some of whom planters, I chiefly use Gov. Brad- 
he was contemporary, and from ford's manuscript History of that 
whence, he tells us, he received Church and Colony, in folio ; who 
his intelligence." Annals, p. 100. was with them from their beginning 

^ " These seem to be some of the to the end of his Narrative, which 

first in England that were brave is now before me, and was never 

enough to improve the liberty published." Annals, p. 99. 
wherewith the divine author of our ° Some account of Smith, Clifton, 

religion has made us free, and and Robinson, is contained in Gov. 

observe his institutions as their only Bradford's Dialogue, in a subse- 

rule in church order, discipline, and quent part of this volume; where 

worship." Prince, p. 100. will also be found a more extended 

* I have substituted Lincolnshire memoir of Elder Brewster, also 

for Lancashire, on the authority of written by Gov. Bradford. 
Prince. This is most likely to be 



THE PILGRIMS PERSECUTED. 23 

under God had been a means of the conversion of chap. 
many ; and also that famous and worthy man, Mr. — ^~ 
John Robinson, who afterwards was their pastor for I6O6. 
many years, until the Lord took him away by death ; 
and also Mr. William Brewster, a reverend man, who 
afterwards was chosen an elder of the church, and 
lived with them until old age and death. 

But, after these things, they could not long continue 
in any peaceable manner, but were hunted and perse- 
cuted on every side, so as their former afflictions were 
but as molehills to mountains in comparison to these 
which now came upon them. For some were taken 
and clapped up in prisons, others had their houses beset 
and watched night and day, and hardly escaped their 
hands ; and the most were fain to fly and leave their 
houses and habitations, and the means of their liveli- 
hood. Yet these, and many other sharper things which 
afterward befell them, were no other than they looked 
for, and therefore were the better prepared to bear them 
by the assistance of God's grace and spirit. Yet seeing 
themselves thus molested, and that there was no hope 
of their continuance there, by a joint consent they 
resolved to go into the Low Countries, where they 
heard was freedom of religion for all men,^ as also how 

* After the introduction of the Amsterdam as " a common harbour 

Reformed religion into the Low of all opinions, of all heresies." 

Countries in 1573, the utmost reli- Baylie, in his Dissuasive, p. 8, calls 

gious freedom was allowed, all sects Holland "a cage for unclean birds." 

were tolerated, and an asylum was Owen Felltham, in his amusing 

opened for fugitives from persecu- description of the Low Countries, 

tion from every land. See Grotius, says that "all strange religions 

Annals, p. 41 ; Brandt, i. 308 ; Stra- flock thither." Johnson, in his 

da, i. 457. This honorable pecu- Wonderworking Providence, ch. 15, 

liarity has often been made an exclaims, "Ye Dutch, come out 

occasion of reproach against the of your hodge-podge : the great 

country. Thus Bishop Hall, in his mingle mangle of religion among 

letter to Smith and Robinson, you hath caused the churches of 

Decade iii. Epist. 1, speaks of Christ to increase so little with you. 



24 



THEY RESOLVE TO FLY INTO HOLLAND. 



CHAP, sundry from London and other parts of the land, that 
-^J^ had been exiled and persecuted for the same cause, 
were gone thither, and lived at Amsterdam,^ and in 
other places of the land. 
16 7. So after they had continued together about a year, 
and kept their meetings every Sabbath in one place or 
another, exercising the worship of God amongst them- 
selves,- notwithstanding all the diligence and malice 
of their adversaries, they seeing they could no longer 
continue in that condition, they resolved to get over 
into Holland, as they could, which was in the year 
1607 and 1608 ; of which more in that which fol- 
low eth. 



standing at a stay like com among 
weeds." Beaumont and Fletcher, 
in their play, The Fair Maid of the 
Inn, introduce one of their charac- 
ters as saying, 

" I am a schoolmaster, Sir, and would fain 
Confer vvitli you about erecting fuur 
New sects of religion at Amsterdam." 

And Andrew Marvell, in his" Char- 
acter of Holland," writes. 

" Sure when religion did itself embark. 

And from the east would westward steer 
its ark, 

It struck ; and splitting on this unknown 
ground. 

Each one tlience pillnged the first piece he 
found. 

Hence Amsterdam, Turk, Christian, Pa- 
gan, Jew, 

Staple ol sects, and mint of schism, grew ; 

That bank of conscience, where not one so 
strange 

Opinion, but finds credit and exchange. 

In vain for catholics ourselves we bear; 

The universal church is only there." 

^ The English church at Am- 
sterdam was that of which Francis 
Johnson was pastor and Henry 
Ainsworth teacher, and which had 
been originally set up at London, 
in 1592, and soon afterwards re- 
moved to Holland. It came very 
near being torn in pieces at first by 
intestine divisions, but afterwards 



flourished under a succession of 
pastors for more than a century. 
In 1596 they published a " Confes- 
sion of Faith of certain English 
people living in exile in the Low 
Countries," which was reprinted in 
1604, in " An Apology or Defence 
of such true Christians as are com- 
monly, but unjustly, called Brown- 
ists." This work has sometimes 
been confounded with John Robin- 
son's " Just and Necessary Apology 
of cerlaia Christians not less con- 
tumeliously than commonly called 
Brownsits or Barrowists," which 
was first published in 1619. Some 
account of Johnson and Ainsworth 
is contained in Bradford's Dialogue, 
in a subsequent part of this volume. 
See Brandt's History of the Refor- 
mation in the Low Countries, i. 479; 
Neal'sPuiitans,i. 363, 386; Prince, 
p. 303. Baylie's Dissuasive, p. 15. 
^ In Gov. Bradford's Memoir of 
Elder Brewster, it is stated that 
" they ordinarily met at his (Brew- 
ster's) house on the Lord's Day, 
which was within a manor of the 
bishop's ; and with great love he 
entertained them when they came, 
making provision for them to his 
great charge, and continued to do so 
while they could stay in England." 



II. 



CHAPTER II. 

OF THEIR DEPARTURE INTO HOLLAND, AND THEIR TROUBLES 

THEREABOUT, WITH SOME OF THE MANY DIFFICULTIES 

THEY POUND AND MET WITHAL. 

Being thus constrained to leave their native country, chap. 
their lands and livings, and all their friends and familiar 
acquaintance, it was much, and thought marvellous by 
many. But to go into a country they knew not, but 
by hearsay, where they must learn a new language, 
and get their livings they knew not how, it being a 
dear place, and subject to the miseries of war,^ it was 
by many thought an adventure almost desperate, a case 
intolerable, and a misery worse than death ; especially 
seeing they were not acquainted with trades nor traffic, 
(by which the country doth subsist,) but had only been 

* The Netherlands have, in every ence. The best account of this 

age, from the earliest times down war will be found in the contem- 

to the last great conflict at Water- porary historians, Bentivoglio, Delia 

loo, been the battle-ground of Eu- Guerra di Fiandra, parte iii. lib. 

rope. Bishop Hall says in one of viii. Strada, de Bello Belgico, and 

his epistles, " It were pity that your Grotius, Annales et Historias de 

Holland should be still the amphi- Rebus Belgicis. See also Brandt's 

theatre of the world, on whose History of the Reformation in the 

scaffolds all other nations should Low Countries, Sir William Tem- 

sit, and see variety of bloody shows, pie's Observations upon the United 

not without pity and horror." At Provinces of the Netherlands, Wat- 

this lime Spain was waging that son's History of the Reign of Philip 

dreadful war with her revolted H. and HI. and Grattau's History 

snbjects of the United Provinces, of the Netherlands, in Lardner's 

which terminated in their independ- Cyclopedia. 

4 



26 THE FIRST ATTEMPT PREVENTED. 

CHAP, used to a plain country life and the innocent trade of 

^ -— . husbandry. But these things did not dismay them, 

(although they did sometimes trouble them,) for their 
desires were set on the ways of God, and to enjoy his 
ordinances. But they rested on his providence, and 
knew whom they had believed. Yet this was not all. 
For although they could not stay, yet were they not 
suffered to go ; but the ports and havens were shut 
against them, so as they were fain to seek secret means 
of conveyance, and to fee the mariners, and give extra- 
ordinary rates for their passages. And yet were they 
oftentimes betrayed, many of them, and both they and 
their goods intercepted and surprised, and thereby put 
to great trouble and charge ; of which I will give an 
instance or two, and omit the rest. 
16 7. There was a great company of them purposed to get 
passage at Boston, in Lincolnshire ; and for that end 
had hired a ship wholly to themselves, and made agree- 
ment with the master to be ready at a certain day, and. 
take them and their goods in at a convenient place, 
where they accordingly would all attend in readiness. 
So after long waiting and large expenses, though he 
kept not the day with them, yet he came at length, 
and took them in, in the night. And when he had 
them and their goods aboard, he betrayed them, having 
beforehand complotted with the searchers and other 
officers so to do ; who took them and put them into open 
boats, and there rifled and ransacked them, searching 
them to their shirts for money, yea, even the women, 
further than became modesty ; and then carried them 
back into the town, and made them a spectacle and 
wonderment to the multitude, which came flocking on 
all sides to behold them. Being thus by the catchpole 



THE PILGRIMS IMPRISONED. 



27 



officers rifled and stripped of their money, books, and chap. 

much other goods, they were presented to the magis 

trates, and messengers sent to inform the Lords of 
the Council of them ; and so they were committed to 
ward. Indeed, the magistrates used them courteously, 
and showed them what favor they could ; but could 
not deliver them until order came from the Council 
table. But the issue was, that after a month's im- 
prisonment the greatest part were dimissed, and sent 
to the places from whence they came ; but seven ' of 
the principal men^ were still kept in prison, and 
bound over to the assizes.^ 

The next spring after, there was another attempt leos. 
made, by some of these and others, to get over at 
another place ; and it so fell out that they lighted of a 
Dutchman at Hull, having a ship of his own belonging 



' The word in the MS. is some; 
but I have no doubt that seven was 
the original reading. Hutchinson, 
who quotes this passage at length 
from Bradford's History, reads it 
seven ; and it will be seen by the 
next note that Morton himself, co- 
pying another manuscript of Gov. 
Bradford alluding to this same af- 
fair, mentions " the seven." The 
word /nen I have also restored from 
Hutchinson. See his History, ii. 
450. 

' Gov. Bradford says, in the me- 
moir already referred toon page 24, 
that Elder Brewster " was the chief 
of those that were taken at Boston, 
in Lincolnshire, and suffered the 
greatest loss, and one of tlie seven 
that were kept longest in prison, 
and after bound over to the assizes." 
The books that were in the boats 
probably belonged to him, as we 
know that he had a considerable 
library, which he broright over with 
him to Plymouth. A catalogue of 
them is contained in his inventory, 
in the Records of the Old Colony. 



The whole number of volumes was 
275, of which 64 were in the learned 
languages. They were valued at 
jC43. See Morton's Memorial, p. 
221, and Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. 117. 
Cotton Mather, in his Life of 
Gov. Bradford in the Magnalia, i. 
102, states that he was one of those 
that were taken and imprisoned at 
Boston. He adds that " Mr. Brad- 
ford being a young man of about 
eighteen, was dismissed sooner 
than the rest, so that within a 
while he had opportunity with some 
others to get over to Zealand, 
through perils both by land and sea 
not inconsiderable ; where he was 
not long ashore ere a viper seized 
on his hand, that is, an officer, who 
carried him unto the magistrates, 
unto whom an envious passenger 
had accused him as having fled out 
of England. When the magistrates 
understood the true cause of his 
coming thither, they were well 
satisfied with him ; and so he re- 
paired joyfully unto his brethren at 
Amsterdam." 



28 THE SECOND EMBARKATION. 

CHAP, to Zealand. They made agreement with him, and 
._^J^ acquainted him with their condition, hoping to find 
16 OS. more faithfulness in him than in the former, of their 
own nation. He bade them not fear ; for he would do 
well enough. He was by appointment to take them in 
between Grimsby ^ and Hull, where was a large com- 
mon, a good way distant from any town. Now against 
the prefixed time, the women and children, with the 
goods, were sent to the place in a small bark, which 
they had hired for that end, and the men were to meet 
them by land. But it so fell out that they were there a 
day before the ship came ; and the sea being rough, and 
the women very sick, prevailed with the seamen to put 
into a creek hard by, where they lay on ground at low 
water. The next morning the ship came ; but they 
were fast, and could not stir until about noon. In the 
mean time, the shipmaster, perceiving how the matter 
was, sent his boat to be getting the men aboard, whom 
he saw walkincr about the shore. But after the first 
boat-full was got aboard, and she was ready to go for 
more, the master espied a great company, both horse 
and foot, witli bills and guns and other weapons ; for 
the country was raised to take them. The Dutchman 
seeing that, swore his country's oath, (" sacrament ") 
and having tlie wind fair, weighed his anchor, hoisted 
sails, and away. 

But the poor men which were got on board were in 
great distress for their wives and children, which they 
saw thus to be taken, and were left destitute of their 
helps, and themselves also not having a cloth to shift 

' Grimsby is a sea-port town in foreign trade. See Camden's Bri- 

Lincolnshire, near the mouth of the tannia, p. 471, and Britton's Topo- 

Humber. Itwas once rich and pop- graphical Description of the County 

ulcus, and carried on a considerable of Lincoln, p. 689. 



A STORM AT SEA. 29 

them with, more than they had on their backs, and chap. 
some scarce a penny about them, all they had being ___. 
on board the bark. It drew tears from their eyes, and 1 6 o 8. 
any thing they had they would have given to have 
been on shore again. But all in vain ; there was no 
remedy ; they must thus sadly part ; and afterwards 
endured a fearful storm at sea, being fourteen days or 
more before they arrived at their port ; in seven whereof 
they neither saw sun, moon, nor stars, and were driven 
to the coast of Norway ; the mariners themselves often 
despairing of life, and once with shrieks and cries gave 
over all, as if the ship had been foundered in the sea, 
and they sinking without recovery. But when man's 
hope and help wholly failed, the Lord's power and 
mercy appeared for their recovery ; for the ship rose 
again, and gave the mariners courage again to manage 
her ; and if modesty' would suffer me, I might declare 
with what fervent prayers they cried unto the Lord in 
this great distress, especially some of them, even with- 
out any great distraction. When the water ran into 
their very ears and mouths, and the mariners cried out, 
" We sink, we sink," they cried, if not with miracu- 
lous, yet with a great height of divine faith, " Yet, 
Lord, thou canst save ; yet, Lord, thou canst save : " 
with such other expressions as T will forbear. Upon 
which the ship did not only recover, but shortly after 
the violence of the storm began to abate, and the Lord 
filled their afflicted minds with such comforts as every 
one cannot understand, and in the end brought them 
to their desired haven ; where the people came flock- 

* From this expression, as well ford himself was in the vessel, 
as from the whole passage, there The description is that of an eye- 
can hardly be a doubt that Brad- witness. 



30 



ARRIVAL IN HOLLAND. 



160 8. 



ing, admiring their deliverance, the storm having been 
so long and sore, in which much hurt had been done, 
as the master's friends had related unto him in their 
congratulations.^ 

But to return to the others where we left. The rest 
of the men that were in the greatest danger made shift 
to escape away before the troop could surprise them, 
those only staying that best might, to be assistant to 
the women. But pitiful it was to see the heavy case 
of these poor women in this distress ; what weeping 
and crying on every side ; some for their husbands that 



' Cotton Mather, in the Magna- 
lia, i. 10 1, 103, records this and the 
previous attempt to escape from 
England ; but he perversely trans- 
poses their chronological order ; the 
effect of which is to make it appear 
that Bradford was imprisoned in 
Boston after he had escaped to 
Holland. He did not derive his in- 
formation from Bradford's original 
manuscript but from this copy 
of it in the records of Plymouth 
church, which he cursorily exam- 
ined when on his visits to his uncle, 
John Cotton, the minister of that 
church. 

Mather did not know how to use 
his valuable materials, and took no 
pains to ascertain his facts or verify 
his statements. One instance of 
his utter disregard of accuracy, even 
when it could be easily attained, 
will suffice. In his Life of his 
father. Increase Mather, he states, 
p. 24, that he married the only 
daughter of John Cotton ; whilst in 
the Magnalia, i. 260, he asserts that 
Cotton had three daughters, two of 
whom were married. One would 
have thought that he might have 
taken the trouble to find the exact 
truth about such a simple fact as 
tbis, relating to bis own motber. 
And yet Cotton Mather is univer- 
sally cited by Europeans, as well 
as bv our own countrymen, who 



undertake to write our history, not 
only as an authority, but as the 
highest authority. This has been 
the case from Neal and Robertson 
downwards. De Tocqueville, whose 
selection of authorities is in all 
other respects singularly judicious, 
puts the Magnalia at the head, 
calling it "the most valuable and 
important document on the history 
of New England ; " and Grahame, 
whose excellent History of the 
United States evinces great dis- 
crimination, calls it " the most con- 
siderable of the early historical 
works, and the most interesting 
performance that the literature of 
New England has ever produced. 
The biographical portions, in par- 
ticular," he adds, " possess the 
highest excellence, and are supe- 
rior in dignity and interest to the 
compositions of Plutarch." It is 
quite time that it was generally 
understood that Cotton Mather is 
not to be relied upon as an authority 
for any fact, unsupported by other 
evidence. Mr. Savage, the learned 
editor of Winthrop's Journal, states 
the simple truth when he says, that 
" Cotton Mather has published more 
errors of carelessness than any other 
writer on the history of New Eng- 
land." De Tocqueville, Democracy 
in America, p. 424 , Grahame, i. 
415 ; Savage's Winthrop, ii. 24. 



THE WOMEN LEFT BEHIND. 31 

were carried away in the ship, as it was before related ; chap. 

others not knowing what should become of them and 

their little ones ; others melted in tears, seeing their 16O8. 
poor little ones hanging about them, crying for fear and 
quaking with cold. Being thus apprehended, they 
were hurried from one place to another, and from one 
justice to another, until, in the end, they knew not 
what to do with them. For to imprison so many wo- 
men and innocent children for no other cause, many 
of them, but that they would ^ go with their husbands, 
seemed to be unreasonable, and all would cry out of 
them ; and to send them home again was as difficult, 
for they alleged (as the truth was) they had no homes 
to go to, for they had sold or otherwise disposed of 
their houses and livings. To be short, after they had 
been thus turmoiled a good while,' and conveyed from 
one constable to another, they were glad to be rid of 
them in the end upon any terms, for all were wearied 
and tired with them ; though, in the mean time, the 
poor souls endured misery enough ; and thus in the 
end necessity forced a way for them. 

But that I be not tedious in these things, I will omit 
the rest, although I might relate other notable passages 
and troubles which they endured and underwent in 
these their wanderings and travels, both at land and 
sea.^ But I haste to other things. Yet I may not 
omit the fruit that came hereby. For by these so 

^ I have here substituted ivould, fit to preserve the particulars of 

which Hutchinson gives as the read- these perils and sufferings of his 

ing of Bradford's MS. for must, brethren. Could he have foreseen 

which is in Morton's copy. There the deep interest which, two hun- 

can be no doubt as to which is the dred years afterwards, would be 

true reading. felt in every thing relating to these 

* It is much to be regretted that poor exiles, he would not have failed 

the worthy Governor did not see to record the minutest occurrences 



32 RESULT OF THE PERSECUTION. 

CHAP, public troubles in so many eminent places ^ their cause 
— became famous, and occasioned many to look into the 
16 8. same ; and their godly carriage and christian behaviour 
was such as left a deep impression in the minds of 
many. And though some few shrunk at those first 
conflicts and sharp beginnings, (as it was no marvel,) 
yet many more came on with fresh courage, and 
greatly animated others ; and in the end, notwith- 
standing all these storms of opposition, they all got 
over at length, some at one time and some at another, 
and met together again, according to their desires, 
with no small rejoicing. 

in their history. But these humble cutions. They were not aware 

and modest men did not suppose that they were to be the germs of a 

that posterity would be solicitous to great empire, 

know about their trials and perse- ' Boston, Hull, and Grimsby. 



CHAPTER III. 



OF THEIR SETTLING IN HOLLAND, AND THEIR MANNER OF 
LIVING AND ENTERTAINMENT THERE. 



Being now come into the Low Countries, they saw chap. 
many goodly and fortified cities, strongly walled, and ^J^ 
guarded with troops of armed men. Also they heard leos. 
a strange and uncouth language, and beheld the differ- 
ent manners and customs of the people, with their 
strange fashions and attires ; all so far differing from 
that of their plain country villages, wherein they were 
bred and born and had so long lived, as it seemed 
they were come into a new world. But those were 
not the things they much looked on, or long took up 
their thoughts ; for they had other work in hand, and 
another kind of war to wage and maintain. For 
though they saw fair and beautiful cities, flowing with 
abundance of all sorts of wealth and riches, yet it was 
not long before they saw the grim and griseled ^ face 
of poverty coming on them like an armed man, with 
whom they must buckle and encounter, and from 
whom they could not fly. But they were armed with 
faith and patience against him and all his encounters ; 

* Griseled, for grisly —frightful, hideous. 
5 



34 THE PILGRIMS IN AMSTERDAM. 

CHAP, and though they were sometimes foiled, yet by God's 
^^ — -w- assistance they prevailed and got the victory. 
16 08. jNj'ow when Mr. Robinson, Mr. Brewster, and other 
principal members were come over, (for they were of 
the last, and stayed to help the weakest over before 
them,) such things were thought on as were necessary 
for their settling and best ordering of the church affairs. 
And when they had lived at Amsterdam about a year, 
Mr. Robinson, their pastor, and some others of best 
discerning, seeing how Mr. John Smith and his com- 
pany was already fallen into contention with the church 
that was there before them, and no means they could 
use would do any good to cure the same ; and also 
that the flames of contention were like to break out in 
that ancient church itself, (as afterwards lamentably 
came to pass) ; which things they prudently foreseeing, 
thought it was best to remove before they were any 
way engaged with the same ; ^ though they well knew 
it would be much to the prejudice of their outward 



^ Neal, Hist, of New England, i. from page 22, only a short time 

76, falls into an error when he before Robinson. The contention 

speaks of " the flames of contention was not among the members of 

having broken out in Mr. Smith's Smith's congregation, but between 

church." Belknap, Amer. Biog. his church and "the church that 

ii. 157, follows it when he says, was there before them," " that an- 

" these people (Smith and his con- dent church," namely Johnson's, 

gregation) fell into controversy, and mentioned in the note on page 24. 

were soon scattered ; " and Francis Baylie, in his Dissuasive, p. 16, 

Baylies, Memoir of Plymouth, i. 11, Hornius, Hist. Eccles. p. 232, and 

repeats it when he says, " some dis- Neal, Hist. Puritans, i. 437, err in 

sensions happening amongst them, saying that Smith set up his church 

(Smith's people) the church was at Leyden ; whereas it was to avoid 

dissolved." This error arises from him and his company that Robinson 

their not being aware of, or not removed to that city. Cotton, in 

attending to, the fact of the exist- his Way of Cong. Churches, p. 7, 

ence of another congregation of says, " I understand by such as 

Separatists at Amsterdam, which lived in those parts at that time, 

had been established many years Smith lived at Amsterdam, and 

before Smith settled there ; who there died, and at Leyden in Hol- 

went over to Holland, as appears land he never came." 



REMOVAL TO LEYDEN. 



35 



estate, both at present and, in likelihood, in the fu- chap. 

tare ; as indeed it proved to be. L 

For these and some other reasons they removed to igo9. 
Leyden,^ a fair and beautiful city, and of a sweet situ- 
ation, but made more famous by the university where- 
with it is adorned, in which of late it had been by so 
many learned men ; ^ but wanting that traffic by sea 
which Amsterdam enjoyed, it was not so beneficial for 
their outward means of living and estates. But being 
now here pitched, they fell to such trades and employ- 
ments ^ as they best could, valuing peace and their 
spiritual comfort above any other riches whatsoever ; 
and at length they came to raise a competent and com- 
fortable living, and with hard and continual labor. 
Being thus settled, after many difficulties, they con- 
tinued many years in a comfortable condition, enjoying 
much sweet and delightful society and spiritual comfort 
together, in the ways of God, under the able ministry 



* " By several passages in Gov, 
Bradford's manuscript it seems as 
if they began to remove to Leyden 
at the end of 1608. Prince, p. 120. 
The distance from Amsterdam to 
Leyden is about 22 miles. 

^ The university of Leyden wss 
established in 1575, llie year after 
the memorable siege of that place. 
The Prince of Orange, wishing to 
reward the citizens for their con- 
stancy and valor, gave them the 
choice of two privileges — either 
an exemption from taxes, or a uni- 
versity ; they chose the latter. It 
has been at times one of the most 
celebrated in Europe ; and from its 
reputation the city itself was called 
the Athens of the West, and the 
North Star of Holland. Among 
its distinguished professors and 
scholars were Arminius, Episco- 
pius, Grotius, Lipsius, Junius, Vos- 
sius, Descartes, Scaliger, Salma- 



sius, and Booerhave. See Grotius, 
Annals, p. 200 ; Brandt, i. 312. 

' Cotton Mather, in his Life of 
Gov. Bradford, in the Magnalia, i. 
102, speaks of^ " the difficulties to 
which Bradford, when in Holland, 
stooped in learning and serving of 
a Frenchman at the working of 
silks; " and Belknap in his Amer. 
Biog. ii. 218, says that Bradford, 
" being under age, put himself as 
an apprentice to a French Protest- 
ant, who taught him the art of silk- 
dying." Neither of them, how- 
ever, refers to any authority for 
their statements. Brewster be- 
came a printer, as will be seen 
hereafter in Bradford's memoir of 
him. Many of the first colonists 
at Plymouth were weavers, from 
Yorkshire and Nottinghamshire, 
and brought over their looms with 
them. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 
171. 



36 INCREASE OF THE CHURCH. 

CHAP, and prudent government of Mr. John Robinson and 

. -^ Mr. William Brewster, who was an assistant unto him 

1 6 9 in the place of an elder, unto which he was now called 
16 17. and chosen by the church ; so as they grew in know- 
ledge and other gifts and graces of the spirit of God ; 
and lived together in peace, and love, and holiness. 
And many came unto them from divers parts of Eng- 
land, so as they grew a great congregation.^ And if 
at any time any differences did arise or offences broke 
out, (as it cannot be but that sometimes there will, 
even amongst the best of men), they were ever so 
met with and nipped in the head betimes, or otherwise 
so well composed, as still love, peace, and communion 
was continued, or else the church purged of those 
that were incurable and incorrigible, when, after 
much patience used, no other means would serve ; 
which seldom comes to pass. 

Yea, such was the mutual love and reciprocal respect 
that this worthy man had to his flock, and his flock to 
him, that it might be said of them, as it was once said^ 
of that famous emperor, Marcus Aurelius, and the peo- 
ple of Rome, that it was hard to judge whether he de- 
hghted more in having such a people, or they in having 

' It is impossible to ascertain the 100 arrived at Plymouth in the May- 
exact number of Robinson's congre- flower in 1620 ; 36 came in the For- 
gation ; yet we may approximate to tune, in 1621 ; 60 in tiie Anne, in 
it. Gov. Bradford tells us, in his 1623; 35, with their families, in the 
Dialogue, that in Johnson's church, Mayflower, in 1629; and 60 in 1630 
" at Amsterdam, there were about in the Handmaid; — making in all 
three hundred communicants; and more than 300, including the " fami- 
for the church of Leyden, they were lies." We have the names of those 
sometimes not much fewer in num- who came in the first three ships ; 
her." Edward Winslow says, in and also a list of the persons in the 
his Brief Narration, that " the dif- Colony in May, 1627. See Prince, 
ference of number was not great " pp. 261 and 343 ; Morton's Memo- 
between those who remained at rial, p. 381 ; Winthrop's Journal, i. 
Leyden and those who embarked for 37, 378. 

America. Now we know that 120 ^ Golden Book, &c. — Morton'' s 

set sail from England in the May- Note. 
flower and Speedwell. Of these 



JOHN ROBINSON'S CHARACTER. 37 

such a pastor. His love was great towards them, and chap. 
his care was always bent for their best good, both for 
soul and body. For, besides his singular abihties in 
divine things, wherein he excelled, he was able also to 
give direction in civil affairs,^ and to foresee dangers 
and inconveniences ; by which means he was very 
helpful to their outward estates ; and so was every 
way as a common father unto them. And none did 
more offend him than those that were close and cleav- 
ing to themselves, and retired from the common good ; 
as also such as would be stiff and rigid in matters of 
outward order, and inveigh against the evils of others, 
and yet be remiss in themselves, and not so careful to 
express a virtuous conversation. They, in like manner, 
had ever a reverent regard unto him, and had him in 
precious estimation, as his worth and wisdom did de- 
serve ; and although they esteemed him highly whilst 
he lived and labored amongst them, yet much more 
after his death,^ when they came to feel the want of 
his help, and saw by woful experience what a treasure 
they had lost, to the grief of their hearts and wounding 
of their souls ; yea, such a loss as they saw could not 

^ It has been the practice of of Mayhew, Chauncy, and Cooper, 
the Independent or Congregational before and during the Revohition, 
clergy, both in Old and New Eng- will never be forgotten. The Con- 
land, from the earliest times, to gregational clergy were found, at 
take an interest and part in public that time, almost to a man, on the 
affairs. The prominent and efficient side of their country's independ- 
agency which they exercised in the ence ; and they have ever been the 
infancy of our colonial settlements earnest and consistent advocates of 
is well known ; Cotton, Hooker, and " liberty with order." See Hutch- 
Davenport shared at least an equal inson's Mass. i. 34, 419; Trum- 
power with Winthrop, Haynes, and bull's Connecticut, i. 91, 99; Bacon's 
Eaton in moulding the civil polity and Kingsley's Hist. Discourses at 
of Massachusetts and Connecticut. New Haven ; Tudor's Life of Otis, 
The services of Increase Mather in pp. 140-15.5. 

obtaining the second charter of ^ Mr. Robinson died at Leyden, 

Massachusetts are recorded in her March 1st, 1625. He was about 

history ; and the patriotic exertions 50 years old. Prince, p. 237. 



38 THE PILGRIMS LIVE IN PEACE. 

CHAP, be repaired ; for it was hard for them to find such 

.^ .-L another leader and feeder in all respects, as the Tabo- 

16 09 rites to find another Ziska.^ And although they did 
1 6*1 7. not call themselves orphans, as the other did, after his 
death, yet they had cause as much to lament, in an- 
other regard, their present condition and after usage. 
But to return. I know not but it may be spoken 
to the honor of God, and without prejudice to any, that 
such was the humble zeal and fervent love of this 
people (whilst they thus lived together) towards God 
and his ways, and the single-heartedness and sincere 
affection one towards another, that they came as near 
the primitive pattern of the first churches as any other 
church of these latter times have done, according to 
their rank and quality. But seeing it is not my pur- 
pose to treat of the several passages that befell this 
people whilst they thus lived in the Loav Countries, 
(which might worthily require a large treatise of itself,) 
but to manifest something of their beginning and after 
progress in New England, which I principally scope 
and aim at ; yet, because some of their adversaries did, 
upon the rumor of their removal, cast out slanders 
against them, as if that State had been weary of them, 
and had rather driven them out, (as the heathen histo- 

' The burning of John Huss and sion to the Mount of Transfijjura- 

Jerome of Prague by order of the tion, on which the Apostle Peter 

Council of Constance, in 1415 and wished to build tabernacles. Here 

1416, caused great indignation and they founded a city, to which also 

excitement in IBohemia, their native they gave the name of Tabor, and 

country, which led to an open in- from it were themselves called 

surrection. The insurgents took Taborites. After the death of Ziska 

up arms, and under the command in 1424, his followers were incon- 

of John Ziska, retired to a moun- solable, and considering themselves 

tain ten miles from Prague, to deprived of a parent and protector, 

which they gave the name of called themselves Orphans. See 

Mount Tabor, from the tent which Gieseler's Eccles. Hist. iii. 359, and 

they erected there for the celebra- Encyc. Amer. articles Ziska and 

tion of the communion, and in allu- Huss. 



THEIR CREDIT WITH THE DUTCH. 39 

ries did feisn of Moses and the Israelites when they chap 

. . III. 
went out of Egypt,) ^ than it was their own free 

choice and motion, I will therefore mention a par- 
ticular or two to show the contrary, and that good 
acceptation they had in the place. 

And first, although it was low with many of them, 
yet their word would be taken amongst the Dutch 
when they wanted money, because they had found by 
experience how careful they were to keep their word,^ 
and saw them so painful and dihgent in their callings, 
that they strove to get their custom, and to employ 
them above others in their work, for their honesty 
and diligence. 

Again ; the magistrates of the city, about the time 
of their coming away, or a little before, in the public 1 6 1 9. 
place of justice, gave this commendable testimony of 
them, in reproof of the Walloons,^ who were of the 
French church in the city. " These English," said 
they, " have lived amongst us now this twelve years, 
and yet we never had any suit or accusation come 

' It was a viiltjar slander against deep despair, Moses, one of their 

the Jews, that they were expelled number," &c. Josephus vindicates 

from Egypt on account of their his countrymen from the same 

having the leprosy. Tacitus says charge, as alleged by Manetho, 

" A pestilential disease, disfiguring Chaeremon, and Lysimachus. See 

the race of men, and making the Tacitus, Hist. lib. v. 3, with the 

body an object of loathsome de- comments of Brotier and Oberlin, 

formity, spread all over Egypt, and Josephus against Apion, lib. 1. 

Bocchoris, at that time the reigning 26-35. 

monarch, consulted the oracle of ^ A great honor to the Gospel. — 
Jupiter Hammon, and received for Morton^s Note. 
answer that the kingdom must be ^ The Walloons are the inhabit- 
purified, by exterminating the in- ants of the southern part of Bei- 
fected multitude, as a race of men gium, bordering on France. Their 
detested by the gods. After dili- language is a dialect differing from 
gent search, the wretched sufferers the French and (ierman, as well 
were collected together, and in a as the Flemish, and is said to re- 
wild and barren desert abandoned semble the old French of the thir- 
to their misery. In that distress, teentii century. See G rattan's Hist, 
while the vulgar herd was sunk in of the Netherlands, p. 1 . 



40 



THK ARMINIAN CONTROVERSY. 



CHAP, against any of ^ them. 
are continual," &c. 



But your strifes and quarrels 



16 12 



In these times, also, were the great troubles raised 
by the Arminians ; ^ who, as they greatly molested the 
whole State, so this city in particular, in which was the 
chief university ; so as there were daily and hot disputes 
in the schools thereabouts. And as the students and 
other learned were divided in their opinions herein, 
so were the two professors or divinity readers them- 
selves, the one daily teaching for it, and the other 
against it ; which grew to that pass, that few of the 
disciples of the one would hear the other teach. But 
Mr. Robinson, although he taught thrice a week him- 
self and wrote sundry books,^ besides, his manifold 
pains otherwise, yet he went constantly to hear their 



' The words any of are inserted 
from Hutchinson, ii. 454. Morton 
himself has it so in the Memorial, 
p. 21. 

^ The fullest and best account 
of Arniinianism, which Cotton Ma- 
ther, (Magnalia, i. 46,) spitefully 
calls " that grand choke- weed of 
true Christianity," is contained in 
Brandt's History of the Reformation 
in the Low Countries. James Armi- 
iiius, (Hermann), born atOudewater 
in South Holland, in 1560, after hav- 
ing: been fifteen years a minister at 
Amsterdam, was chosen professor 
ot divinity at Leyden in 1603, and 
died Oct. 9, 1609, in his 49th year. 
The best Life of him is by Brandt. 
See also his Life by Nichols; 
Brandt's Hist. Ref. ii. 25-63 ; and 
Bayle, Diet. Hist, et Crit. 

^ The following are the titles of 
the books which Robinson pub- 
lished after his arrival in Holland, 
and before the embarkation of the 
Pilgrims for America. 1. A Jus- 
tification of Separation from the 
Church of England ; against Mr. 



Richard Bernard his invective, in- 
tituled the Separatists' Scheme. 
By John Robinson. 1610. 2. Of 
Religious Communion, private and 
public. With the silencing of the 
clamors raised by Mr. Thomas 
Helwisse against our retaining the 
baptism received in England, and 
administering of baptism unto in- 
fants. As also a survey of the 
confession of faith published in 
certain Conclusions by the remain- 
ders of Mr. Smith's company. By 
John Robinson. 1614. 3. Apolo- 
gia Justa et Necessaria quorundam 
Christianorum, aequo contumeliose 
ac communiter dictorum Brownis- 
tarum sive Barrowistarum. Per 
Johannem Robinsonum, Anglo- 
Leidensem, suo et ecclesiae nomine, 
cui prsefigitur. 1619. This work 
was translated into English, and 
printed in 1644. The place where 
these books were printed is not 
mentioned on the title-page of either 
of them. It probably was Leyden, 
and Elder Brewster may have been 
the printer. 



ROBINSON DISPUTES WITH EPISCOPIUS. 41 

readings, and heard as well one as the other. By chap. 

which means he was so well grounded in the contro- L. 

versy, and saw the force of all their arguments, and 
knew the shifts of the adversary ; and being himself 
very able, none was fitter to buckle with them than 
himself, as appeared by sundry disputes ; so as he 
l^egan to be terrible to the Arminians ; which made 
Episcopius,^ the Arminian professor, to put forth his 
best strength, and set out sundry theses, which by leis. 
public dispute he would defend against all men. Now 
Polyander,^ the other professor, and the chief preach- 
ers of the city, desired Mr. Robinson to dispute against 
him. But he was loth, being a stranger. Yet the 
other did importune him, and told him that such was 
the ability and nimbleness of wit of the adversary, 
that the truth would suffer if he did not help them ; 
so as he condescended, and prepared himself against 
the time. And when the time came, the Lord did so 
help him to defend the truth and foil his adversary, as 
he put him to an apparent nonplus in this great and 
public audience. And the like he did two or three 
times upon such like occasions ; the which, as it 
caused many to praise God that the truth had so 
famous a victory, so it procured him much honor and 
respect from those learned men and others which 
loved the truth.^ 

' Simon Episcopius (Bisschop) tion, says, " Our pastor, Mr. Robin- 

and John Polyander were chosen son, in the time when Arminianism 

professors of divinity in the univer- prevailed so much, at the request of 

sity at Leyden in 1612. See Brandt, the most orthodox divines, as Poly- 

ii. Ill ; Limborch's Historia Vitaj ander, Festus Hommius, &c. dis- 

Simonis Episcopii, p. 41 ; Calder's puted daily against Episcopius (in 

Memoirs of Episcopius, p. 128, and the Academy at Leyden) and others, 

Bayle, Diet. Hist, et Crit. the grand champions of that error, 

'^ Winslow, in his Brief Narra- and had as good respect amongst 



42 



THE DUTCH ESTEEM THE PILGRIMS. 



CHAP. Yea, so far were they from being weary of him and 
.^-.-i^ his people, or desiring their absence, as that it was 
1608 said by some, of no mean note, that were it not for 
16 20. giving offence to the State of England,^ they would 
have preferred him otherwise, if he would, and allow- 
ed them some public favor. Yea, when there was 
speech of their removal into these parts, sundry of 
note and eminency of that nation would have had 
them come under them ; and for that end made them 
large offers.^ 

Now although I might allege many particulars and 
examples of the like kind to show the untruth and 
unlikelihood of this slander, yet these shall suffice, 



them as any of their own divines." 
I find, however, no acconnt of this 
disputation in Brandt or in any of 
the biographers of Episcopius. Yet 
John Hoornbeek, a professor at 
Leyden, says in his Summa Contro- 
versiarum Religionis, p. 741, (pub- 
lislied in 1658,) " Vir ille (Johannes 
Robinsonus) gratus nostris, dam 
vixit, fuit, et theologis Leidensibus 
familiaris ac honoratus. Scripsit 
preeterea varia contra Arminianos : 
frequens quippe et acer erat Epis- 
copii in Academia adversarius et 
opponens." Belknap judiciously 
remarks concerning this disputa- 
tion, "It is usual, on such occa- 
sions, for the partisans on both 
sides to claim the victory for their 
respective champions. Whether it 
were so at this time cannot be de- 
termined, as we have no account 
of the controversy from the Ar- 
minian party." Amer. Biog. ii, 
160. 

' King James at this time exer- 
cised an unwarrantable influence in 
the Low Countries, both in civil 
and ecclesiastical affairs. He drove 
Vorstius from his professorship at 



Leyden for his heresies, and labored 
to procure his banishment ; and 
prevented Ames from being elected 
to the same office. He seems to 
have kept an ambassador at the 
Hague chiefly to inform him of the 
progress of the theological disputes 
in that country. See Winwood's 
Memorials, iii. 293-6, 304, 310, 
357. Sir Dudley Carleton's Letters, 
pp. 352, 373, 388, 435 ; Brandt, 
ii. 85, 97. 

^ Henry Hudson, in the employ- 
ment of the Dutch East India Com- 
pany, discovered the river called by 
his name, in 1609. On this ground 
the Dutch claimed the adjoining 
territory ; a few huts were erected 
at New York and Albany in 1613 
and 1615 ; but no colony was set- 
tled in the New Netherlands till 
1623. The Dutch West India Com- 
pany was incorporated in 1621 for 
this object ; but individuals had for 
some years before been meditating 
colonization on the Hudson ; and 
the offers to the Pilgrims probably 
came from them. See Hazard's 
State Papers, i. 121. 



THE PILGRIMS IN HOLLAND. 



43 



seeing it was believed of few, being only raised by chap 
the malice of some who labored their disgrace.^ L 



' The Entjlish separatists in Hol- 
land attracted the notice of Cardinal 
Bentivoglio, who was the papal 
nuncio in that country from 1G07 to 
1616, though he misunderstood the 
cause of their leaving England, 
supposing it to be commerce, and 
not religion. He says, " I Puritani 
ancora vi son tolerati, che sono i 
pill purl e pi\l rigidi Calvinisti, i 
quali non vogliono riconoscere au- 
torita alcuna ne' magistrati politici 
sopra il governo de' loro ministri 
heretic! ; e sono quasi tutti de' 



16 08 

Puritani d' Inghilterra, che per 
occasion di commercio frequentan 1 " '^ "• 
rOlIanda, e le altre Provincie Unite. 
— I Puritani Inglesi sono in Am- 
sterdam quasi tutti per Tistesso 
rispetto ; e se ne trattengono alcuni 
medesimamente per occasione di 
mercantia nella citta di Midelburgo 
in Zelanda. Per ogni parte dunque, 
e da tutti gli angoli, si puo dire, 
delle Provincie Unite, s'odono i 
latrati, e gli urli di tanti infetti loro 
settarii." Relazione di Fiandra, 
parte ii. cap. ii. 



CHAPTER IV. 



SHOWING THE REASONS AND CAUSES OP THEIR REMOVAL. 

CHAP. After they had Hved in this city about eleven or 
-__ twelve years, (which is the more observable, being the 
16 9 whole time of that famous truce between that State 
1620. and the Spaniards,)^ and sundry of them were taken 
away by death, and many others began to be well 
stricken in years, the grave mistress experience having 
taught them many things, these prudent governors, 
with sundry of the sagest members, began both deeply 
16 17. to apprehend their present dangers and wisely to fore- 
see the future, and think of timely remedy. In the 
agitation of their thoughts and much discourse of par- 
ticulars hereabout, they began to incline to this con- 
clusion of removal to some other place ; not out of any 
newfangledness, or other such like giddy humor, by 
which men are many times transported, to their great 
hurt and danger, but for sundry weighty and solid 



' After the war had been raging See Bentivoglio, Delia Guerra di 

for more than thirty years between Fiandra, parte iii. lib. viii., Opere 

Spain and the United Provinces, Storiche, iv. 564 ; Grotius, p. 542, 

by the mediation of Henry IV. of 569 ; Brandt, ii. 54 ; Watson's 

France and James I. of England, Philip III. p. 275 ; Grattan's Neth- 

a truce of twelve years was con- erlands, p. 226. 
eluded on the 9th of April, 1609. 



THE PILGRIMS PROPOSE TO LEAVE HOLLAND. 45 

reasons, the chief of which I will here recite and chap. 

IV. 

briefly touch. 

1 . And first, they found and saw by experience 1 6 1 7. 
the hardness of the place and country to be such, as 
few in comparison would come to them, and fewer 
that would bide it out and continue with them. For 
many that came to them, and many more that desired 
to be with them, could not endure the great labor 
and hard fare, with other inconveniences, which they 
underwent and were contented with. But though 
they loved their persons, and approved their cause, and 
honored their sufferings, yet they left them as it were 
weeping, as Orpah did her mother-in-law Naomi, or ^"h: 
as those Romans did Cato in Utica, who desired to 
be excused and borne with, though they could not all 
be Catos.^ For many, though they desired to enjoy 
the ordinances of God in their purity, and the liberty 
of the Gospel with them, yet, alas, they admitted of 
bondage, with danger of conscience, rather than to 
endure these hardships ; yea, some preferred and 
chose prisons in England rather than this liberty in 
Holland, with these afflictions. But it was thought, 
that if a better and easier place of living could be 
had, it would draw many and take away these discour- 
agements ; yea, their pastor would often say, that 
many of those that both writ and preached now 
against them, if they were in a place where they 
might have liberty, and live comfortably, they would 
then practise as they did. 

' Plutarch says, in his Life of him to trust them and make use of 

Cato the Younger, that the three their services ; but as they were no 

hundred Roman citizens who were Catos, and had not Cato's dignity 

with him in Utica, intending to of mind, they hoped he would pity 

send messengers to Ca;sar to in- their weakness." 
tercede in their behalf, " implored 



46 THE REASONS FOR REMOVAL. 

CHAP. 2. They saw, that although the people generally 
V-.-— L bore all their difficulties very cheerfully and with a 
16 17. resolute courage, being in the best of their strength, 
yet old age began to come on some of them ; ^ and 
their great and continual labors, with other crosses 
and sorrows, hastened it before the time ; so as it was 
not only probably thought, but apparently seen, that 
within a few years more they were in danger to scat- 
ter by necessity pressing them, or sink under their 
burdens, or both ; and therefore, according to the 
P[°^g divine proverb, that " a wise man seeth the plague 
when it cometh, and hideth himself," so they, hke 
skilful and beaten soldiers, were fearful either to be 
entrapped or surrounded by their enemies, so as they 
should neither be able to fight nor fly ; and therefore 
thought it better to dislodge betimes to some place of 
better advantage and less danger, if any could be found. 
3. As necessity was a taskmaster over them, so they 
were forced to be such not only to their servants, but 
in a sort to their dearest children ; the which, as it did 
a little wound tlie tender hearts of many a loving father 
and mother, so it produced also many sad and sorrow- 
ful effects. For many of their children, that were of 
best dispositions and gracious inclinations, having 
learned to bear the yoke in their youth, and willing 
to bear part of their parents' burden, were oftentimes 
so oppressed with their heavy labors, that although 
their minds were free and wilhng, yet their bodies 
bowed under the weight of the same, and became 
decrepit in their early youth ; the vigor of nature be- 



* We know the age of but few of Brewster was 56 years old, Robin- 
the Pilgrims. Carver was probably son 45, Bradford 32, Edward Wins- 
one of the oldest. In 1620 Elder low 26, and John Rowland 28. 



THE REASONS FOR REMOVAL. 47 

ing consumed in the very bud, as it were. But that chap. 
which was more lamentable, and of all sorrows most — L^ 
heavy to be borne, was that many of their children, by 1 6 1 7. 
these occasions, and the great licentiousness of youth 
in the country, and the manifold temptations of the 
place, were drawn away by evil examples unto extra- 
vagant and dangerous courses, getting the reins on 
their necks, and departing from their parents. Some 
became soldiers, others took them upon far voyages 
by sea, and other some worse courses tending to disso- 
luteness and the danger of their souls, to the great 
grief of their parents and dishonor of God ; so that 
they saw their posterity would be in danger to degen- 
erate and be corrupted. 

4. Lastly, (and which was not the least,) a great 
hope and inward zeal they had of laying some good 
foundation, or at least to make some way thereunto, 
for the propagating and advancing the Gospel of the 
kingdom of Christ in these remote parts of the world ; 
yea, though they should be but as stepping-stones 
unto others for performing of so great a work. 

These, and some other like reasons,^ moved them 

' Edward Winslow, in his Brief days from their sports or tlieir or- 
Narration, mentions three other dinary work ; and the English di- 
reasons ; first, their desire to live vines took notice of the great scan- 
under the protection of England dal which the neglect of the Lord's 
and to retain the language and the Day at Dort gave them, exhorting 
name of Englishmen ; second, the Synod to interfere with the 
their inability to give their child- magistrates for preventing the open- 
ren such an education as they had ing of shops and the exercise 
themselves received ; and third, of trade on Sundays. Sir Dudley 
their grief at the profanation of Carleton, too, waiting from the 
the sabbath in Holland. This vi- Hague July 22, 1619, says, " It 
olation of the sabbath attracted the falls out in these towns of Holland, 
attention of the Synod of Dort, that Sunday, which is elsewhere 
which assembled in 1618. The the day of rest, proves the day of 
Dutch ministers acknowledged the labor, for they never knew yet 
great difficulty they met with in how fo observe the sabbath." See 
withdrawing the people on Sun- Brandt, iii. 28, 290 ; Hales's Letters 



48 



THEY TURN THEIR EYES TO AMERICA. 



CHAP, to undertake this resolution of their removal, the which 

IV 

^-^-L. they afterward prosecuted with so great difficulties ; 

16 17. as by the sequel will appear. 

The place they had thoughts on were some of those 
unpeopled countries of America, which are fruitful and 
fit for habitation, being devoid of all civil inhabitants, 
where there are only salvage and brutish people, which 
range up and down little otherwise than the wild 
beasts. This proposition being made pubhc, and com- 
ing to the scanning of all, it raised many variable 
opinions amongst men, and caused many fears and 
doubts amongst themselves. Some, from their reasons 
and hopes conceived, labored to stir up and encourage 
the rest to undertake and prosecute the same ; others, 
again, out of their fears, objected against it, and 



from the Synod of Dort, p. 8. 
(Glasgow, 1765) ; Carleton's Let- 
ters, p. 380. 

These reasons for their removal, 
as stated by Bradford and Wins- 
low, are sufficient, and are to be 
received as the true and sole rea- 
sons. Yet Douglass, in his Sum- 
mary, i. 369, says, " Being of un- 
steady temper, they resolved to re- 
move to some remote country in 
some wilderness, — as recluses." 
Chalmers, in his Political Annals, 
p. 85, says, " After twelve years' 
unmolested residence they became 
mihappy in their situation, because 
they foresaw the destruction of their 
society in the toleration they en- 
joyed ; and determined to seek new 
adventures in America. — Contin- 
uing unhappy in a country where 
they were obscure and unpersecut- 
ed," &c. Robertson, in his History 
of America, book x. says, "They re- 
sided at Leyden for several years un- 
molested and obscure. But as their 
church received no increase, either 
by recruits from England or by 
proselytes gained in the country, 
they began to be afraid that all 



their high attainments in spiritual 
knowledge would be lost, if they 
remained longer in a strange land." 
And Burke, in his account of the 
European Settlements in America, 
says that " though in a country of 
the greatest religious freedom in 
the world, they did not find them- 
selves better satisfied than they 
had been in England. They were 
tolerated indeed, but watched ; 
their zeal began to have dangerous 
languors for want of opposition ; 
and being without power or conse- 
quence, they grew tired of the in- 
dolent security of their sanctuary." 
These sneers are as contemptible 
as they are unjust. It is to be re- 
gretted that any respectable writer 
in this country should have incau- 
tiously given currency to such 
misrepresentations. Chief Justice 
Marshall perceived and corrected 
the error into which he had been 
led by following such unworthy 
authorities. Compare his Life of 
Washington, i. 90, (first ed.) with 
his History of the American Colo- 
nies, p. 78. 



REASONS AGAINST REMOVAL. 49 

sought to divert from it, alleging many things, and chap. 
those neither unreasonable nor unprobable ; as that it -— .-^ 
was a great design, and subject to many inconceivable 16 1 7. 
perils and dangers ; as, besides the casualties of the 
seas, (which none can be freed from,) the length of the 
voyage was such as the weak bodies of men and wo- 
men and such other persons, worn out with age and 
travail, (as many of them were,) could never be able 
to endure ; and yet if they should, the miseries of the 
land which they should be exposed unto would be too 
hard to be borne, and likely, some or all of them, to 
consume and utterly to ruinate them.^ For there they 
should be liable to famine, and nakedness, and the 
want, in a manner, of all things. The changing of 
the air, fiiet, and drinking of water would infect their 
bodies with sore sicknesses ; and all those which should 
escape or overcome these difficulties should yet be in 
continual danger of the salvage people, who are cruel, 
barbarous, and treacherous, being most furious in 
their rage and merciless where they overcome, not 
being content only to kill and take away life, but de- 
light to torment men in most bloody manner that may 
be, flaying men alive with the shells of fishes, cutting 
off the joints and members of others by piecemeals, 
and broiling them on the coals, and causing men to 
eat the collops of their flesh in their sight whilst they 
live ; with other cruelties horrible to be related. And 
surely it could not be thought but the hearing of these 
things could not but move the bowels of men to grate 

' " Immensus ultra, utque sic Italia relictti, Germaniam peteret, 

dixerim, adversus oceanus raris ab iiifonuem terris, asperain ccelo, tris- 

orbe nostro navibus aditur? Quis tcm cultu aspectuque, nisi si patria 

porro, praeter periculum horridi et sit?-" Tacitus, Germania, ii. 
ignoti maris, Asia, aut Africa aut 

7 



50 THE OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. 

CHAP, within them, and make the weak to quake and trem- 
^— .-L. ble. It was further objected, that it would require 
16 17. greater sums of money to furnish such a voyage and 
to fit them with necessaries, than their estates would 
amount to. And yet they must all as well look to be 
seconded with supplies, as presently to be transported. 
Also, the like precedents of ill success and lamentable 
miseries befallen others in the like designs,^ were easy 
to be found, and not forgotten to be alleged ; besides 
their own experience in their former troubles and hard- 
ships in their removal into Holland, and how hard a 
thing it was for them to live in that strange place, 
although it was a neighbour country, and a civil and 
rich commonwealth. 

It was answered, that all great and honorable ac- 
tions were accompanied with great difficulties, and 
must be both enterprised and overcome with answera- 
ble courages. It was granted the dangers were great, 
but not desperate, and the difficulties were many, 
but not invincible ; for although there were many of 
them likely, yet they were not certain. It might be 
that some of the things feared might never befall them ; 
others, by providence, care, and the use of good means, 
might in a great measure be prevented ; and all of 
them through the help of God, by fortitude and pa- 
tience, might either be borne or overcome. True it 
was that such attempts were not to be made and 
undertaken but upon good ground and reason, not 
rashly or lightly, as many have done for curiosity or 

^ The entire failure of the plan- serve to discourage them from emi- 

tation at Sagadahoc, near the grating to America. See Gorges's 

mouth of the Kennebec, in 1607, Brief Narrative, in Mass. Hist, 

which was abandoned in less than Coll. xxvi. 54 — 56, and William- 

a year, and the slow progress of the son's History of Maine, i. 197 — 

Virginia settlements, might well 203. 



THE PILGRIMS RESOLVE TO EMIGRATE. 51 

hope of gain, &c. But their condition was not ordi- chap. 

nary. Their ends were good and honorable, their 

calling lawful and urgent, and therefore they might I6i7. 
expect a blessing of God in their proceeding ; yea, 
although they should lose their lives in this action, yet 
they might have comfort in the same ; and their en- 
deavours would be honorable. They lived here but 
as men in exile and in a poor condition ; and as great 
miseries might possibly befall them in this place ; for 
the twelve years of truce were now out,^ and there 
was nothing but beating of drums and preparing for 
war, the events whereof are always uncertain. The 
Spaniard might prove as cruel as the salvages of 
America, and the famine and pestilence are sore 
here as there, and liberty less to look out for remedy. 
After many other particular things answered and 
alleged on both sides, it was fully concluded by the 
major part to put this design in execution, and to 
prosecute it by the best means they could. 

^ The twelve years' truce, con- 1621, v.'hen the war was renewed, 
eluded April 9, 1609, expired in See Note on page 44. 



CHAPTER V. 



SHOWING WHAT MEANS THEY USED FOR PREPARATION TO 
THIS WEIGHTY VOYAGE. 



1617, 



And first, after their humble prayers unto God for 
his direction and assistance, and a general conference 
held thereabouts, they consulted what particular place 
to pitch upon and prepare for. Some, and none of 
the meanest, had thoughts and were earnest for Guia- 
na,^ or some of those fertile places in those hot cli- 



' Sir Walter Raleigh published 
in 1596 his " Discovery of Guiana," 
which he calls a mighty, rich and 
beautiful empire, directly east from 
Peru, towards the sea, lying under 
the equinoctial line. Its capital was 
"that great and golden city which 
the Spaniards call El Dorado, and 
the natives Manoa, and for great- 
ness, riches, and excellent seat it far 
exceedeth any of the world." Hav- 
ing, in 1.595, sailed up the Orinoco 
400 miles in quest of it, he says, 
"On both sides of this river we 
passed the most beautiful country 
that ever mine eyes beheld ; plains 
of twenty miles in length, the grass 
short and green, and in divers parts 
groves of trees by themselves, as 
if they had been by all the art and 
labor of the world so made of pur- 
pose ; and still as we rowed, the 
deer came down feeding by the 



water's side, as if they had been 
used to a keeper's call. — I never 
saw a more beautiful country, nor 
more lively prospects, hills so rais- 
ed here and there over the val- 
leys, the river winding into di- 
vers branches, the plains adjoining 
without bush or stubble, all fair 
green grass, the deer crossing in 
every path, the birds towards the 
evening singing on every tree with 
a thousand several tunes, the air 
fresh, with a gentle easterly wind ; 
and every stone that we stopped to 
take up promised either gold or 
silver by his complexion. — For 
health, good air, pleasure, and 
riches, I am resolved it cannot be 
equalled by any region either in the 
east or west." See Raleigh's 
Works, viii. 381, 398, 427, 442, 
462. (Oxford ed.) 

Chapman, too, the translator of 



THEY TURN THEIR THOUGHTS TO GUIANA. 53 

mates. Others were for some parts of Virginia,^ where chap. 
the EngUsh had ah*eady made entrance and beginning. ^^.-^ 

Those for Guiana alleged that the country was rich, 1 6 1 7. 
fruitful, and blessed with a perpetual spring and a 
flourishing greenness ; where vigorous nature brought 
forth all things in abundance and plenty, without any 
great labor or art of man ; so as it must needs make 
the inhabitants rich, seeing less provision of clothing 
and other things would secure them than in more 
colder and less fruitful countries must be had. As 
also that the Spaniards, having much more than they 
could possess, had not yet planted there, nor any 
where very near the same.- 

But to this it was answered, that out of question 
the country was both fruitful and pleasant, and might 
yield riches and maintenance to the possessors more 
easily than to others ; yet, other things considered, it 
would not be so fit. And first, that such hot countries 
are subject to grievous diseases, and many noisome 
impediments, which other more temperate places are 
free from, and would not so w^ell agree with our Eng- 

Homer, in a poem on Guiana, writ- History of the United States, i. 
ten in 1595, thus celebrates the 39. 

country : ' Although England and Spain 

were now at peace, and had been 

„ . ^ ■ , - . , ,j since 1604, and so continued till the 

" G\iiana, whose rich feet are mines of gold, . ' „„, ^ ,, t-,i 

Whose forehead knocks against the roof of rupture in 1624, yet the I'llgrims, 

>=tars, from their long residence in Hol- 

Ptaiuls on her tiptoe at fair England looking, i i , . imhihpfl thp mtinml rP 
Kissing her liand, bowing her niishtv breast, ^^"^» "^°^ imDlDeC Uie national re- 
And every Sinn of all submission making, pUgnanCC of the Dutch to their 

To be the sister and the daughter both Spanish oppressors, a feeling which 

Of our most sacred maid." ' , . • j t i .^ 

was long retamed. In a letter writ- 
ten by the Plymouth colonists to 

See Tytler's Life of Raleigh, p. the Dutch on Hudson's river in 
164 ; and Oldys's Life in Raleigh's 1627, they speak of resisting "the 
Works, i. 215. pride of that confimon enemy, the 

' The successful colonization of Spaniards, from whose cruelty the 
Virginia commenced in 1607, at Lord keep us both, and our native 
Jamestown. See Stith's History countries." See Mass. Hist. Coll. 
of "Mrginia, p. 46 ; Grahame's iii. 51, 52. 



54 THEY CONCLUDE FOR VIRGINIA. 

CHAP, lisli bodies. Again, if they should there hve and do 

— .-L. well, the jealous Spaniard would never suffer them 

16 17. long, but would displant and overthrow them, as he 

15 65. did the French in Florida,^ who were settled further 

^2^*' ft'oni his richest countries ; and the sooner, because 

they should have none to protect them, and their own 

strength would be too small to resist so potent an 

enemy and so near a neighbour. 

On the other hand, for Virginia it was objected, 
that if they lived amongst the English which were 
there planted, or so near them as to be under their 
government, they should be in as great danger to be 
troubled and persecuted for their cause of religion ~ 
as if they lived in England, and it might be worse ; 
and if they lived too far off, they should neither have 
succour or defence from them. 

And at length the conclusion was, to live in a dis- 
tinct body by themselves, under the general govern- 
ment of Virginia ; ^ and by their friends to sue to His 



^ Seethe account of the massacre land, of 100 miles wide, along the 

of the Huguenots in Florida by the Atlantic coast of Ts'orth America, 

Spaniards, in Holmes's Annals, i. extending from the 34th to the 45th 

86. degree of north latitude — a terri- 

^ Virginia had been colonized by tory which then went under the 

persons belonging to the Church of common name of Virginia — be- 

England, and attached to its ceremo- tween two Companies, who were 

nies and institutions. In the orders to colonize it. The First or South- 

and instructions for the govern- ern Colony was granted to certain 

ment of the colony, issued by King knights, gentlemen, merchants, and 

James under his sign manual and the adventurers of London, who were 

privy seal of England, it was spe- to colonize between the 34th and 

cially enjoined that " the word and the 4Ist degrees. The Second, or 

service of God should be preached Northern Colony, was granted to 

and used according to the rites and persons of like description in Bris- 

doctrines of the Church of Eng- tol, Exeter, and Plymouth, who 

land." See Stith's Virginia, p. 37, were to plant between the 38th and 

and Chalmers's Annals, p. 15, the 45th degrees. Each Company 

' The Virginia Company was was to be under the government of 

established in 1606. On the 10th a council of thirteen, and neither of 

of April of that year, King James, them was to plant a colony within 

by letters patent, divided a strip of a hundred miles of a previous settle- 



AGENTS ARE SENT TO ENGLAND. 55 

Majesty that he would be pleased to grant them free lib- chap. 
erty, and freedom of religion. And that this may be ob- — .— - 
tained they were put in good hope by some great persons 1 6 1 7. 
of good rank and quahty that were made their friends.^ 
Whereupon two~ were chosen and sent into England, 
at the charge of the rest, to solicit this matter ; who 
found the Virginia Company very desirous to have them 
go thither,^ and willing to grant them a patent, with 
as ample privileges as they had or could grant to any, 
and to give them the best furtherance they could ; and 
some of the chief of the Company doubted not to ob- 
tain their suit of the king for liberty in religion, and to 
have it confirmed under the king's broad seal, according 
to their desires. But it proved a harder piece of work 
than they took it for. For although many means were 
used to bring it about, yet it could not be effected ; for 
there were divers of good worth labored with the king 

ment made by the other. The Se- Carver will be found in Belknap, ii. 

cond or Plymouth Company made 179, 267. 

the unsuccessful attempt in 1607 to ^ Sir Ferdinand© Gorges, one of 

establish a colony near the mouth the leaders of the Second or Ply- 

of the Kennebec. The First or mouth Company, says " Before the 

London Company was the one to unhappy controversy happened be- 

which the agents of the Pilgrims tween those of Virginia and myself, 

applied, and which seems at this they were forced, through the great 

time to have appropriated to itself charge they had been at, to hearken 

exclusively the title of the Virginia to any propositions that nright give 

Company. Douglass, i. 370, 395, ease and furtherance to so hopeful a 

Moulton, History of New York, business. To that purpose, it was 

p. 356, and Grahame, i. 188, err in referred to their considerations how 

saying that they obtained a grant of necessary it was that means might 

land or a promise of a patent, from be used to draw into those entei- 

the Plymouth Company. See the prises some of those families that 

Charter in Stith, App. p. 1, and in had retired themselves into Holland 

Hazard's State Papers, i. 50. for scruple of conscience, giving 

^ Among others, no doubt, Sir them such freedom and liberty as 

Edwin Sandys, Sir Robert Naun- might stand with their likings. This 

ton, and Sir John Wolstenholme, advice being hearkened unto, there 

as will hereafter be seen. were that undertook the putting it 

* Robert Cushrnan and John Car- in practice, and accordingly brought 

ver, as appears by the letter of Sir it to effect so far forth," &c. See 

Edwin Sandys on page 58. The Gorges, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 

little that is known of Cushrnan and 73. 



56 THE AGENTS RETURN UNSUCCESSFUL. 

CHAP, to obtain it, amongst whom was one ^ of his chief 

Secretaries ; and some other wrought with the Arch- 

1 G 1 8. bishop ^ to give way thereunto. But it proved all in 
vain. Yet thus far they prevailed in sounding His 
Majesty's mind, that he would connive at them, and not 
molest them, provided they carried themselves peacea- 
bly. But to allow or tolerate them by his public author- 
ity under his seal, they found it would not be granted.^ 
And this was all that the chief of the Virginia Company, 
or any other of their best friends, could do in the case. 
Yet they persuaded them to go on, for they presumed 
they should not be troubled.^ And with this answer 
the messengers returned, and signified what diligence 
had been used, and to what issue things were come. 
But this made a damp in the business, and caused 
some distraction. For many were afraid that if they 
should unsettle themselves, put off their estates, and 
go upon these hopes, it might prove dangerous, and but 

^ Winslow, in his Brief Narration, sworn a member of the Privy Coun- 

says that the agents " got Sir Ed- cil. See an account of him, not a 

win Sandys, a religious gentleman very favorable one, in Clarendon's 

then living, to stir in it, who pro- History of the Rebellion, book i. 

cured Sir Robert Naunton, then under the year 1633, in which he 

principal Secretary of State to King died. He was too mild and tolerant 

James, to move his Majesty." Sir for Clarendon. See also Wood's 

Robert Naunton was sworn the Athenee Oxon. i. 561, (ed. Bliss,) 

king's secretary. Jan. 8, 1618. He and Neal's Puritans, i. 564. 
was the author of " i^TOij'vnen^a Re- * The word granted I have re- 

galia ; Observations on the late stored from Prince, p. 148. 
Queen Elizabeth, her Times and Douglass, Summary, i. 369, and 

Favorites," "the fruit," as Fuller the authors of the Modern Universal 

says, " of his younger years." Bel- History err in saying that the Pil- 

knap, Am. Biog. ii. 170, and Bay- grims '' obtained an instrument from 

lies. Memoir of Plymouth Colony, James I. for the full exercise of their 

i. 16, err in calling him Norton, religion in any part of America." 
See Fuller's Worthies of England, * At the very time this negotiation 

ii. 336, (4to ed.) ; Birch's Memoirs was pending, King James issued a 

of Queen Elizabeth, i. 369. declaration, (May 24, 1618) in which 

^ The See of Canterbury was at he required the bishop of Lancashire 

this time filled by Dr. George Ab- to constrain all the Puritans within 

hot. He had been promoted to it his diocess to conform, or to leave 

from the bishopric of London, April the country. Prince, p. 147. 
9, 1611, and on the 23d of June was 



OTHER AGENTS ARE SENT. 67 

a sandy foundation. Yea, it was thought they might chap, 

better have presumed hereupon, without making any . i^ 

suit at all, than, having made it, to be thus rejected. I6I8. 
But some of the chiefest thought otherwise, and that 
they might well proceed hereupon, and that the King's 
Majesty was willing enough to suffer them without 
molestation, though for other reasons he would not 
confirm it by any public act ; and furthermore, if there 
was no security in this promise intimated, there would 
be no greater certainty in a further confirmation of 
the same. For if afterward there should be a pur- 
pose or desire to wrong them, though they had a seal 
as broad as the house -floor, it would not serve the 
turn, for there would be means enough found to re- 
call or reverse it. And seeing, therefore, the course 
is probable, they must rest herein on God's provi- 
dence, as they had done in other things. 

Upon this resolution, other messengers ^ were de- 1 6 1 9. 
spatched to end with the Virginia Company, as well as 
they could, and to procure a patent with as good and 
ample conditions as they might by any good means 
attain; as also to treat and conclude with such mer- 
chants and other friends as had manifested their for- 
wardness to provoke to and adventure in this voyage. 
For which end they had instructions given them upon 
what conditions they should proceed with them ; or 
else to conclude nothing without further advice. 
And here it will be requisite to insert a letter or two, 
that may give hght to these proceedings. 

'By Mr. Cushinan's letter from pajre 151. Judtre Davis follows 

London, of May 8, 1619, inserted on Prince in this error, in his valuable 

a following page, it appears that edition of Morton's Memorial, p. 

these messengers were Mr. Cash- 22. They were not despatched, it 

man himself and Mr. Brewster ; will be seen, till more than a year 

not Mr. Bradford, as Prince says, after the first agents were sent. 

8 




58 CORRESPONDENCE OP THE PILGRIMS 

A Copy of a Letter from Sir Edwin Sandys,^ directed to 
M\ John Robinson and Mr. William Brewster.^ 

After my hearty salutations, — The agents of your 
congregation, Robert Cushman and John Carver,^ have 
been in communication with divers select gentlemen 
of his Majesty's Council for Virginia ; and by the wri- 
ting of seven articles, subscribed '' with your names, 
have given them that good degree of satisfaction which 
hath carried them on with a resolution to set forward 
your desire in the best sort that may be for your own 
and the public good ; divers particulars whereof we 
leave to their faithful report, having carried themselves 
here with that good discretion as is both to their own 
and their credit from whom^ they came. And whereas, 
being to treat for a multitude of people, they have re- 
quested further time to confer with them that are to be 
interested in this action about the several particulars 
which in the prosecution thereof will fall out consider- 
able, it hath been very willingly assented unto ; and 
so they do now return unto you.*^ If therefore it may 

^ This name is spelt Sands in the length, which agree almost word 

MS., which Slilh says is " cer- for word with Bradford's History, 

tainly wrong." See the Appendix Compare Hubbard, pp. 44 — 50. 

to his History, p. 10, Note. ^ These were the agents that 

*This letter is contained in Hub- were first sent. See page 55. 

bard's History of New England, in •* The word subscribed is inserted, 

Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 46, but very from Prince, p. 142, and Hubbard, 

incorrectly transcribed. Prince says, p. 46. 

inhis Annals,pp. xxi. 232,that Hub- ^I substitute whom for tvJience, 
bard " had never seen Gov. Brad- on the authority of Prince, p. 142. 
ford's History." But this I think a ® From the expression, " they do 
mistake, since Hubbard relates the no%v return unto you," it is evident 
whole history of this negotiation that the agents must have returned 
with the Virginia Company, which to Leyden soon after this letter was 
is not contained in Morton's Memo- written, of which they were un- 
rial, and which he could have got doubtedly the bearers, that is be- 
only from Bradford's original MS., tween Nov. 12, the date of the let- 
or from Morton's copy of it in the ter, and Dec. 15, the date of Rob- 
records of the Plymouth Church, inson and Brewster's answer to it. 
He gives passages of considerable Of course Prince, p. 148, and Davis 



15. 



WITH THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 59 

please God so to direct your desires as that on your chap. 
parts there fall out no just impediments, I trust by the ^^J^ 
same direction it shall likewise appear that on our 1 6 1 7. 

^ ^ Nov. 

parts all forwardness to set you forward shall be found 12. 
in the best sort which with reason may be expected. 
And so I betake you with this design, (which 1 hope 
verily is the work of God,) to the gracious protection 
and blessinor of the Highest. 

Your very loving friend, 

Edwin Sandys.^ 
London, November 12, 1617. 

Their Answer was as followeth. 

Right Worshipful, 

Our humble duties remembered, in our own, our Dec 
messengers' and our church's name, with all thankful 
acknowledgment of your singular love, expressing it- 
self, as otherwise, so more especially in your great care 
and earnest endeavour of our good in this weighty 
business about Virginia, which the less able we are to 

on Morton, p. 22, cannot be correct was in 1621 committed by James 
in stating tliat they returned in to the Tower for his free speech. 
May, 1618. It appears from Rob- Anthony Wood says he was " a 
inson and Brewster's letter that C'ar- person of great judgment and of a 
ver was sent a second time to the commanding pen, a solid states- 
Council of Virginia, in Dec. 1017, man, ingenio et gravitate morum 
attended by "a gentleman of the insignis." He was the author of 
company." T/jese agents may have ^^ Europre. Speculum; or a View or 
returned to Leyden in May, 1618. Survey of the state of Religion in 
Cushman and IJrewster were after- the western part of the World," 
wards sent in Feb. 1619, and re- and of a metrical version of the 
turned late in the same year. Book of Job, the Psalms of David, 
' Sir Edwin Sandys was one of and other poetical parts of Holy 
the principal members of the Vir- Writ. He died in 1629, See 
ginia Company. He was the son Wood's Athena; Oxonienses, ii. 
of Archbishop Sandys, and a favo- 472, (ed. Bliss) ; Walton's Lives, 
rite pupil of the judicious Hooker, pp. 174, 178, 180, (Major's ed.) ; 
In Parliament, he was " a member Hume's England, vi. 39, 97, (Pick- 
of great authority," according to ering's ed.) ; Hallam's Const. Hist. 
Hume, and taking the popular side of England, i. 495 — 499. 



60 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS 

CHAP, requite, we shall think ourselves the more bound to 
.--J^ commend in our prayers unto God for recompense ; 
16 17. whom as for the present you rightly behold in our 
15.' endeavours, so shall we not be wanting on our parts, 
(the same God assisting us,) to return all answerable 
fruit and respect unto the labor of your love bestowed 
upon us. We have, with the best speed and consid- 
eration withal that we could, set down our requests in 
writing, subscribed, as you willed, with the hands of ^ 
the greatest part of our congregation, and have sent 
the same unto the Council ^ by our agent, a deacon 
of our church, John Carver, unto whom we have also 
requested a gentleman of our company to adjoin him- 
self; to the care and discretion of which two we do 
refer the prosecuting of the business. Now we per- 
suade ourselves, right worshipful, that we need not to 
provoke your godly and loving mind to any further 
or more tender care of us, since you have pleased so 
far to interest us in yourself, that, under God, above 
all persons and things in the world we rely upon you, 
expecting the care of your love, the counsel of your 
wisdom, and the help and countenance of your author- 
ity. Notwithstanding, for your encouragement in the 
work so far as probabilities may lead, we will not for- 
bear to mention these instances of inducement. 

1. We verily believe and trust the Lord is with us, 
unto whom and whose service we have given our- 
selves in many trials, and that he will graciously 
prosper our endeavours according to the simpHcity of 
our hearts therein. 

2. We are well weaned from the deHcate milk of 

* The words the hands of I restore " The Council of the Virginia 
from Prince, p. 142. Company. 



WITH THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 61 

our mother country, and inured to the difficulties of chap. 
a strange and hard land, which yet, in great part, we ^^J^ 
have by patience overcome. 1 6 1 7. 

Dec 

3. The people are, for the body of them, industrious 15. 
and frugal, we think we may safely say, as any com- 
pany of people in the world. 

4. We are knit together as a body in a more strict 
and sacred bond and covenant of the Lord, of the 
violation whereof we make great ^ conscience ; and 
by virtue whereof we do hold ourselves straitly tied 
to all care of each other's good, and of the whole by 
every, and so mutual. 

5. And lastly, it is not with us as with other men, 
whom small things can discourage, or small discon- 
tentments cause to wish themselves at home again. 
We know our entertainment in England and Holland. 
We shall much prejudice both our arts and means by 
removal ; where, if we should be driven to return, we 
should not hope to recover our present helps and 
comforts, neither indeed look ever to attain the like 
in any other place during our lives, which are now 
drawing towards their periods. 

These motives we have been bold to tender unto 
you, which you in your wisdom may also impart to any 
other our worshipful friends of the Council with you, 
of all whose godly dispositions and loving towards our 
despised persons we are most glad, and shall not fail 
by all good means to continue and increase the same. 
We shall not be further troublesome, but do, with the 
renewed remembrance of our humble duties to your 
worship, and (so far as in modesty we may be bold) 
to any other of our well-willers of the Council with 

' The word great is restored from Prince, p. 1-13. 



62 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS 

CHAP, you, we take our leaves, committing your persons and 
— ^— counsels to the guidance and protection of the Al- 

16 17. mighty. 
Dec. ^ ^ 
15. Yours, much bounden in all duty, 

John Robinson, 

William Brewster. 

Leyden, the 15th of Decemher, 1617. 

I found annexed unto the foregoing letters these 
following hues, written by Mr. Bradford with special 
reference unto the fourth particular on the other side 
written.^ 

O sacred bond ! Whilst inviolably preserved, how 
sweet and precious were the fruits that flowed from 
the same. But when this fidelity decayed, then their 
ruin approached. Oh that these ancient members had 
not died or been dissipated, (if it had been the will of 
God,) or else that this holy care and constant faith- 
fulness had still lived and remained with those that 
survived, that were in times afterwards added unto 
them. But, alas ! that subtile serpent hath slily wound 
in himself, under fair pretences of necessity and the 
like, to untwist these sacred bonds and ties, and as it 
were insensibly, by degrees, to dissolve or in a great 
measure to weaken the same. I have been happy, in 
my first times, to see and with much comfort to enjoy 
the blessed fruits of this sweet communion. But it is 
now a part of my misery in old age to find and feel 
the decay and want thereof, in a great measure, and 
with grief and sorrow of heart to lament and bewail 
the same ; and for others' warning and admonition, 
and my own humiliation, do I here note the same. 

* On page 61. 



27. 



WITH THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 63 

Thus much by way of digression. For further hght chap. 

in these proceedings forenamed, see some other let 

ters and notes, as followeth. 1 6 1 8. 

The Copy of a Letter sent to Sir John Wolstenholme} 

Right Worshipful, 

With due acknowledgment of our thankfulness for jan. 
your singular care and pains in the business of Vir- 
ginia, for our and (we hope) the common good, we do 
remember our humble duties unto you, and have sent, 
as is desired, a further explanation of our judgments 
in the three points specified by some of His Majesty's 
honorable Privy Council. And although it be grievous 
unto us that such unjust insinuations are made against 
us, yet we are most glad of the occasion of making 
our just purgation unto the so honorable personages. 

The Declarations we have sent enclosed ; the one 
more brief and general, which we think the fitter to 
be presented ; the other something more large, and in 
which we express some small accidental differences, 
which, if it seem good unto you and other of your 
worship's friends, you may send instead of the former. 
Our prayer unto God is, that your worship may see 
the fruit of your worthy endeavours, which on our 
part we shall not fail to further by all good means. 

' It is Worsingham in the MS. ; Rawson, Secretary to the New 

but this is an error. Prince, p. 144. England Plantations, by Sir John 

and Hubbard, p. 47, write it Wors- Wolstenholme, son of the indi- 

tenholme. Sir John Wolstenholme vidual in question, dated London, 

was a wealthy merchant and a Feb. 1, 1663, in which he says, 

farmer of the customs, one of the " I am a great well-wisher and 

principal members of the Virginia good friend to your plantation, and 

Company, and one of the Council so was my father before me, who 

established by the second charter, died 24 years since." See Stith's 

He died in 1639. In Hutchinson's Virginia, pp. 163, 167, 186, and 

Collection of papers, p. 383, there App. p. i6. 
is a letter written to Mr. Edward 



64 CORRESPONDENCE OP THE PILGRIMS 

CHAP. And SO praying that you would, with all conveniency 

, JL_ that may be, give us knowledge of the success of the 

16 18. business with His Majesty's Privy Council, and ac- 
27"* cordingly what your further pleasure is, either for our 
direction or furtherance in the same, so we rest 
Your worship's, in all duty, 

John Robinson, 
William Brewster. 
Leyden, January 27, 1617, old style} 

The first brief Note ivas this. 

Touching the ecclesiastical ministry, namely, of 
pastors for teaching, elders for ruling, and deacons for 
distributing the church's contribution, as also for the 
two sacraments, baptism and the Lord's supper, we 
do wholly and in all points agree with the French 
Reformed Churches, according to their public Con- 
fession of Faith ; though some small differences. 

The oath of Supremacy we shall willingly take, if 
it be required of us, if that convenient satisfaction be 
not given by our taking the oath of Allegiance.^ 

John Robinson, 
William Brewster. 

* That is, Jan. 1618, new style. Allegiance was drawn up and ap- 

By the old style the year began pointed to be taken by all the king's 

March 25. subjects. This was an oath of 

'■^ In 1531, in the reign of Henry "submission and obedience to the 
VIII. the king was declared " the king as a tennporal sovereign, inde- 
supreme head of the Church of pendent of any other power upon 
England," and all his majesty's earth." By the third charter of the 
subjects were required on oath to Virginia Company, their Treas- 
acknowledge his supremacy. In urer, or any two of the Council, 
1558, at the accession of Elizabeth, were empowered to administer the 
the Act of Supremacy, which had oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance 
been repealed under Queen Mary, to all persons going to their Colony, 
was restored, and all persons in See Burnet's History of the Re- 
office, civil or ecclesiastical, were formation, ii. 387 (folio) ; Neal's 
required to take the oath. In 1605, Puritans, i. 8, 11, 84, 117, 440; 
in the reign of James, the oath of Stith's App. p. 28 ; Hazard, i. 78. 



27. 



WITH THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 65 

The second was this. chap. 

V. 

Touching the ecclesiastical ministry, [as in the 
former, &c.] we agree, in all things, with the French Jan. 
Reformed Churches, according to their public Con- 
fession of Faith ; though some small differences be to 
be found in our practices, not at all in the substance 
of the things, but only in some accidental circum- 
stances : as 

1 . Their ministers do pray with their heads cover- 
ed ; we uncovered. 

2. We choose none for governing elders but such 
as are able to teach ; which ability they do not require. 

3. Their elders and deacons are annual, or at the 
most for two or three years ; ours perpetual. 

4. Our elders do administer their office in admoni- 
tions and excommunications, for pubhc scandals, 
publicly and before the congregation ; theirs more 
privately and in their consistories. 

5. We do administer baptism only to such infants 
as whereof the one parent, at the least, is of some 
church, which some of their churches do not observe ; 
although in it our practice accords with their public 
Confession and the judgment of the most learned 
amongst them. 

Other differences, worthy mentioning, we know 
none. 

(Subscribed,) 

John Robinson, 
William Brewster. 




QQ CORRESPONDENCE OF THK PILGRIMS 

Part of another Letter from him that delivered these, 

London, Fed. 14, 1617.' 
Your letter to Sir John Wolstenholme I delivered, 
almost as soon as I had it, to his own hands, and 
stayed with him the opening and reading thereof. 
There were two papers enclosed. He read them to 
himself, as also the letter ; and in the reading he spake 
to me and said, " Who shall make them ? " viz. the 
ministers. I answered his worship that the power of 
making was in the Church,- to be ordained by the im- 
position of hands by the fittest instruments they have. 
It must either be in the Church, or from the Pope ; 
and the Pope is Antichrist. " Ho ! " said Sir John, 
" what the Pope holds good, (as in the Trinity,) that 
we do well to assent to. But," said he, " we will not 
enter into dispute now ; " and as for your letters, he 
would not show them at any hand, lest he should spoil 
all. He expected you should have been of the Arch- 
bishop's mind for the calling of ministers ; but it seems 
you differed. I could have wished to have known the 
contents of your two enclosed, at which he stuck so 
much, especially the larger. I asked his worship what 
good news he had for me to write to-morrow. He 



* That is, 1618, new style. imposition of hands may be per- 

* That is, the congregation, each formed by some of the brethren, 
separate body of believers. This orderly chosen by the church there- 
was Brownism ; and it is Indepen- unto. For if the people may elect 
dency, or Congregationalism. The officers, which is the greater, and 
Cambridge Platform says, chaps, wherein the substance of the office 
8 and 9, " Calling unto office is by doth consist, they may much more 
the church. — Officers are to be (occasion and need so requiring) 
called by such churches whereunto impose hands in ordination, which 
they are to minister. — The choice is less, and but the accomplishment 
of church officers belongeth not to of the other." It was practised 
the civil magistrates, as such, or upon at the first ordination in Ameri- 
diocesan bishops, or patrons. — In ca, at Salem, in 1629. See Morton's 
churhes where there are no elders, Memorial, p. 146. 



WITH THEIR AGENTS IN ENGLAND. 



67 



told me, " Very ^ good news ; for both the King's chap. 
Majesty and the bishops have consented." He said .^J^ 
he would ffo to Mr. Chancellor, Sir Fulke Greville,^ 1 6 1 8. 

Feb. 

as this day, and next week I should know more. I u. 
met with Sir Edwin Sandys on Wednesday night. 
He wished me to be at the Virginia Court ^ the next 
Wednesday, where I purpose to be. Thus loth to be 
troublesome at present, 1 hope to have something 
next week of certainty concerning you. I commit 
you to the Lord. 

Yours, 

S. B. 

These things being long in agitation, and messen- 
gers passing to and again about them, after all their 
hopes they were long delayed by many obstacles that 
fell in the way. For at the return of these messen- 
gers into England, they found things far otherwise 
than they expected. For the Virginia Council was 
now so disturbed with factions and quarrels amongst 



^ The word very is restored from 
Prince, p. 145. 

* Sir Fulke Greville was ap- 
pointed chancellor of the exche- 
quer, and sworn of the Privy Coun- 
cil Oct. 1, 1614. On the 9th of 
Jan. 1G21, he was raised to the 
peerage by the title of Lord Brooke, 
of Beauchamp's Court. He wrote 
a Life of Sir Philip Sidney, and 
*' The First Five Years of King 
James," which is contained in the 
Harleian Miscellany, vii. 407, (Park's 
ed.) On his tomb-stone in War- 
wick Church, he had inscribed this 
brief but noble epitaph : " Fulke 
Greville, servant to Queen Eliza- 
beth, counsellor to King James, 
and friend to Sir Philip Sidney." 
See Wood's Athenae Oxon. ii. 430 ; 



Fuller's Worthies, ii. 415 ; Birch's 
Queen Elizabeth, i. 178 ; Naun- 
ton's Fragmenta Regalia, p. 112, 
(ed. 1824) ; Walpole, Royal and 
Noble Authors, ii. 220. 

* By the third charter of A^irginia 
it was provided that " the Company 
shall and may once every week, or 
oftener, at their pleasure, hold and 
keep a court and assembly for des- 
patching all casual matters of less 
consequence and weight concerning 
the plantation ; and for all aifairs 
of government trade, and disposal 
of lands, there shall be held every 
year four great and general courts," 
at which all officers were to be 
chosen, and all laws and ordinances 
enacted. See Slith, App. 2G, and 
Hazard, i. 76. 



68 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS 

CHAP, themselves, as no business could well go forward ; the 

V. . 
which may the better appear in one of the messen- 

16 19. gers' letters, as followeth. 

To his Loving Friends. 

May I had thought long since to have writ unto you ; 
but could not effect that which I aimed at, neither 
can yet set things as I wished. Yet, notwithstanding, 
I doubt not but Mr. Brewster hath written to Mr. 
Robinson ; but I think myself bound also to do some- 
thing, lest I be thought to neglect you. 

The main hindrance of our proceedings in the Vir- 
ginia business is the dissensions and factions, as they 
term it, amongst the Council and Company of Vir- 
ginia, which are such as that ever since we came up no 
business could by them be despatched. The occasion 
of this trouble amongst them is, that a while since Sir 
Thomas Smith, ^ repining at his many offices and 
troubles, wished the Company of Virginia to ease him 
of his office in being treasurer and governor of the 

April Virginia Company. Whereupon the Company took 
occasion to dismiss him, and chose Sir Edwin Sandys^ 

' Sir Thomas Smith was the first the assignees of Sir Walter Ra- 

treasurer and governor of the Vir- ieigh's patent, and thus became in- 

ginia Company, and continued in terested in the colony of Virginia, 

office till superseded by Sir Edwin See Belknap, ii. 9 — 19; Stith, 

Sandys. He had the chief man- pp. 42, 158, 

agement of their affairs, and pre- '■' Sir Edwin Sandys was elected 

sided in all the meetings of the April 28, 1619. Stith says that 

Council and Company. He was a "he was a person of excellent un- 

London merchant, of great wealth derstanding and judgment, of great 

and influence, governor of the East industry, vigor and resolution, and 

India and Muscovy Companies, and indefatigable in his application to 

of the company associated for the the business of the company and 

discovery of the north-west passage, colony."' His election was brought 

In 1604 he was sent ambassador about by the Eail of Warwick's 

from King James to the Emperor (Lord Rich) hostility to Sir Tho- 

of Russia. He was also one of mas Smith. Sandys was very ob- 



WITH THEIR AGENTS IN ENGLAND. 69 

treasurer and governor of the Company, he having chap. 

sixty voices, Sir John Wolstenholme sixteen voices, 

and Alderman Johnson^ twenty-four. But Sir Thomas ^ 9,^ ^ • 
Smith, when he saw some part of his honor lost, was 8. 
very angry, and raised a faction to cavil and contend 
about the election, and sought to tax Sir Edwin with 
many things that might both disgrace him and also put 
him bv his office of governor. In which contentions 
they yet sticky and are not fit nor ready to intermeddle 
in any business ; and what issue things will come to, I 
know not, nor are we yet certain. It is most like Sir 
Edwin will carry it away ; and if he do, things will go 
well in Virginia ; if otherwise, they will go ill enough 
always. We hope in two or three Court days things 
will settle. Mean space I think to go down into Kent, 
and come up again about fourteen days or three 
weeks hence ; except either by these aforesaid con- 
tentions,^ or by the ill tidings from Virginia, we be 
wholly discouraged ; of which tidings as followeth. 
Capt. ArgalP is come home this week. He, upon 

noxious to King James, on account Stith had in his possession copies 

of his political principles. The of the records of the Company, from 

ting said, " he knew him to be a April 28, 1619, to June 7, 1624. 

man of exorbitant ambition." Ac- See also a declaration made by the 

cordingly, when the year for which Council of Virginia, in 16133, enti- 

he was chosen, had expired, James tied " TheCompany's Cliief Root of 

objected to his re-election, and in a the Differences and Discontents," 

furious passion exclaimed, " Choose in the Appendix to Burk's History 

the devil, if you will, but not Sir of Virginia, i. 316 ; and "A Short 

Edwin Sandys." To get out of Collection of the most remarkal)le 

the difliculty, the Company chose passages from the original to the 

the Earl of Southampton treasurer, dissolution of the Virginia Com- 

and Sandys deputy. See Stith, pany. London, 1651." (4to. pp. 

159, 178, 181 ; Burk, i. 322 ; Short 20.) 
Collection, pp. 6,8, 19. ^ Sir Samuel Argall was a kins- 

' Alderman Johnson was at this man of Sir Thomas Smith, and a 

time the deputy treasurer of the favorite of the Earl of Warwick, 

Company. See Stith, p. 150. who procured his election as deputy 

'' For an account of the conten- governor of the Virginia Colony in 

tions in the Virginia Company, see the beginning of 1617. He arrived 

Stith's Virginia, pp, v. 158, 180. in Virginia in May ; but his admin- 



70 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS 

CHAP, notice of the intent of the Council, came away before 
>^J^ Sir George Yeardley^ came there, and so there is no 
16 19. small dissension. But his tidings is ill, althoue^h his 

May ^ ^ . 

8. person be welcome. He saith Mr. BlackwelPs ship 
came not there until March ; but going towards winter 
they had still northwest winds, which carried them to 
the southward beyond their course ; and the master of 
the ship and some six of the mariners dying, it seemed 
they could not find the Bay, till after long seeking 
and beating about. Mr. Blackwell is dead,- and Mr. 
Maggner, the captain. Yea, there are dead, he saith, 
a hundred and thirty persons, one and another, in the 
ship. It is said there was in all a hundred and 
eighty persons in the ship, so as they were packed to- 
gether like herrings. They had amongst them a flux 
and also want of fresh water; so as it is here rather 
wondered that so many are alive, than that so many 
are dead. The merchants here say it was Mr. Black- 
well's fixult to pack so many in the ship ; yea, and there 
was great murmuring and repining amongst them, 
and upbraiding of Mr. Blackwell for his dealing and 
disposing of them, when they saw how he had dispos- 
ed of them, and how he insulted over them. Yea, the 
streets of Gravesend rang of their extreme quarrelling, 
crying out one of another, "Thou hast brought me to 
this. I may thank thee for this." Heavy news it is, 

istration was so tyrannical and in 1619, and was empowered to in- 
oppressive, that he was displaced vestigate the charges ap;ainstArg-all 
the next year, and sailed for Eng- on the spot. But the Earl of War- 
land in April, 1619. See his Life wick having sent over a small bark, 
in Belknap, ii. 51 — 63; Stith, to inform him of what was prepar- 
pp. 145, 149; Burk, i. 317 — 322; ing against him, and to bring him 
Smith's General History of Vir- away, Yeardley did not arrive in 
ginia, ii. 33. (8vo ed. Richmond, Virginia till ten or twelve days after 
1819.) Argall's escape. See Belknap, ii. 
• Sir George Yeardley was 61 — 72; Stith, p. 157; Burk, p. 
chosen governor of the colony early 322 ; Smith, ii. 37. 



WITH THEIR AGENTS IN ENGLAND. 71 

and I would be glad to hear how far it will discourage, chap. 

I see none here discouraged much, but rather desire 

to learn to beware by other men's harms, and to I6i9. 
amend that wherein they have failed ; as we desire to s! 
serve one another in love, so take heed of being en- 
thralled by other imperious persons, especially if they 
be discerned to have an eye to themselves. It doth 
often trouble me to think that in this business we are 
to learn, and none to teach. But better so than to 
depend upon such teachers as Mr. Blackwell was. 
Such a stratagem he made for Mr. Johnson and his 
people at Emden ; much was their subversion. But 
though he then cleanlily yet unhonestly plucked his 
neck out of the collar, yet at last his foot is caught. 

Here are no letters come. The ship Captain 
Argall came in is yet in the west parts. All that we 
hear is but his report. It seemeth he came away 
secretly. The ship that Mr. Blackwell went in will 
be here shortly. It is as Mr. Robinson once said ; 
he thought we should hear no good of them. 

Mr. Brewster is not well at this time. Whether he 
will go back to you or go into the north, I yet know 
not. For myself, I hope to see an end of this business 
ere I come, though I am sorry to be thus from you. 
If things had gone roundly forward, I should have 
been with you within this fourteen days. I pray 
God direct us, and give us that spirit which is fitting 
for such a business. 

Thus having summarily pointed at things which 
Mr. Brewster, I think, hath more largely writ of to 
Mr. Robinson, I leave you to the Lord's protection. 
Yours, in all readiness, Sec. 

Robert CushiMan. 
London, May the 8th, 1619. 



72 CORRESPONDENCE OF THE PILGRIMS 

CHAP. A word or two, by way of digression, touching this 
— -- Mr. Blackwell. He was an elder of the church of 
16 19. Amsterdam, a man well known of most of them. He 
declined from the truth with Mr. Johnson and the 
rest, and went with him when they departed asunder 
in that woful manner which brought so great disho- 
nor to God, scandal to the truth, and outward ruin to 
themselves, in this world. But I hope, notwithstand- 
ing, through the mercies of the Lord, their souls are 
now at rest with God, in the heavens, and that they 
are arrived in the haven of happiness, though some of 
their bodies were thus buried in the terrible seas, and 
others sunk under the burden of bitter afflictions. 
He, with some others, had prepared for to go to 
Virginia ; and he with sundry godly citizens being at 
a private meeting (I take it, at a Fast,) in London, 
being discovered, many of them were apprehended, 
whereof Mr. Blackwell was one. But he so glossed 
with the bishops, and either dissembled or flatly denied 
the truth which formerly he had maintained; and not 
only so, but unworthily betrayed and accused another 
godly man who had escaped, that so he might slip his 
own neck out of the collar, and to obtain his own 
freedom brought others into bonds. Whereupon he 
so won the bishops' favor, (but lost the Lord's,) as he 
was not only dismissed, but in open court the Arch- 
bishop gave him great applause and his solemn bless- 
ing to proceed in his voyage. But if such events 
follow the bishops' blessing, happy are they that miss 
the same. It is much better to keep a good con- 
science and have the Lord's blessing, whether in life 
or death. But see how that man, apprehended by 
Mr. Blackwell's means, writes to a friend of his. 



WITH THEIR AGENTS IN ENGLAND. 73 

Right dear friend and christian brother, Mr. Car- chap. 
ver, I salute you and yours in the Lord. .^J^ 

Sir, as for my own present condition, I doubt not 1 6 1 8. 
but you well understand it by our brother Mastcrson,' 4. 
who should have tasted of the same cup, had his place 
of residence and his person been as well known as 
myself. Somewhat I have written to Mr. Cushman 
how the matter still continues. I have petitioned twice 
to Mr. sheriff, and once to my Lord Cook,~ and have 
used such reasons to move them to pity, that if they 
were not overruled by some others, I suppose I should 
have soon gained my liberty ; — as that I was a man 
living by my credit, in debt to divers in our city, living 
in more than ordinary charges in a close and tedious 
prison ; besides great rents abroad, all my business 
lying still, my own servant lying lame in the country, 
my wife being also great with child : and yet no 
answer until the Lords of His Majesty's Council gave 
consent. Howbeit, Mr. Blackwell, a man as deep in 
this action as I, was delivered at a cheaper rate with a 
great deal less ado, yea, with an addition of the Arch- 
bishop's blessing. I am sorry for Mr. Blackwell's 
weakness. I wish it may prove no worse ; but yet he 
and some others of them were not sorry, but thought 
it was for the best that I was nominated ; not because 
the Lord sanctifies evil to good, but that the action 

* Richard Masterson was one of officious with part of his estate for 

Robinson's church, and his name public good, and a man of ability, 

is subscribed, with others, to a letter as a second Stephen, to defend the 

written from Leyden to Bradford truth by sound argument, grounded 

and Brewster, Nov. 30, 1625, nine on the Scriptures of truth." See 

months after their pastor's death. Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 44. 
On his coming over to Plymouth, * This was the eminent lawyer, 

he was chosen a deacon of the whose name is commonly spelt 

church. In the church records he Coke. See an account of him in 

is described as " a holy man and Fuller's Worthies, ii. 128, and in 

an experienced saint, having been Lardner's Cab. Cyc. vi. 1 — 43. 

10 



74 THE PILGRIMS OBTAIN A PATENT 

CHAP, was good, yea, for the best. One reason I well 

remember he used was, because this trouble would 

16 18. increase the Virginia plantation; that now people 
4^ * began more generally to incline to go ; and if he had 
not nominated some such as I, he had not been free, 
being it was known that many citizens, besides them- 
selves, were there. I expect an answer shortly what 
they intend concerning me. I purpose to write to some 
other of you, by whom you shall know the certainty. 
Thus not having further at present to acquaint you 
withal, commending myself to your prayers I cease, 
and commit you and us all to the Lord. 

Your friend and brother, in bonds, 

Sabin Starsmore.^ 
From my Clwjnler in Wood-street Counter^ Sept. 4th, 1618. 

But thus much by the way which may be of good 
use. I have been the larger in these things, that the 
rising generation may seriously take notice of the 
many difficulties their poor leaders underwent in the 
first enterprises towards coming into New England. 

16 19. But at last, after all these things, and their long 
attendance, they had a patent granted them, and con- 
firmed under the Company's seal.^ But these divisions 

' There was a Mr. Staismore prison-houses pertaining to the sher- 
among the associates of Plenry ifl's of London. Stow's Survey of 
Jacob, who, after having conferred London, p. 394, (folio.) 
with Mr. Robinson, in Leyden, ^ Morton says, in his Memorial, 
laid the foundation of an Inde- p. 22, that they "obtained letters 
pendent or Congregational Church patent for the northern parts of 
in England in the year 1616. See A^irginia, of King James, of famous 
Neal's Puritans, i. 476. Some fur- memory." He confounds the king 
ther account of Jacob will be given with the Virginia Company. Dud- 
hereafter in a Note to Bradford's ley makes the same mistake in his 
Dialogue. Letter to the Countess of Lincoln, 
* The Compter in Wood Street, in Mass. Hist. Coll. viii, 37. Old- 
erected in 1555, was one of the mixon, i. 29, errs in saying that 



FROM THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 



75 



and distractions had shaken off many of their pre- chap. 

tended friends, and disappointed them of many of their - — 

hoped for and proffered means. By the advice of some 1 6 1 9. 
friends this patent was not taken in the name of any 
of their own company/ but in the name of Mr. John 
Wincob,^ a rehgious gentleman, then belonging to the 
Countess of Lincoln,^ who intended to go with them. 
But God so disposed as he never went, nor they never 



" Mr. Brewster made an agreement 
with the Company for a large tract 
of land in the southwest paits of 
New England," an error into which 
he was led by Cotton Mather, i. 47. 
The Virginia Company could grant 
no patent for lands north of the 
40th degree. The authors of the 
Modern Universal History, xxxix. 
272, err in stating that " their in- 
tention was to have made a settle- 
ment under the sanction of Gosnold's 
patent." Gosnoid had no patent. 
Dunlap, Hist, of New York, i. 43, 
and Hugh IMurray, Hist, of Dis- 
coveries in North America, i. 245, 
err in asserting that the agents of 
the Pilgrims negotiated with the 
Plymouth Company. See p. 55, 
note. 

* The word company I restore 
from Hubbard, p. 47. 

^ Nothing is known of John Win- 
cob. Baylies, in his Memoir of 
Plymouth, i. 17, errs in calling his 
Christian name Jacob. It was pro- 
bably to avoid notoriety and es- 
cape suspicion, that the patent was 
taken out in the name of an obscure 
individual, rather than in the name 
of the Earl of Lincoln, whose grand- 
father, Henry, had been one of the 
Council of the Virginia Company, 
established by its second charter in 
1609. I suppose that in conse- 
quence of the Leydcn people beina: 
out of the realm, the patent would 
not be granted in any of their names. 
See Stith, App. p. 16 ; Collins's 
Peerage, ii. 162. 

^ The Countess of Lincoln here 
mentioned was Elizabeth, the daugh- 



ter of Sir Henry Knevet, and the 
dowager of Tiiomas, the third earl 
of that noble house, who died Jan. 
15, 1619. Arthur Collins calls her 
" a lady of great piety and virtue," 
and Cotton Mather speaks of the 
family as " religious," and " the 
best family of any nobleman then 
in England." She was the mother 
of eighteen children, and wrote a 
book, printed at Oxford in 1621, 
entitled, " The Countess of Lin- 
coln's Nursery," on the duty of 
mothers nursing their own children. 
This family had a more intimate 
connexion with the New England 
settlements, and must have felt a 
deeper interest in their success, than 
any other noble house in England. 
Two of the first magistrates, or 
assistants, of the Massachusetts Co- 
lony had lived many years in the 
family as stewards, a capacity which 
Wincob also may have sustained. 
Frances, a daughter of the Countess, 
married John, son and heir to Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, who took so 
active a part in the attempts to 
colonize New England. Two other 
daughters, Susan and Arbella, mar- 
ried two other of the principal colo- 
nists of Massachusetts, John Hum- 
frey and Isaac Johnson, and came 
over with their husbands to Amer- 
ica. The lady Arbella died at the 
end of August, 1630, about six 
weeks after her arrival. " She 
came from a paradise of plenty and 
pleasure, in the family of a noble 
earldom, into a wilderness of wants, 
and took New England in her way 
to heaven." Like the Spanish lady 



76 



THE PATENT IS SENT OVER TO LEYDEN. 



16 19. 



CHAP, made use of this patent, which had cost them so much 

' labor and charge ; as by the sequel will appear.^ 

This patent being sent over for them to view and 
consider,^ as also the passages about the propositions 
between them and such merchants and friends as 
should either go or adventure with them, and espe- 
cially with them on whom they did chiefly depend for 
shipping and means, whose proffers had been large, 
they were requested to fit and prepare themselves 
with all speed. 

A right emblem it may be of the uncertain things 
of this world, that when men have toiled themselves, 
they vanish into smoke. 



mentioned by Peter Martyr, " per- 
ceiving her husband now furnish- 
ing himself to depart to the un- 
known coasts of the new world, 
and those large tracts of land and 
sea, she spake these words unto 
him : Whithersoever your fatal des- 
tiny shall drive you, either by the 
furious waves of the great ocean, 
or by the manifold and horrible 
dangers of the land, I will surely 
bear you company. There can no 
peril chance to me so terrible, nor 
anv kind of death so cruel, that 
shall not be much easier for me to 
abide, than to live so far separate 
from you." Her husband survived 
her only a month : 

" Fie tried 
To live without her, liked it not, ai.d died." 

The "right honorable and ap- 
proved virtuous lady, Bridget, Coun- 
tess of Lincoln," to whom Dudley 
addressed his letter of March 12, 
1631, was the wife of Theophilus, 
the son of the Countess mentioned 
in the text, and the daughter of Vis- 
count Saye^nd Sele. See Collins's 
Peerage, ii. 163 ; Burke's Peerage, 
Clinton and Newcasti^e ; Wal- 
pole's Royal and Noble Authors, 
ii. 272 ; Savage's Winthrop, i. 34 ; 



Hutchinson's Mass. i. 15, 17 ; Ma- 
ther's Magnalia, i. 71, 126 ; Mass. 
Hist. Coll. viii. 36, 40 ; Eden's 
translation of Peter Martyr's De- 
cades, p. 84, (ed. 1577.) 

' The whole of this paragraph is 
contained, almost word for word, in 
Hubbard's History, p. 47, which is 
conclusive proof that he had seen 
Bradford's History. See Note ^ on 
page 58. — Hubbard says, p. 50, 
" that a patent, as is afore said, was 
obtained, is published in print, and 
affirmed by such as yet survive of 
the first planters ; but where it is, 
or how it came to be lost, is not 
known to any that belong to the said 
colony." Hubbard wrote his His- 
tory before 1682. See Mass. Hist. 
Coll. XV. p. iii. — Grahame, i. 410, 
errs in asserting that Hubbard's 
History has never been published ; 
and also in stating that Gov. Brad- 
ford's History of Plymouth Colony 
has been published. 

* Prince, p. 155, quoting from 
Gov. Bradford's MS. history, in- 
serts after consider, " with several 
proposals for their transmigration, 
made by Mr. Thomas Weston, 
of London, merchant, and other 
friends and merchants as should 
either," &c. 



THE PILGRIMS KEEP A FAST. 77 

Upon a receipt of these things by one of their mes- chap. 
sengers, they had a solemn meeting and a day of hu- ._--J^ 
mihation, to seek the Lord for his direction. And 1620. 
their pastor took this text. " And David's men said ^^l^^- 
unto him, See, we be afraid here in Judah. How 
much more, if we come to Keilah, against the host of 
the Phihstines. Then David asked counsel of the 
Lord again." From which text he taught many 
things very aptly, and befitting their present occasion 
and condition, to strengthen them against their fears 
and perplexities, and encouraging them in their reso- 
lutions : [and then conclude how many and who 
should prepare to go first ; ^ for all that were willing 
could not get ready quickly. The greater number 
being to stay, require their pastor to tarry with them ; 
their elder, Mr. Brewster, to go with the other ; those 
who go first to be an absolute church ^ of themselves, 
as well as those that stay ; with this proviso, that as 
any go over or return, they shall be reputed as mem- 
bers, without further dismission or testimonial ; and 
those who tarry, to follow the rest as soon as they can. 

' Winslow, in his Brief Narration had not been ^^ an absolute church 

says, " the youncrest and strongest of themselves," yet before the for- 

part to go ; and they that went mation of Higginson's church at 

should freely offer themselves." Salem, a majority of the Leyden 

* The Church at Plymouth thus congregation had actually arrived 
became the First Independent or at Plymouth, as appears from the 
Congregational Church in Ameri- note on page 36. Nor is there any 
ca. Of course the statement of ground for Palfrey's intimation, in 
Holmes in his accurate Annals of his Centennial Discourse at Barn- 
America, i. 160, that "the adven- stable, p. 9, that " the first church 
turers and their brethren remaining in Barnstable is the representative 
in Holland were to continue to be of the first Congregational Church 
one church," is incorrect; and the established in England," since it 
position of Upham, in his eloquent appears from p. 21-24, of this vol- 
Cenlury Lecture, at Salem in 1829, ume, that the exception, on the pre- 
that the first church in Salem is sumed absence of which he builds 
" the First American Congrega- this opinion, was an actual fact, 
tional Church," cannot be main- namely, that " Robinson's church 
tained. Even if the first colonists now surviving in that of Plymouth, 



78 THE PILGRIMS PREPARE TO LEAVE HOLLAND. 

CHAP. Mr. Weston ' coming to Leyden, the people agree 

with him on articles both for shipping and money to 

16 20. assist in their transportation; then send Mr. Carver 
and Cushman to England to receive the money and 
provide for the voyage ; Mr. Cushman at London, Mr. 
Carver at Southampton. Those who are to go first 
prepare with speed, sell their estates, put their money 
into the common stock to be disposed by their mana- 
gers for making general provisions. There was also 
one Mr. Martin^ chosen in England to join with Mr. 
Carver and Cushman. He came from Billerica, in 
Essex ; from which county came several others, as 
also from London and other places, to go with them. ]^ 

In the foregoing five Chapters the reader may take 
a view of some of the many difiiculties our blessed pre- 
decessors went throuo-h in their first achievement of 
this weighty enterprise of removal of our Church into 
these American parts. The immediate following re- 
lations in Mr Bradford's book, out of which divers of 
these matters are recollected, do more especially con- 
was organized on Congregational cessful attempt to establish a rival 
principles before he left the mother colony at Wessagussett, now Wey- 
country for Holland." With the mouth, will be related hereafter. 
History of Gov. Bradford to support He visited Plymouth twice in 1623, 
her claims, the First Church at and again in 1624, and then sailed 
Plymouth cannot recognise the pre- for A'^irginia. He died at Bristol, 
tensions of any other American (Eng.) in the time of the civil war. 
church to priority of existence. See Prince, pp. 216, 222, 224 ; 

' Thomas Weston was one of Morton's Memorial, p. 105. 
the most active of the merchant ^ This was undoubtedly Mr. 

adventurers, and Hubbard says, p. Christopher Martin, who, with his 
72, that he had disbursed £500 to wife and two children, came over 
advance the interest of Plymouth in the Mayflower. His name 
colony. Edward Winslow says, stands the ninth in the subscrip- 
in 1622, "he formerly deserved tion to the Compact signed at Cape 
well of us," and Bradford, in 1623, Cod, Nov. 11, 1620, and he died 
that he " becomes our enemy on all Jan. 8, 1621. 

occasions." He employed several ^ The passage included in brack- 
vessels in trade and fishing on the ets is taken from Prince, p. 156, 
coast of New England. His unsuc- who copied it from Bradford's MS. 



CONDITIONS AND LETTERS. 



79 



cern the conditions of their agreement with several chap. 
merchant adventurers towards the voyage, &c. as also . — '. — 
several letters sent to and fro from friend to friend 1 6 2 o. 
relating to the premises, which are not so pertinent 
to the nature of this small History. Wherefore I 
shall here omit to insert them,^ judging them not so 
suitable to my present purpose ; and here also cease 
to follow the foregoing method by way of Chapters.^ 



^ It is much to be regretted that 
Morton did not see fit to copy these 
letters. It will be seen, a few 
pages further on, that he again 
testifies that "their transactings 
with the merchant adventurers 
were penned at large in Mr. Brad- 
ford's book." Though omitted in 
this copy, " the Conditions " were 
fortunately preserved from oblivion 
by Hubbard, and we are thus ena- 
bled to present them in the next 
Chapter. They are undoubtedly 
the most valuable portion of Hub- 



bard's History, and their existence 
in it puts it beyond a doubt that he 
had both seen and used Bradford's 
MS. notwithstanding Prince's as- 
sertion to the contrary. See Note * 
on page 58. 

* For the sake of uniformity I 
have taken the liberty still " to fol- 
low the foregoing method by way 
of chapters," and the rather as I 
find that Morton has preserved in 
his Memorial, pp. 30, 37, and 67, 
the original titles of three of Gov. 
Bradford's chapters. 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE CONDITIONS OF THEIR AGREEMENT WITH SEVERAL 
MERCHANT ADVENTURERS TOWARDS THE VOYAGE. 

[About tliis time they were informed by Mr. Wes- 
ton and others, that sundry honorable lords and worthy 
162 0. gentlemen had obtained a large patent from the King 
for the more northerly part of America, distinct from 
the Virginia patent, and wholly excluded from their 
government, and to be called by another name, viz. 
New England.^ Unto which Mr. Weston and the 
chiefest of them began to incline, thinking it was best 
for them to go thither ; as for other reasons, so chiefly 



1 On the 23d of July, 1620, King 
James gave a warrant to his soli- 
citor. Sir Thomas Coventry, to 
prepare a new patent for the incor- 
poration of the adventurers to the 
northern colony of Virginia, be- 
tween 40 and 48 dagrees north, 
which patent the king signed on 
Nov. 3, styling them " The Council 
established at Plymouth, in the 
county of Devon, for the planting, 
ruling, ordering, and governing 
of New England, in America," 
which is the great civil basis of all 
the future patents and plantations, 
that divide this country. Prince, 
p. 160. See the patent in Hazard, 
i. 104 ; and the warrant in Mass. 
Hist. Coll. xxvi. 64. 



The name of New England was 
first given, in 1614, by the famous 
Capt. John Smith, to North Vir- 
ginia, lying between the degrees of 
41 and 45. In that year he ranged 
along the coast, from the Penobscot 
to Cape Cod, in a small boat, with 
eight men. "I took the descrip- 
tion " he says " of the coast as well 
by map as writing, and called it 
New England. At my humble 
suit, Charles, Prince of Vi^ ales, was 
pleased to confirm it by that title." 
Smith, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxiii. 
20. This map was published with 
his "Description of New England," 
in 1616. They are both reprinted 
in Mass. Hist Coll. xxiii. 1, and 
xxvi. 95 — 140. 



THE PILGRIMS MEET WITH DISCOURAGEMENTS. 81 

for the hope of present profit, to be made by fishing ^ chap. 

on that coast. But in all business the active part is . J^ 

most difficult, especially when there are many agents 16 20. 
that may be concerned. So it was found in them ; 
for some of them who should have gone in England, 
fell off, and would not go. Other merchants and 
friends, that proffered to adventure their money, with- 
drew and pretended many excuses ; some disliking 
they went not to Guiana ; others would do nothing 
unless they went to Virginia ; and many who were 
most rehed on refused to adventure if they went 
thither. In the midst of these difficulties, they of Ley- 
den were driven to great straits ; but at the length, the 
generality was swayed to the better opinion. How- 
beit, the patent for the northern part of the country not 
being fully settled at that time, they resolved to ad- 
venture with that patent they had, intending for some 
place more southward than that they fell upon in 
their voyage, at Cape Cod, as may appear afterwards. 
The CONDITIONS, on which those of Leyden en- 
gaged with the merchants, the adventurers,- were hard 

' Edward Winslow says, in his of their bringfing their wives and 

Brief Narration, that on King children with them is conclusive 

James asking the agents of the evidence that they came to estab- 

Pilgrims " what profits might arise lish a permanent colony, in which 

in the part they intended, it was the several occupations of farming, 

answered, Fishing." fishing, and trading, would each 

I know not what authority Hutch- have its proper place, 
inson had for asserting, ii. 472, * Little is known of these mer- 
that " their views when they left chant adventurers. Capt. John 
England were rather to establish a Smith, a good authority in such 
factory than a colony. They had matters, writing in 1624, says that 
no notion of cultivating any more "the adventurers which raised the 
ground than would afford their own stock to begin and supply this plan- 
necessary provisions, but proposed talion, were about seventy, some 
that their chief secular employment gentlemen, some merchants, some 
should be commerce with the na- handicraftsmen, some adventuring 
lives." This seems inconsistent great sums, some small, as their 
with the views with which they estates and affection served. These 
left Holland ; and the simple fact dwell most about London. They 
11 



82 THE CONDITIONS OF THE PARTNERSHIP 

CHAP, enough at the first for the poor people, that were to 
^^J^ adventure their persons as well as their estates. Yet 
16 2 0. were their agents forced to change one or two of them, 
to satisfy the merchants, who were not willing to be 
concerned with them ; although the altering them with- 
out their knowledge or consent was very distasteful 
to them, and became the occasion of some contention 
amongst them afterwards. They are these that follow. 

1. The adventurers and planters do agree, that 
every person that goeth, being sixteen years old and 
upward, be rated at ten pounds, and that ten pounds 
be accounted a single share. 

2. That he that goeth in person, and furnisheth 
himself out with ten pounds, either in money or other 
provisions, be accounted as having twenty pounds in 
stock, and in the division shall receive a double share. 

3. The persons transported and the adventurers 
shall continue their joint stock and partnership the 
space of seven years, except some unexpected im- 
pediments do cause the whole Company to agree 
otherwise ; during which time all profits and benefits 
that are gotten by trade, traffic, trucking, working, 
fishing, or any other means, of any other person or 
persons, shall remain still in the common stock until 
the division. 

4. That at their coming there they shall choose out 
such a number of fit persons as may furnish their ships 



are not a corporation, but knit to- served by Gov. Bradford, were very 

gether by a voluntary combination friendly to the Colony, and a few 

in a society without constraint or came over and settled in it. Others 

penalty, aiming to do good and to were unreasonable, clamorous, and 

plant religion." Smith's Gen. Hist, hostile. Their names in 1(326 are 

of Virginia, ii. 251. Some of these preserved. See Mass. Hist. Coll. 

merchants, as appears from the iii. 27 — 34,48. 
Correspondence with them pre- 



WITH THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS. 83 

and boats for fishing upon the sea ; employing the chap. 

rest in their several faculties upon the land, as build- .^ -^ 

ing houses, tilling and planting the ground, and mak- 16 20. 
ing such commodities as shall be most useful for the 
Colony. 

5. That at the end of the seven years, the capital 
and the profits, viz. the houses, lands, goods, and chat- 
tels, be equally divided among the adventurers. If any 
debt or detriment concerning this adventure ^ 

6. Whosoever cometh to the Colony hereafter, or 
putteth any thing into the stock, shall at the end of 
the seven years be allowed proportionally to the time 
of his so doing. 

7. He that shall carry his wife, or children, or ser- 
vants, shall be allowed for every person, now aged 
sixteen years and upward, a single share in the divi- 
sion ; or if he provide them necessaries, a double 
share ; or if they be between ten years old and six- 
teen, then two of them to be reckoned for a person, 
both in transportation and division. 

8. That such children that now go and are under 
the age of ten years, have no other share in the divi- 
sion than fifty acres of unmanured land. 

9. That such persons as die before the seven 
years be expired, their executors to have their parts 
or share at the division, proportionably to the time of 
their life in the Colony. 

10. That all such persons as are of the Colony are 
to have meat, drink, and apparel, and all provisions, 
out of the common stock and goods of the said Colony. 

^ Here something seems to be might, possibly, be filled up from 

■wanting, of the nature of a new the MS. copy of Hubbard in Eng- 

article or condition, which cannot land. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 

now be supplied. This hiatus 286 — 290. 



84 



THE PILGRIMS ACCEPT THE HARD CONDITIONS. 



The difference between the conditions thus ex- 
pressed and the former, before their alteration, stood 
16 2 0. in these two points ; first, that the houses and lands 
improved, especially gardens and home-fields, should 
remain undivided, wholly to the planters, at the seven 
years' end ; secondly, that the planters should have 
two days in the week for their own private employ- 
ment, for the comfort of themselves and their families, 
especially such as had them to take care for.^ 

The altering of those two conditions was very afflic- 
tive to the minds of such as were concerned in the 
voyage. But Mr. Cushman, their principal agent, 
answered the complaints peremptorily, that unless they 
had so ordered the conditions, the whole design would 
have fallen to the ground ; and necessity, they said, 



' Robertson says, in his History 
of America, book x., "Under the 
influence of this wild notion — that 
the Scriptures contain a complete 
system not only of spiritual instruc- 
tion, but of civil wisdom and polity 
— the colonists of New Plymouth, 
in imitation of the primitive Chris- 
tians, threw all their property into 
a common stock." This misrepre- 
sentation, which he professes to 
derive from Chalmers, p. 90, and 
Doue^lass, p. 370, (though there is 
nothing in either of them to sanc- 
tion the statement,) is repeated sub- 
stantially by Grahame, i. 194, and 
verbally by Murray, Hist, of North 
America, i. 246. It is to be regret- 
ted that credit and countenance 
should have been given to such an 
imputation on the good sense of 
the Pilgrims, by so respectable an 
American writer as Chief Justice 
Marshall, in his Life of Washing- 
ton, i. 93, (first ed.) and in his His- 
tory of the American Colonies, p. 
81. 

There is no foundation for this 
charge. The Plymouth people were 
not " misguided by their religious 
theories," nor influenced by an 



"imitation of the primitive Chris- 
tians," in forming their joint stock 
company. They entered into this 
hard and disadvantageous engage- 
ment with the merchant adven- 
turers not voluntarily, but of neces- 
sity, in order to obtain shipping for 
transporting themselves to Amer- 
ica ; and they put their own little 
property into a common fund in 
order to purchase provisions for the 
voyage. It was a partnership that 
was instituted, not a community of 
goods, as that phrase is commonly 
understood. They dissolved this 
partnership, and set up for them- 
selves, as soon as they were able ; 
as will be seen hereafter. 

The charge is destitute of foun- 
dation even in regard to the primi- 
tive Christians. "Nothing like a 
community of goods," says Mil- 
man, "ever appears to have pre- 
vailed in the Christian community. 
Mosheim appears to me to have 
proved this point conclusively." 
See Milman's History of Christian- 
ity, i. 389, and Mosheim's Disser- 
tation " De vera natuva commu- 
nionis bonorum in ecclesia Hiero- 
solymitana." Diss. ii. 1—53. 



A VESSEL AND PILOT ARE PROVIDED. 85 

having no law, they were constrained to be silent, chap. 
The poor planters met with much difficulty both -_J«_ 
before and after the expiring of the seven years, and 1 6 2 o. 
found much trouble in making up accounts with the 
adventurers about the division ; at which time, though 
those that adventured their money were no great 
gainers, yet those that adventured their lives in 
carrying on the business of the Plantation were by 
much the greatest sufferers.] ^ 

[Mr. Robinson writes to Mr. Carver, and com- June 
plains of Mr. Weston's neglect in getting shipping in 
England ; for want of which they are in a piteous 
case at Leyden. And S. F., E. W., W. B., and J. A.^ 
write from Leyden to Mr. Carver and Cushman, that 10. 
the coming of Mr. Nash ^ and their pilot is a great 
encouragement to them. 

Mr. Cushman, in a letter from London to Mr. Car- 10. 
ver at Southampton, says that Mr. Crabe, a minister, 
had promised to go, but is much opposed, and like to 
fail ; and in a letter to the people at Leyden, that he 
had hired another pilot, one Mr. Clark,"* who went 
last year to Virginia ; that he is getting a ship, hopes 
he shall make all ready at London in fourteen days, 
and would have Mr. Reynolds tarry in Holland, and 
bring the ship ^ there to Southampton.] ° 

' The passage within brackets is ' The name of Thomas Nash is 

taken from Hubbard's History. It subscribed, with others, to a letter 

is impossible to say where he ob- written at Leyden Nov. 30, 1625, 

tained ift, except from Bradford's addressed to Bradford and Brewster. 

]\IS. It is to be found nowhere See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 44. 

else, and is essential to the com- ■• Clark, as will be seen hereafter, 

pleteness of the History. I have was master's mate on board the 

taken care to collate Hubbard's Mayflower. 

MS. which is in the aichives of the ° The small ship, called the 

Massachusetts Historical Society. Speedwell, of which Reynolds was 

^ These doubtless are the initials captain. 

of Samuel Fuller, Edward Wins- ^ These last two parajiraphs are 

low, William Bradford, and Isaac taken from Prince, p. 158, who 

AUerton. copied them from Bradford's MS. 



CHAPTER Vn. 

OF THEIR DEPARTURE FROM LEYDEN, AND EMBARKATION 
FROM DELFT-HAVEN. 



CHAP. 

vn. 

162 0. 



After such travail and turmoils ^ and debates which 
they went through, things were gotten ready for their 
departure from Leyden. A small ship was provided 
in Holland, of about sixty tons, which was intended, as 
to serve to transport some of them over the seas, so to 
stay in the country and to tend upon fishing and such 
other affairs as might be for the good and benefit of the 
whole, when they should come to the place intended.^ 
Another was hired at London, of burden about nine- 
score, and all other things got in a readiness. 



' " Much of their troubles re- 
specting this matter is not express- 
ed in this book." — Morton^s Note. 

^ This vessel was less than the 
average size of the fishing-smacks 
that go to the Grand Bank. This 
seems a frail bark in which to cross 
a stormy ocean of three thousand 
miles in extent. Yet it should be 
remembered, that two of the ships 
of Columbus on his first daring and 
perilous voyage of discovery were 
light vessels, without decks, little 
superior to the small craft that ply 
on our rivers and along our coasts. 
Peter Martyr d'Anghiera, the con- 
temporary of Columbus, and the 
first writer who mentions the dis- 
covery of America, says " Ex regie 
fisco destinata sunt tria navigia ; 
unum onerariura cavatum, alia duo 



levia mercatoria, sine caveis quae 
ab Hispanis caravelae vocantur." 
De Orbe Novo, dec. i. cap. i. (p. 2, 
ed. 1587.) " At the length three 
ships were appointed him at the 
king's charges ; of the which one 
was a great carrack with decks, 
and the other two light merchant 
ships without decks, which the 
Spaniards call caravels." (Eden's 
trans, p. 8, ed. 1577.) Frobisher's 
fleet consisted of two barks of 
twenty-five tons each, and a pin- 
nace of ten tons, when he sailed in 

1576, to discover a north-west pas- 
sage to the Indies. Sir Francis 
Drake, too, embarked on his voyage 
for circumnavigating the globe, in 

1577, with five vessels, of which 
the largest was of one hundred, 
and the smallest of fifteen tons. 



21. 



THE PILGRIMS LEAVE LEYDEN. 87 

So being ready to depart, they had a day of solemn chap. 

humihation, their pastor taking his text from Ezra the 

viiith, 21. " And there, at the river, by Ahava, I pro- ^62 0. 
claimed a fast, that we might humble ourselves before 
our God, and seek of him a right way for us, and for 
our children, and for all our substance." Upon which 
he spent a good part of the day very profitably, and 
suitably to their present occasion.^ The rest of the 
time was spent in pouring out prayers to the Lord with 
great fervency, mixed with abundance of tears. And 
the time being come that they must depart, they 
were accompanied with the most of their brethren out ju]y 
of the city unto a town sundry miles off, called Delft- 
Haven,^ where the ship lay ready to receive them. 
So they left that goodly and pleasant city, which had 
been their resting-place near twelve years. But they 
knew they were Pilgrims,^ and looked not much on 
those things, but lifted up their eyes to heaven, their 
dearest country, and quieted their spirits. 

The bark in which Sir Humphrey Robinson's farewell discourse. It 
Gilbert perished was of ten tons will be found in his Brief Narra- 
only. The Little James, which the tion, in a subsequent part of this 
Company sent over to Plymouth in volume ; but it ought to be read in 
July 1623, was a pinnace of only this connexion, 
forty-four tons. See Navarrete, * Delft-Haven is a commodious 
Coleccion de A^iages, ii. p. 11, Doc. porton ihe north side of the Meuse, 
Diplom. 7 ; Irving's Life of Colum- two miles south-west from Rotter- 
bus, i. 113, iii. 303 — 306 ; Kippis's dam, eight miles from Delft, and 
Biog. Britann. V. 345 ; Aikin"s Gen. about fourteen miles south of Ley- 
Biog. iii. 449, iv. 249; Prince, p. den. 

220. — Mather, i. 47, is inaccurate ^ "I think I may with singular 

in stating that the Speedwell was propriety call their lives a filgrim- 

hired, in which error he is followed age. Most of them left England 

by the authors of the Mod. Univ. about the year 1609, after the truce 

Hist, xxxix. 272. — In a vessel of with the Spaniards, young men be- 

the same name, of fifty tons, Mar- tween twenty and thirty years of 

tin Pring had in 1603 coasted along age. They spent near twelve years, 

the shores of New England. See strangers among the Dutch, first at 

Prince, p. 102; Belknap, ii. 124. Amsterdam, afterwards at Leyden. 

* Edward Winslow, who was After having arrived to the meridi- 

present, has preserved a portion of an of life, the declining part was to 



Heb. 
xi. 13. 



88 THE SAD PARTING AT DELFT-HAVEN. 

When they came to the place, they found the ship 
and all things ready; and such of their friends as 
16 2 0. could not come with them, followed after them ; and 
sundry also came from Amsterdam ^ to see them ship- 
ped, and to take their leave of them. That night was 
spent with little sleep by the most, but with friendly 
entertainment^ and Christian discourse, and other 
July real expressions of true Christian love. The next day, 
^^' the wind being fair, they went on board, and their 
friends with them ; when truly doleful was the sight 
of that sad and mournful parting ; to see what sighs 
and sobs and prayers did sound amongst them ; what 
tears did gush from every eye, and pithy speeches 
pierced each other's heart ; that sundry of the Dutch 
strangers, that stood on the quay as spectators, could 
not refrain from tears. Yet comfortable and sweet it 
was to see such lively and true expressions of dear 
and unfeigned love. But the tide, which stays for no 
man, calling them away, that were thus loth to depart, 
their reverend pastor, falling down on his knees, and 
they all with him, with watery cheeks commended 
them, with most fervent prayers, to the Lord and his 
blessing ; and then, with mutual embraces and many 
tears, they took their leaves of one another, which 
proved to be their last leave to many of them.^ 

Thus hoisting sail, with a prosperous wind,'^ they 



be spent in another world, among ^Prince, p. 159, reads erj/ertoinm^. 

savages, of whom every European ^ This scene is the subject of one 

must have received a most unfavor- of the great national pictures in the 

able, if not formidable idea. ' Tan- rotunda of the capitol at Washing- 

tum religio potuit suadere.' " — ton. It was painted by Robert 

Hutchinson, Hist. Mass. ii. 452. W. Weir, Esq. 

The term Pilgrims belongs ex- '' Edward Winslow says, in his 

clusively to the Plymouth colonists. Brief Narration, " We gave them a 

' The distance from Amsterdam volley of small shot and three pieces 

to Delft-Haven is about 36 miles. of ordnance." 



THE PILGRIMS ARRIVE AT SOUTHAMPTON. 89 

came in a short time to Southampton/ where they chap. 

found the bigger ship come from London,^ lying ready -. ^^ 

with all the rest of their company. After a joyful wel- 1 620. 
come and mutual congratulation, with other friendly 
entertainments, they fell to parley about their proceed- 
ings. [Seven hundred pounds sterling are laid out at 
Southampton, and they carry about seventeen hun- 
dred pounds venture with them ; and Mr. Weston 
comes thither from London to see them despatched.] ' 



A brief Letter written by Mr. John Robinson to Mr. 
John Carver, at their parting aforesaid, in which the 
tender love and godly care of a true pastor appears. 

My Dear Brother, 

I received enclosed your last letter and note of in- 
formation, which I shall carefully keep and make use 
of, as there shall be occasion. I have a true feeling of 
your perplexity of mind and toil of body ; but I hope 
that you, having always been able so plentifully to 
administer comfort unto others in their trials, are so 
well furnished for yourself, as that far greater difficul- 
ties than you have yet undergone (though I conceive 
them to be great enough) cannot oppress you, though 
they press you, as the Apostle speaketh. " The spirit Ji^\^. 
of a man (sustained by the Spirit of God) will sustain 



' Southampton is a seaport in ^ After London, Prince, p. 160, 

Hampshire, situated at the head of inserts from Gov. Bradford's MS., 

an estuary, running- up from the " Mr. Jones master, with the rest 

isle of Wight, called the Southamp- of the company, who had been 

ton Water. It was the rendezvous waiting there with Mr. Cushman 

of seven of Winthrop's fleet in seven days." 

March, 1630, when he was prepar- ^ The sentence in brackets is 

ing to transport his colony to Massa- from Prince, p. 160, who quotes 

chusetts Bay. See Savage's Win- Bradford's MS. 
throp, i. 2, 366. 

12 



90 ROBINSON'S LETTER TO CARVER. 

CHAP, his infirmity." I doubt not so will yours ; and the 
^ — ^-i^ better much, when you shall enjoy the presence and 
16 20. help of so many godly and wise brethren, for the bear- 
ing of part of your burden ; who also will not admit into 
their hearts the least thought of suspicion of any the 
least negligence, at least presumption, to have been 
in you, whatsoever they think in others.^ Now what 
shall I say or write unto you and your good wife, my 
loving sister ? Even only this ; I desire, and always 
shall, mercy and blessing unto you from the Lord, as 
unto my own soul ; and assure yourself that my heart 
is with you, and that I will not foreslow ^ my bodily 
coming at the first opportunity. I have written a large 
letter to the whole, and am sorry I shall not rather 
speak than write to them ; and the more, consid- 
ering the want of a preacher,^ which I shall also 
make some spur to my hastening towards you. I do 
ever commend my best affection unto you ; which if 
I thought you made any doubt of, I would express in 
more, and the same more ample and full words. And 
the Lord, in whom you trust, and whom you serve 
ever in this business and journey, guide you with his 
hand, protect you with his wing, and show you and 
us his salvation in the end, and bring us, in the mean 



* This sentence indicates the great the burden of government was ex- 
confidence reposed in Carver by the pected to rest on him, as it after- 
Church. His being sent as their wards turned out. See Hutchinson, 
first and principal agent to England, ii. 456. 
shows that he was a leading and ''Foreslow, — delay, 
trusted man among the Pilgrims, a 'It appears from page 85, that 
fact which is confirmed by the cir- " Mr. Crabe, a minister, had prom- 
cumstance of his being selected by ised to go." They suffered much 
Robinson as the individual to whom afterward for want of a regular 
to address this parting letter. Some pastor, 
passages in it seem to betoken that 



ROBINSON'S LETTEPx, TO HIS FLOCK. 91 

while, tocrether in the place desired (if such be his chap. 

. . . ^ VII. 

good will) for his Christ's sake. Amen. 

Yours, 16 2 0. 

John Robinson. 
Juhj 27th, 1620. 

This was the last letter that Mr. Carver lived to 
see from him.^ 

At their parting, Mr. Robinson^ writ a letter to the 
whole company, which, although it hath already been 
printed, yet I thought good here likewise to insert it.^ 

Loving Christian Friends, 

I do heartily and in the Lord salute you, as being 
those with whom I am present in my best affections, 
and most earnest longings after you, though I be con- 
strained for a while to be bodily absent from you. I 
say constrained, God knowing how willingly, and 
much rather than otherwise, I would have borne my 
part with you in this first brunt, were I not by strong 
necessity held back for the present. Make account of 
me, in the mean while, as of a man divided in myself 
with great pain, and as (natural bonds set aside) hav- 
ing my better part with you. And though I doubt not 
but in your godly wisdom you both foresee and resolve 
upon that which concerneth your present state and con- 
dition, both severally and jointly, yet have T thought 
it but my duty to add some further spur of provoca- 

^ Carver died in April, 1621. the Plymouth colonists in Dec. 

^ Oldmixon, i. 29, errs in saying 1621, and in 1669, in Morton's New 

that " Mr. Robinson did not live to England's Memorial. There are 

go in person " with the first colo- some variations in the text of these 

iiists. He lived till 1625. several copies. It is not in Neal's 

^ It was printed in 1622, in the New England, as stated by Prince, 

Relation, or Journal, sent over by p. 160. 



92 ROBINSON'S LETTER OF ADVICE 

CHAP, tion to them, that run well already: if not because 

VII. . . 
^ you need it, yet because I owe it in love and duty. 

16 2 0. And first, as we are daily to renew our repentance 
with our God, especially for our sins known, and gen- 
erally for our unknown sins and trespasses, so doth 
the Lord call us in a singular manner, upon occasions 
of such difficulty and danger as lieth upon you, to a 
both more narrow search and careful reformation of 
our ways in his sight ; lest he calhng to remembrance 
our sins forgotten by us or unrepented of, take advan- 
tage against us, and in judgment leave us for the 
same to be swallowed up in one danger or other. 
Whereas, on the contrary, sin being taken away by 
earnest repentance, and the pardon thereof from the 
Lord sealed up unto a man's conscience by his Spirit, 
great shall be his security and peace in all dangers, 
sweet his comforts in all distresses, with happy 
deliverance from all evil, whether in life or in death. 
Now next after this heavenly peace with God and 
our own consciences, we are carefully to provide for 
peace with all men, what in us lieth, especially with 
our associates ; and for that end, watchfulness must 
be had, that we neither at all in ourselves do give, no, 
nor easily take offence, being given by others. Wo be 
unto the world for offences ; for although it be neces- 
sary (considering the malice of Satan and man's cor- 
ruption) that offences come, yet wo unto that man, or 
woman either, by whom the offence cometh, saith 
l^fj- Christ. And if offences in the unseasonable use of 
things in themselves indifferent be more to be feared 
than death itself, as the Apostle teacheth, how much 
more in things simply evil, in which neither honor of 
God nor love of man is thought worthy to be regarded. 



Matt, 
xviii. 7. 



ix. 15. 



vii 1-5. 



TO THE WHOLE COMPANY. 93 

Neither yet is it sufficient that we keep ourselves, by chap. 

the grace of God, from giving offence, except withal 

we be armed against the taking of them, when they i6 2o. 
be given by others. For how unperfect and lame is 
the work of grace in that person who wants charity to 
cover a multitude of offences,^ as the Scripture speaks. 
Neither are you to be exhorted to this grace only upon 
the common grounds of Christianity, which are, that 
persons ready to take offence, either want charity to 
cover offences,^ or wisdom duly to weigh human frail- 
ties, or, lastly, are gross though close hypocrites, as 
Christ our Lord teacheth ; as indeed, in my own ex- J^'^f 
perience, few or none have been found which sooner 
give offence, than such as easily take it ; neither have 
they ever proved sound and profitable members in 
societies, which have nourished this touchy humor. 
But, besides these, there are divers motives provoking 
you, above others, to great care and conscience this 
way. As first, you are many of you strangers, as to 
the persons, so to the infirmities one of another, and 
so stand in need of more watchfulness this way ; lest, 
when such things fall out in men and women as you 
suspected not, you be inordinately affected with them ; 
which doth require at your hands much wisdom and 
charity, for the covering and preventing of incident 
offences that way. And lastly, your intended course 
of civil community will minister continual occasion of 

' The passao-e between ^ and ' — the recurrence of the word of- 
is omitted in Morton's copy, in the fences — the eye of the transcriber 
Church Records, but is restored glancing over the intervening words, 
from his Memorial, p. 26. It is This is what the critics call an 
also contained in the Relation or 6f/oioiilEviov. See Le Clerc"s Ars 
Journal mentioned in the Note on Critica, ii. 49. Michaelis, Introd. 
page 91. The cause of this acci- N. T. i. 271, (Marsh's ed.) ; Wet- 
dental omission is evident enough stein, N. T. ii. 863. 



94 ROBINSON'S LETTER OF ADVICE 

CHAP. ofTence, and will be as fuel for that fire, except you 

VII 

. ,^ diligently quench it with brotherly forbearance. And 

i«2o. if taking of offence causelessly or easily at men's 
" ^* doings be so carefully to be avoided, how much more 
heed is to be taken that we take not offence at God 
himself ; which yet we certainly do, so oft as we do 
murmur at his providence in our crosses, or bear 
impatiently such afflictions as wherewith he pleaseth 
to visit us. Store we up therefore patience against 
the evil day ; without which we take offence at the 
Lord himself in his holy and just works. 

A fourth thing there is carefully to be provided for, 
to wit, that with your common employments you join 
common affections, truly bent upon the general good ; 
avoiding, as a deadly plague of your both common 
and special comfort, all retiredness of mind for proper 
advantage, and all singularly affected any manner of 
way. Let every man repress in himself, and the 
whole body in each person, as so many rebels against 
the common good, all private respects of men's selves, 
not sorting with the general conveniency. And as 
men are careful not to have a new house shaken with 
any violence before it be well settled, and the parts 
firmly knit, so be you, I beseech you, brethren, much 
more careful that the house of God, which you are, 
and are to be, be not shaken with unnecessary novel- 
ties, or other oppositions, at the first settling thereof^ 

^ " Plutarch," says Jeremy Tay- of shape by many slight acci- 

lor, " compares a new marriage to dents; but when the materials come 

a vessel before the hoops are on." once to be settled and hardened by 

" Therefore " Plutarch adds, " it be- time, nor fire nor sword will hardly 

hooves those people who are newly prejudice the solid substance." See 

married to avoid the first occasions Plutarch's Morals, iii. 17, (ed. 

of discord and dissension ; consid- 1694) ; Taylor's Works, v. 260, 

ering that vessels newly formed are (Heber's ed.) 
subject to be bruised and put out 



TO THE WHOLE COMPANY. 95 

Lastly, whereas you are to become a body politic, chap. 

using amongst yourselves civil government, and are L. 

not furnished with any persons of special eminency 1 6 2 o. 
above the rest to be chosen by you into office of gov- 
ernment, let your wisdom and godliness appear not 
only in choosing such persons as do entirely love and 
will diligently promote the common good, but also in 
yielding unto them all due honor and obedience in 
their lawful administrations, not beholding in them the 
ordinariness of their persons, but God's ordinance for 
your good ; nor being like the foolish multitude, who 
more honor the gay coat than either the virtuous mind 
of the man, or glorious ordinance of the Lord. But 
you know better things, and that the image of the 
Lord's power and authority, which the magistrate 
beareth, is honorable, in how mean persons soever. 
And this duty you both may the more willingly and 
ought the more conscionably to perform, because you 
are, at least for the present, to have only them for 
your ordinary governors which yourselves shall make 
choice of for that work. 

Sundry other things of importance I could put you 
in mind of, and of those before mentioned in more 
words. But I will not so far wrong your godly minds 
as to think you heedless of these things ; there being 
also divers among you so well able to admonish both 
themselves and others of what concerneth them. 
These few things, therefore, and the same in few 
words, I do earnestly commend unto your care and 
conscience, joining therewith my daily, incessant 
prayers unto the Lord, that He who hath made the 
heavens and the earth, the sea and all rivers of 
waters, and whose providence is over all his works, 



96 ROBINSON'S LETTER OF ADVICE. 

CHAP, especially over all his dear children, for good, 

v.— -^ would so guide and guard you in your ways, as 

16 2 0. inwardly by his Spirit, so outwardly by the hand of 

his power, as that both you, and we also, for and 

with you, may have after matter of praising his 

name all the days of your and our lives. Fare you 

well in Him in whom you trust, and in whom I rest 

An unfeigned well-wisher of your 

Happy success is this hopeful voyage, 

John Robinson. 



This letter, though large, being so fruitful in itself 
and suitable to their occasions, I thought meet to in- 
sert in this place. ^ 



* There is no date to this letter; in that letter Robinson says, "I 
but it was writen about the same have written a large letter to the 
time as the one to Carver, since whole." 



CHAPTER VIII. 



OF THE TROUBLES THAT BEFELL THE FIRST PLANTERS 
UPON THE COAST OF ENGLAND, AND IN THEIR VOYAGE 
IN COMING OVER INTO NEW ENGLAND, AND THEIR ARRI- 
VAL AT CAPE COD, ALIAS CAPE JAMES. 

All things being got ready, and every business chap 
despatched, the company was called together, and ___!. 
this letter read amongst them; which had good 1 620. 
acception with all, and after fruit with many. Then 
they ordered and distributed their company for either 
ship, as they conceived for the best, and chose a 
governor and two or three assistants for each ship, 
to order the people by the way, and to see to the 
disposing of their provisions, and such like affairs ; 
all which was not only with the liking of the masters 
of the ships, but according to their desires. 

Which being done, they set saiF from thence about 
the fifth of August.^ [But, alas, the best enterprises 5? 

' Smith, in his New England's appear in the book entitled New 

Trials, printed in 1622, and Pur- England's Memorial, page 31 ; and 

chas, in his Pilgrims, iv. 1840, likewise of the voyage, and how 

printed in 1625, say they sailed they passed the sea, and of their 

" with about 120 persons." safe arrival at Cape Cod, see New 

^ " But wliat befell them further England's Memorial, page 33." 

upon the coast of England, will Morton^s Note. 
13 



98 THEY ARE COMPELLED TO PUT BACK TWICE. 

CHAP, meet oftentimes with many discouragements. For 

V— -.^ they had not sailed far, before Mr. Reynolds, the 

1620. master of the lesser ship, complained that he found 

his ship so leaky, as he durst not put further to sea. 

Aug. On which they were forced to put in at Dartmouth, 

Mr. Jones, the master of the biggest ship, likewise 

putting in there with him ; and the said lesser ship 

was searched, and mended, and judged sufficient for 

the voyage by the workmen that mended her. On 

Aug. which both the said ships put to sea the second time. 

But they had not sailed above a hundred leagues, ere 

the said Reynolds again complained of his ship being 

so leaky as that he feared he should founder in the 

sea if he held on ; and then both ships bore up again, 

and went in at Plymouth.^ But being there searched 

again, no great matter appeared, but it was judged 

to be the general weakness of the ship. 

But the true reason of the retarding and delaying 
of matters was not as yet discerned. The one of 
them respecting the ship, (as afterwards was found,) 
was that she was overmasted ; which when she came 
to her trim in that respect, she did well, and made 
divers profitable and successful voyages. But second- 
ly, and more especially by the deceit of the master 
and his company, who were hired to stay a whole 

As this account of the voyage it from what is contained in the 

is substantially Bradford's, as ap- Church records, 
pears from comparing it with the * Grahame, i. 190, errs in saying 

extracts from his MS. in Prince, that " the emigrants were at first 

and as Morton refers to his Memo- driven back by a storm, which de- 

rial merely to save the labor of stroyed one of their vessels ; " and 

copying, and would undoubtedly Gorges is wrong in stating that 

have inserted it had he caused his they sailed in //*ree ships, " whereof 

uncle's History to be printed, I two proved unserviceable, and so 

have deemed it proper to make it a were left behind." See Mass. 

part of the narrative ; enclosing it, Hist. Coll. xxvi. 73. 
however, in brackets to distinguish 



THEY DISMISS ONE OP THEIR VESSELS. 99 

year in the country ; but now fancying dislike, and chap. 

fearing want of victuals, they plotted this stratagem 1 

to free themselves, as afterwards was known, and by i62o. 

Aug. 

some of them confessed. For they apprehended that 
the greater ship being of force, and in whom most of 
the provisions were bestowed, that she should retain 
enough for herself, whatsoever became of them and 
the passengers. But so strong was self-love and de- 
ceit in this man, as he forgot all duty and former 
kindness, and dealt thus falsely with them. 

These things thus falhng out, it was resolved by 
the whole to dismiss the lesser ship and part of the 
company with her, and that the other part of the 
company should proceed in the bigger ship.^ Which 
when they had ordered matters in reference there- 
unto, they made another sad parting, the one ship, 
viz. the lesser, going back for London, and the other, 
viz. the Mayflower,^ Mr. Jones being master, pro- 
ceeding on in the intended voyage. 



* Neal, in his History of New them." Tn the text, too, which is 

England, i. 86, says, " Mr. Cush- virtually Bradford's, we are told, 

man and his family, with some " it was resolved by the ivhole to 

others, that were more fearful, dismiss the lesser ship and part of 

went ashore, and did not proceed the company with her." It was 

on the voyage." Baylies, too, in the captain and crew of the Speed- 

his Memoir of Plymouth, i. 25. well that were unwilling to go, not 

says, " about twenty of the passen- his passengers ; and the error seems 

gers were discouraged, and would to have arisen from considering the 

not reimbark. There is no ground word company, in the passage " by 

for such an imputation on the cour- the deceit of the master and his 

age or perseverance of any of the company," as meaning the emi- 

emigrants. The dismissal of apart grants instead of the sailors; in 

was a matter of necessity, as the which latter sense it is constantly 

Mayflower could not carry the used at the present day by mer- 

whole. Bradford, as quoted by chants and seamen. — Smith and 

Prince, p. 161, says, " they agree Purchas say they discharge twenty 

to dismiss her, (the Speedwell,) and of their passengers, 
those who are willing, to return '^ The Mayflower is a ship of re- 

to London, though this was very nown in the history of the coloni- 

grievous and discouraging ; Mr. zalion of New England. She was 

Cushman and family returning with one of the five vessels which in 



100 THEIR LONG AND BOISTEROUS VOYAGE. 

CHAP. These troubles beinor blown over, and now all be- 

VIII . 

;. ing compact together in one ship, they put to sea 

16 20. again with a prosperous wind.^ But after they had 
6^ " enjoyed fair winds for a season, they met with many 
contrary winds and fierce storms, with which their 
ship was shrewdly shaken, and her upper works made 
very leaky ; and one of the main beams of the mid- 
ships was bowed and cracked,^ which put them to 
some fear that she would not be able to perform the 
voyage ; on which the principal of the seamen and 
passengers had serious consultation what to do, 
whether to return or hold on. But the ship proving 
strong under water, by a screw ^ the said beam was 
brought into his place again ; which being done, and 
well secured by the carpenter, they resolved to hold 
their voyage. "^ And so, after many boisterous storms, 
in which they could bear no sail, but were forced to 
lie at hull many days together,^ after long beating at 

1629 conveyed Higginson's com- '^Prince, p. 161, reads this word 
company to Salem, and also one of wracked in Bradford's MS. 
the fleet which in 1630 brought ^ Prince, p. IGl, quotes Brad- 
over Winthrop and his Colony to ford's MS. as saying, " a passen- 
Massachusetts Bay. See Savage's ger having brought a great iron 
Winthrop, i. 2 ; Hutchinson's Col- screw from Holland." 
lection of Papers, p. 33 ; Hazard, * " Nov, 6, dies at sea William 
i. 278. Butten, a youth, and servant to 
' With 100 persons, besides the Samuel Fuller, being the only pas- 
crew of the vessel, according to senger who dies on the voyage." 
Smith and Purchas — which cor- Bradford, in Prince, p. 161. One 
responds exactly to the number child was born, and called Oceanus, 
that arrived at Cape Cod, according the son of Stephen Hopkins. Brad- 
to Gov. Bradford's list, preserved ford, in Prince, p. 172. 
by Prince, p. 172. — Neal, Hist. * On Nov. 3, about a week be- 
N. E. i. 87, Douglass, i. 370, fore their arrival at Cape Cod, King 
Robertson, History of America, James had signed the patent for the 
book X., and Marshall, Life of incorporation of the adventurers to 
Washington, i. 91, and again Hist, the Northern Colony of Virginia, 
Amer. Col. p. 30, err in crowding or New England. The Pilgrims, 
the whole 120 into the ship. Old- however, did not hear of this till the 
mixon, i. 30, who generally out- arrival of the next ship, the For- 
does all others in his blunders, tune, in Nov. 1621. See Note on 
magnifies the number to 150. page 80, and Prince, p. 180. 



THEV FALL IN WITH CAPE COD. 



101 



sea, they fell in with the land called Cape Cod :^ the chap. 

. . . . VIII. 

which being made, and certainly known to be it, they 
were not a little joyful. 

After some little deliberation had amongst them- 
selves with the master of the ship, they tacked about 
to stand to the southward to find some place about 
Hudson's river (according to their first intentions) for 
their habitations.^ But they had not sailed that course 



^ Cape Cod, the most remarka- 
ble feature in the confitruration of 
the New England coast, and the 
first spot in it ever pressed by the 
footsteps of Englishmen, was dis- 
covered May 15, 1002, by Bartholo- 
mew Gosnold, who gave it the name 
on account of the abundance of cod 
which he caugiit in its neighbour- 
hood. John Brereton, who was one 
of ihe companions of Gosnold, and 
wrote a Journal of the voyage, says, 
they first made land May 14, in lat. 
43°, and " about three of the clock 
the same day in the afternoon we 
weighed, and standing southerly off 
into the sea the rest of that day and 
the night following, with a fresh 
gale of wind, in the morning we 
found ourselves embayed with a 
mighty headland. — At length we 
perceived this headland to be parcel 
of the main. — In five or six hours 
we pestered our ship so with cod- 
fish, that we threw numbers of them 
overboard again. — We sailed round 
about this headland almost all the 
points of the compass, the shore 
very bold, the land somewhat low, 
full of goodly woods, but in some 
places plain." Henry Hudson, Aug. 
3, 1609, saw land in 41° 43', and 
sailing north, anchored at the north 
end of this headland. Five of his 
men went on shore and " found 
goodly grapes and rose trees, and 
brought them aboard with them." 
Supposing it to be an island, and 
that he was its first discoverer, he 
called it New Holland. In a Dutch 
map, printed at Amsterdam in 1659, 
by Nicholas John Vischer, the whole 



Cape is called Nieuw Hollant, and 
the northern extremity is called 
Staaten Hoeck, State Point, or 
Witte Hoeck, White Point, proba- 
bly from the white sand hills. The 
French called it, for the same rea- 
son, Cap Blanc. Capt. John Smith, 
who surveyed the coast in 1614, 
says, "Cape Cod is a headland 
of high hills of sand, overgrown 
with shrubby pines, hursts, and such 
trash, but an excellent harbour for 
all weathers. This Cape is made 
by the main sea, on the one side, 
and a great bay on the other, in 
form of a sickle. On it doth inhabit 
the people of Pawmet." Charles, 
Prince of Wales, altered its name 
to Cape James, in honor of his 
father. But the original name could 
not be so easily supplanted ; " a 
name," says Cotton Mather, " which 
I suppose it will never lose till 
shoals of codfish be seen swimming 
on its highest hills." See Pur- 
chas's Pilgrims, iv. 1647 ; iii. 587 ; 
De Laet, Indiee Occidentalis De- 
scriptio, p. 70; Moulton's N. Y. 
p. 206 ; N. Y. Hist. Coll. i. 121 ; 
Mass. Hist. Coll. xxVu 119; Ma- 
ther's Magnalia, i. 43. Brereton's 
Journal is printed entire in the 
Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 83. 

■^ There can be no doubt that the 
Pilgrims intended to settle in the 
neighbourhood of Hudson's river. 
This is evident from the early nar- 
ratives written by Bradford and 
Wiuslow. As their patent from the 
A irginia Company did not authorize 
them to plant themselves north of 
the 40lh degree, they probably de- 



102 



THEY STAND SOUTH FOR HUDSON'S RIVER. 



CHAP, above half a day before they fell amongst perilous 



vni. 



shoals and breakers,^ and they were so far entangled 
'2 0. therewith as they conceived thenriselves in great dan- 

!0V. . . 

9. ger ; and the wind shrinking upon them withal, they 



signed to settle south of the Hud- 
son, somewhere in New Jersey. 
But head winds, the shoals and 
breakers of Cape Cod, and the late- 
ness of the season, conspired to 
prevent their original purpose. As 
Belknap says, ii. 188, " having 
been so long at sea, the sight of 
any land was welcome to women 
and children ; the new danger was 
formidable ; and the eagerness of 
the passengers to be set on shore 
was irresistible." 

Morton, in his Memorial, gives 
another account of the matter. He 
says, p. 34, •' Their putting into 
this place, (Cape Cod harbour,) was 
partly by reason of a storm, by 
which they were forced in, but more 
especially by the fraudulency and 
contrivance of Mr. Jones, the mas- 
ter of the ship ; for their inten- 
tion, as is before noted, and his en- 
gagement, was to Hudson's river. 
But some of the Dutch having no- 
tice of their intentions, and having 
thoughts about the same time of 
erecting a jdantation there like- 
wise, they fraudulently hired the 
said Jones, by delays while they 
were in England, and now under 
pretence of the danger of the shoals, 
&c. to disappoint them in their go- 
ing thither." He adds, in a note, 
" Of this plot betwixt the Dutch 
and Mr. Jones I have had late and 
certain intelligence." But the con- 
temporary narratives, written by 
Bradford and VVinslow, say not a 
word about this treachery of the 
captain ; nor does Bradford's His- 
tory, as quoted by Prince, p. 162, 
who is therefore obliged to derive 
this statement from Morton. Mor- 
ton is the first to mention it, and he 
does it in a book printed in 1669, 
half a century after the event is 
said to have occurred. He says, it 



is true, that he " had late and cer- 
tain intelligence of this plot." If 
it had been early intelligence, it 
would have been more certain. But 
Morton was only eleven years old 
when he came over with his lather 
to Plymouth in 1623 ; and in 1669, 
when he published his book, most 
of the first comers were dead, who 
could have furnished credible infor- 
mation on this point. They had 
died, and "given no sign" — not 
even lisped a syllable of complaint 
against the master of the Mayflower. 
It was too late then to get certain 
intelligence of a fact that had slum- 
bered for fifty years, and which, if 
well founded, would from the first 
landing have been notorious, and 
had a place in every account that 
was written of the Colony. The 
silence of Bradford and W^inslow 
seems conclusive on the point. — 
Yet this story has been repeated 
from Morton in an endless series by 
Hubbard, Mather, Prince, Neal, 
Hutchinson, Belknap, Holmes, Bay- 
lies, and Grahame, down to the 
present time. Moulton, in his un- 
finished but valuable History of 
New York, p. 355, was the first to 
question it. — I know not why Old- 
mixon, i. 29, and Grahame, i. 190, 
call Jones a Dutchman. 

' The Mayflower probably made 
the Cape towards its northern ex- 
tremity. The perilous shoals and 
breakers, among which she became 
entangled after sailing above half a 
day south, (or south-south-west, as 
the contemporary account states, in 
Bradford's Journal,) were undoubt- 
edly those which lie off the south- 
eastern extremity of the Cape, near 
Monamoy Point. The Pollock Rip, 
the most considerable of these, cor- 
responds to the " roaring " shoals 
mentioned by Bradford, in Prince, 



THEY PUT BACK TO CAPE COD HARBOUR. 



103 



resolved to bear up aijain for the Cape aforesaid, chap. 

. . VIII. 
The next day, by God's providence, they got into 

the Cape harbour.] ^ 

Being now passed the vast ocean and a sea of trou- 
bles, before their preparation unto further proceed- 
ings, as to seek out a place for habitation, &c. they 
fell down upon their knees and blessed the Lord, the 



16 20. 

Nov. 
11. 



p. 162. She may also have en- 
countered the Great and Little 
Round Shoals. It is not lilcely that 
she sailed far enough south to fall 
in with the Bass Rip or the Gieat 
Rip. Before she could reach these, 
the current and the flood tide pro- 
bably drove her in between Mona- 
moy Point and Nantucket. Had 
the wind permitted her to pursue a 
southern course, she might, in a few 
hours, have found an opening, and 
passed safely to the westward. 

Gabriel Archer, in liis Relation 
of Gosnold's voyage, in Purchas, 
iv. 1648, says, " We trended the 
coast southerly ; twelve leagues 
from Cape Cod (Provincetown) we 
descried a point, with some breach 
(breaker) a good distance oft", and 
keeping our luff to double it, we 
came on the sudden into shoal 
water ; yet well quitted ourselves 
thereof. This breach we called 
Tucker's Terror, upon his expressed 
fear. The point we named Point 
Care." Tucker's Terror is no 
doubt the Pollock Rip, and Point 
Care is Monamoy Point. Robert 
Juet, Hudson's mate, in his account 
of their voyage, after stating that 
they first made the land at the 
south-eastern point of the Cape, 
says, " We found a flood come from 
the south-east, and an ebb from 
the nortli-west, with a very strong 
stream, and a great hurling and 
noises." This too was the Pollock 
Rip. Smith says, " Towards the 
south and south-west of this Cape 
is found a long and dangerous shoal 
of sands and rocks ; but so far as 



I encircled it, I found thirty fathom 
water aboard the shore, which 
makes me think there is a channel 
about tiiis shoal.'' This also must 
have been the Pollock Rip. See 
Purchas, iii. 587 ; N. Y. Hist. Coll. 
i. 121 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi, 119, 
xxviii. 74. 

' " Let us go up in imagination 
to yonder hill, and look out upon 
the November scene. That single 
dark speck, just discernible through 
the perspective glass, on the waste 
of waters, is the fated vessel. The 
storm moans through her tattered 
canvass, as she creeps, almost sink- 
ing, to her anchorage in Province- 
town harbour ; and there she lies 
with all her treasures, not of silver 
and gold, (for of these she has 
none,) but of courage, of patience, 
of zeal, of high spiritual daring. 
So often as I dwell in imagination 
on this scene ; when I consider the 
condition of the Mayflower, utterly 
incapable as she was of living 
through another gale ; when I sur- 
vey the terrible front presented by 
our coast to the navigator, who, 
unacquainted with its channels and 
roadsteads, should approach it in 
the stormy season, I dare not call 
it a mere piece of good fortune, 
that the general north and south 
wall of the shore of New England 
should be broken by this extraordi- 
nary projection of the Cape, run- 
ning out into the ocean a hundred 
miles, as if on purpose to receive 
and encircle the precious A'essel. 
As I now see her, freighted with 
the destinies of a continent, barely 



104 THE PILGRIMS AT CAPE COD. 

CHAP. God of heaven, who had brought them over the vast 
VIII. . * 
and furious ocean, and dehvered them from all perils 

16 2 0. and miseries thereof, ao-ain to set their feet on the 

Nov. ' ° 

firm and stable earth, their proper element. And 
no marvel if they were thus joyful, seeing wise Seneca 
was so aflected with sailing a few miles on the coast 
of his own Italy, as he affirms he had rather remain 
twenty years in his way by land, than pass by sea to 
any place in a short time ; so tedious and dreadful 
was the same to him.^ 

But here I cannot but stay and make a pause, and 
stand half amazed at these poor people's condition ; 
and so I think will the reader too, when he well con- 
siders the same. For having passed through many 
troubles, both before and upon the voyage, as afore- 
said, they had now no friends to welcome them, nor 
inns to entertain and refresh them, no houses, much 
less towns, to repair unto to seek for succour.^ It is 

escaped from the perils of the deep, Celebration at Barnstable, Sept. 3, 

approaching the shore precisely 1839, p. 45. 

where the broad sweep of this most ^ Seneca says, in his 53d Epistle, 

remarkable headland presents al- that he set out to sail only from 

most tlie only point at which for Parthenope (Naples) to Puteoli, 

hundreds of miles she could with (Pozzuoli,) and to get thither the 

any ease have made a harbour, and sooner, launched out into the deep 

this perhaps the very best on the in a direct course to Nesis, (Nisida,) 

seaboard, I feel my spirit raised without coasting along the shore, 

above the sphere of mere natural This beautiful letter, which is well 

agencies. I see the mountains of worth reading, may be found in 

New England rising from their Thomas MorrelFs translation of the 

rocky thrones. They rush forward Epistles, i. 184, (London, 1786, 2 

into the ocean, settling down as vols. 4to.) 

they advance ; and there they range ^ "The nearest plantation to 
themselves a mighty bulwark around them is a French one at Port Roy- 
the heaven-directed vessel. Yes, al, who have another at Canada ; 
the everlasting God himself stretches and the only English ones are at 
out the arm of his mercy and his Virginia, 13ermudas, and New- 
power in substantial manifestation, foundland ; the nearest of these 
and gathers the meek company of about five hundred miles off. and 
his worshippers as in the hollow every one incapable of helping 
of his hand." Edward Everett's them." Prince, p. 180. 
Address at the Cape Cod Centennial 



Acta 
zxviii. 3. 



THE PILGRIMS AT CAPE COD. 105 

recorded in Scripture as a mercy to the Apostle and chap. 
his shipwrecked company, that " the barbarians show- ^ — -^ 
ed them no small kindness " in refreshinor them. But ^J'^o. 

^ . Nov. 

these salvage barbarians, when they met with them, 
(as after will appear,) were readier to fill their sides 
full of arrows, than otherwise. And for the season, it 
was winter ; ^ and they that know the winters of that 
country, know them to be sharp and violent, and 
subject to violent storms, dangerous to travel to 
known places, much more to search out unknown 
coasts. Besides, what could they see but a hideous 
and desolate wilderness, full of wild beasts and wild 
men ? and what multitudes there might be of them 
they knew not. Neither could they, as it were, go 
up to the top of Pisgah, to view from this wilderness 
a more goodly country ^ to feed their hopes. For 
which way soever they turned their eyes (save up- 
ward to the heavens) they could have little solace or 
content in respect of any outward objects. For sum- 
mer being done, all things stand for them to look 

' Grahame says, i. 191, that winter was more severe than they 

"the intense severity of their first had been accustomed to, but it was 

winter in America painfully con- unusually mild for this country and 

vinced the settlers that a more unfa- climate. Dudley says, in his Let- 

vorable season of the year could not ter to the Countess of Lincoln, 

have been selected for the planta- written in 1631, that the Plymouth 

tion of their colony." But it was colonists "were favored with a 

not the season which they selected, calm winter, such as was never 

They sailed from England at avcry seen here since." See Mass. Hist, 

proper and favorable time, in the Coll. viii. 37. Wood, too, who 

beginnintT of August, and might was here in 1633, and published 

reasonably expect to arrive on the his New England's Prospect in 

American coast by the middle of 1634, says, p. 5, (ed. 1764.) that 

September, in ample season to " the year of New Plymouth men's 

build their houses and provide for arrival was no winter in com- 

the winter. But being obliged to parison." 

put back twice, and then meeting ^ In the MS. the word is com- 

with head winds, and having a party, manifestly an error of the 

boisterous passage of sisly-four pen. Morton, copying the same 

days, they lost two months, and ar- passage into his Memorial, p. 33, 

rived just as the winter set in. The reads it country, as in the text. 

14 



106 THE PILGRIMS AT CAPE COD. 

CHAP, upon with a weather-beaten face : and the whole 

VIII. 

country being full of woods and thickets, represented 

1620. a wild and salvage hue. If they looked behind them, 

Nov. ? \ , 

there was the mighty ocean which they had passed, 
and was now as a main bar and gulf to separate them 
from all the civil parts of the world. If it be said 
they had a ship to succour them, it is true ; but what 
heard they daily from the master and company but 
that with speed they should look out a place with 
their shallop, where they would be at some near dis- 
tance ; for the season was such as he would not stir 
from thence until a safe harbour was discovered by 
them, where they would be and he might go without 
danger ; and that victuals consumed apace, but he 
must and would keep sufficient for himself and com- 
pany for their return. Yea, it was muttered by some, 
that if they got not a place in time, they would turn 
them and their goods on shore, and leave them. Let 
it be also considered what weak hopes of supply and 
succour they left behind them, that might bear up their 
minds in this sad condition and trials they were under, 
and they could not but be very small. It is true, in- 
deed, the affections and love of their brethren at Ley- 
den were cordial and entire ; but they had little power 
to help them, or themselves ; and how the case stood 
between them and the merchants at their coming 
away, hath already been declared. What could now 
sustain them but the spirit of God and his grace ? ^ 

' " Divers attempts had been panied the designs of both tliese 

made to settle this rough and north- nations, that they seem to give it 

em country ; first by the French, over as not worth the planting : 

who would fain account it a part of till a pious people of England, not 

Canada; and then by theEnoJish; allowed to woiship their Maker 

and both from mere secular views, according to his institutions only, 

But such a train of crosses accom- without the mixture of human cere- 



THE PILGRIMS AT CAPE COD. 



107 



May not and ought not the children of these fathers 
rightly say, " Our fathers were Enghshmen, which 
came over this great ocean, and were ready to perish 
in this wilderness. But they cried unto the Lord, 
and he heard their voice, and looked on their adver- 
sity." And let them therefore praise the Lord 
because he is good, and his mercies endure forever. 
Yea, let them which have been thus redeemed of the 
Lord show how he hath delivered them from the 
hand of the oppressor. When they wandered in the 
desert wilderness, out of the way, and found no city 
to dwell in, both hungry and thirsty, their soul was 
overwhelmed in them. Let them confess before the 
Lord his loving kindness and his wonderful works 
before the children of men.^ 

Of the troubles that befell them after their arrival, 



1620. 
Nov. 

Deut 
xxvi. 
5,7. 

Psalm 
cvii. 1,2, 

4, 5, 8. 



monies, are spirited to attempt the 
settlement, that they might enjoy 
a worship purely scriptural, and 
leave the same to their posterity." 
Prince, p. 98. 

" Whether Britain would have 
had any colonies in America, if 
religion had not been the ^rand in- 
ducement, is doubtful. One hun- 
dred and twenty years had passed, 
from the discovery of the northern 
continent by the Cabots, without 
any successful attempt. After 
repeated attempts had failed, it 
seems less probable that any should 
undertake in such an affair, than 
it would have been if no attempt 
had been made." Hutchinson's 
Mass. i. 3. 

' Milton, in his treatise on Refor- 
mation in England, written in I64I, 
thus alludes to the persecution and 
exile of our New England fathers. 
" What numbers of faithful and 
freeborn Englishmen and good 
Christians, have been constrained 
to forsake their dearest home, their 
friends and kindred, whom nothing 



but the wide ocean, and the savage 
deserts of America, could hide and 
shelter from the fury of the bishops. 
O if we could but see the shape of 
our dear mother England, as poets 
are wont to give a personal form to 
what they please, how would she 
appear, think ye, but in a mourning 
weed, with ashes upon her head, 
and tears abundantly flowing from 
her eyes, to behold so many of her 
children exposed at once, and thrust 
from things of dearest necessity, 
because their conscience could not 
assent to things which the bishops 
thought indilferent ? Let the astrol- 
oger be dismayed at the portentous 
blaze of comets, and impressions 
in the air, as foretelling troubles 
and changes to states ; I shall be- 
lieve there cannot be a more ill- 
boding sign to a nation, (God turn 
the omen from us !) then when the 
inhabitants, to avoid insufferable 
grievances at home, are enforced 
by heaps to forsake their native 
country." Prose Works, i. 37, 
(Symmons's ed.) 



108 



THE MAYFLOWER AT CAPE COD. 



CHAP, with sundry other particulars concernino^ their trans- 
viii. . . 

> ^^ actings with the merchants adventurers, and many 

16 20. other passages not so pertinent to this present dis- 
course, I shall refer the reader to Neiu Englan(Ps 
Memorial, and unto Mr. Bradford's book, where they 
are at large penned to his plentiful satisfaction.^ 



' Here we take leave of Morton's 
copy of Gov. Bradford's History. 
As the rest of it is lost, except the 
iew scattered passages preserved 
by Prince and Hutchinson, and as 
"we have a Journal of " the troubles 
that befell them after their arrival," 



written at the time, and chiefly, as 
I conceive, by Gov. Bradford, and 
much more copious and minute 
than the account in Morton's Me- 
morial, the narrative will proceed 
in the words of that Journal. 




BRADFORD'S AND WINSLOW'S 



JOURNAL. 



" Relation or lournall of the beginning and proceedings of the 
English Plantation setled at Plimoth in New-England, by 
certaine English Adventurers both Merchants and others. 

With their difficult passage, their safe arriuall, their ioyfuU build- 
ing of, and comfortable planting themselves in the now well 
defended Towne of New Plimoth. 

As also a Relation of foure seuerall discoueries since made by 
some of the same English Planters there resident. 

I. In a iourney to PackanoMck, the habitation of the Indians 
greatest King Massasoyt ; as also their message, the answer 
and entertainment they had of him. 

II. In a voyage made by ten of them to the Kingdome of Nawset, 
to seeke a boy that had lost himselfe in the woods : with such 
accidents as befell them in that voyage. 

III. In their iourney to the Kingdome of Namaschct, in defence of 
their greatest King Massasoyt , against the NarroMggonsets, and 
to reuenge the supposed death of their Interpreter Tisquantmn. 

nil. Their voyage to the Massachuscts, and their entertainment 
there. 

With an answer to all such objections as are any way made against 
the lawfulnesse of English plantations in those parts. 

London. Printed for lohn Bellamie, and are to be sold at his 
shop at the two Greyhounds in Cornhill neere the Royall Ex- 
change. 1622." sm. 4to. 



TO THE READER. 



Courteous Reader, 

Be entreated to make a favorable construction of my 
forwardness in publishing these ensuing discourses. 
The desire of carrying the Gospel of Christ into those 
foreign parts, amongst those people that as yet have 
had no knowledge nor taste of God, as also to procure 
unto themselves and others a quiet and comfortable 
habitation, were, amongst other things, the induce- 
ments unto these undertakers of the then hopeful, and 
now experimentally known good enterprise for planta- 
tion in New England, to set afoot and prosecute the 
same. And though it fared with them, as it is common 
to the most actions of this nature, that the first attempts 
prove difficult, as the sequel more at large expresseth, 
yet it hath pleased God, even beyond our expectation 
in so short a time, to give hope of letting some of 
them see (though some he hath taken out of this vale 
of tears) ^ some grounds of hope of the accomplish- 
ment of both those ends by them at first propounded. 



' The writer studiously suppres- than ^oT/" of the first Colonists had 
ses the discouraging fact that more already perished. 



112 GEORGE MORTON'S PREFACE. 

And as myself then much desired, and shortly hope 
to effect, if the Lord will, the putting to of my shoul- 
der in this hopeful business, and in the mean time 
these Relations coming to my hand from my both 
known and faithful friends, on whose writings I do 
much rely, I thought it not amiss to make them more 
general, hoping of a cheerful proceeding both of 
adventurers and planters ; entreating that the ex- 
ample of the honorable Virginia and Bermudas ^ 
Companies, encountering with so many disasters, 
and that for divers years together with an unwearied 
resolution, the good effects whereof are now eminent, 
may prevail as a spur of preparation also touching 
this no less hopeful ^ country, though yet an infant, 
the extent and commodities whereof are as yet not 
fully known : after time will unfold more. Such 
as desire to take knowledge of things, may inform 
themselves by this ensuing treatise, and, if they 
please also by such as have been there a first and 
second time.^ My hearty prayer to God is that the 
event of his and all other honorable and honest under- 
takings, may be for the furtherance of the kingdom 
of Christ, the enlarging of the bounds of our sovereign 
lord King James, and the good and profit of those 

^ By the third patent of the Vir- Virginia or New England had been 

ginia Company, granted in 1612, branded as " a cold, barren, moun- 

the Bermudas, and all islands with- tainous, rocky desert," and had 

in three hundred leagues of the been abandoned as "uninhabitable 

coast, were included within the by Englishmen." See Gorges in 

limits of their jurisdiction. These Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 56; and 

islands they sold to 120 of their Capt. John Smith in his Gen. Hist, 

own members, who became a dis- ii. 174. 

tinct corporation, under the name ^ Cushman had just returned 

of the Somer Islands Company, from Plymouth, and Clark and 

See Stiih's Virginia, p. 127, App. Coppin, the mates or pilots of the 

24. Mayflower, had been on the coast 

" After the failure of Popham's twice. 
colony at Sagadahoc in 1608, North 



GEORGE MORTON'S PREFACE. 



113 



who, either by purse or person or both, are agents in 
the same. So I take leave, and rest 

Thy friend, 

G. MOURT.^ 



' Who was G. Mourt? From his 
Preface it is evident that he was a 
person in England interested in the 
success of the Plymouth Colony, 
identifying himself with it, as ap- 
pears from the expression, " even 
beyond our expectation," having 
" much desired " to embark with 
the first colonists, and intending 
soon to go over and join them. It 
is also evident that he had familiar 
and friendly relations with some of 
them, (" these Relations coming to 
my hand from my both known and 
faithful friends,") and that he was 
one in whom they reposed such 
entire confidence as to send to him 
their first despatches of letters and 
journals. 

The only individual answering 
to this description that I can ascer- 
tain, is George Morton, who had 
married a sister of Gov. Bradford, 
and came over to Plymouth in July, 
1623, in the first ship that sailed for 
the Colony after this Journal was 
printed. He is represented in the 
Memorial, p. 101, as " very faithful 
in whatsoever public employment 
he was betrusted withal, and an 



unfeigned well-wilier and promoter 
of the common good and growth of 
the plantation of New Plymouth." 
Mourt may have been written de- 
signedly for Morton, from a disin- 
clination on his part to have his 
name appear publicly in print, or it 
may have been a mistake of the 
printer, the final letters, from some 
flourish of the pen or otherwise, 
not being distinctly legible. Sev- 
eral other typographical errors, more 
important and palpable than this, 
occur in the Journal. It will be 
seen hereafter that Carver's name 
was printed Leaver, and Williams, 
by a flourish of the pen, was con- 
verted into Williamson. 

Prince, p. 132, errs in saying 
that this Journal was published by 
Mourt ; and his editor, p. 439, (ed. 
1826,) errs in stating that Prince 
had only Purchases abridgment of 
it. He had the entire work, on the 
title-page of which it is stated that 
it was " printed for John Bellamy," 
who continued for at least twenty- 
five years from that time (1622,) to 
be the principal publisher of books 
relating to New England. 



15 



TO HIS MUCH RESPECTED FRIEND, MR. I. P.* 



Good Friend, 

As we cannot but account it an extraordinary bless- 
ing of God in directing our course for these parts, 
after we came out of our native country, — for tliat 
we had the happiness to be possessed of the comforts 
we receive by the benefit of one of the most pleasant, 
most healthful, and most fruitful parts of the world, — 
so must we acknowledge the same blessinaj to be mul- 
tiplied upon our whole company, for that we obtained 
the honor to receive allowance and approbation of our 
free possession and enjoying thereof, under the author- 
ity of those thrice honored persons, The President and 
Council for the Aftairs of New England ; ^ by whose 
bounty and grace, in that behalf, all of us are tied to 
dedicate our best service unto them, as those, under 
his Majesty, that we owe it unto ; whose noble endea- 



' These are probably the initials their behalf, to the President and 

of John Pierce, in whose name Council of New England, for a 

their second patent was taken. See grant of the territory on which ihey 

Prince, p. 204. had unintentionally settled. This, 

^ The Pilgrims, by coming so it seems, was readily accorded. — 

far north, had got beyond the The President and Council put 

limits of the Virginia Company, forth in 1622, " A Brief Relation 

and accordingly their patent was of the Discovery and Plantation 

of no value. On the return of of New England," which is re- 

the Mayflower in May, 1021, the printed in the Mass. Hist. Coll. xix. 

merchant adventurers applied, in 1 — 25. 



ROBERT CUSHMAN'S LETTER. 



115 



vours in these their actions the God of heaven and 
earth multiply to his glory and their own eternal 
comforts. 

As for this poor Relation, I pray you to accept it as 
being writ by the several actors themselves,^ after 
their plain and rude manner. Therefore doubt no- 
thing of the truth thereof. If it be defective in any 
thing, it is their ignorance, that are better acquainted 
with planting than writing. If it satisfy those that are 
well affected to the business, it is all I care for. 
Sure I am the place we are in, and the hopes that 
are apparent, cannot but suffice any that will not de- 
sire more than enough. Neither is there want of 



^ This constitutes its great value, 
and confers on it the highest au- 
thority. George Morton, in his 
Preface, alludes to the same fact. 
Edward Winslow, in a postscript to 
his " Good News from New Eng- 
land," printed in 1G24, states that 
this Relation was " gathered by the 
inhabitants of this present planta- 
tion at Plymouth, in New Eng- 
land," and in the body of his work 
alludes to " former letters written 
by myself and others, which came 
to the press against my will and 
knowledge." The Journal, too, 
directly and by implication, repeat- 
edly testifies to the same point. 
Under Dec. 6, in mentioning their 
third excursion, it says, " the nar- 
rative of which discovery follows, 
penned by one of the company." 

I do not hesitate to ascribe this 
Journal to Bradford and Winslow, 
chiefly to the former. They were 
among the most active and effi- 
cient leaders of the Pilgrims ; and 
one or the other of them went on 
almost every expedition here re- 
corded, and were therefore cogni- 
zant of the facts as e3'e-witnesses. 
They were also the only practised 
writers among them. We are not 



aware that any of the other colo- 
nists were accustomed to writing ; 
at least none of their writings have 
come down to us. Standish, though 
'■ the best linguist among them," 
in the Indian dialects, was more 
expert with the sword than the 
pen ; and Elder Brewster, then fifty- 
six years old, was prevented by his 
office, if not by his age, from going 
on any of the excursions, and was 
therefore not competent to write 
the journal of them. Carver had 
the weight of government on his 
shoulders, which would leave little 
time for writing ; he died too in 
April, five months after their arri- 
val at the Cape. Allerton, Fuller, 
and Hopkins, are the only other 
persons likely to have had any 
hand in writing the Journal ; and 
the part they contributed to it, if 
any, would probably be confined to 

furnishing the rough sketches of 

TV- 
such expeditions as those to Nau- 

set, Namaschet, and Massachusetts, 
in which Bradford and Winslow 
may not have been personally en- 
gaged. The style, too, seems to 
correspond, in its plainness and 
directness, with that of Bradford, in 
his History. 



116 



ROBERT CUSHMAN'S LETTER, 



aught among us but company to enjoy the blessings 
so plentifully bestowed upon the inhabitants that are 
here. While I was a writing this, I had almost forgot 
that 1 had but the recommendation of the Relation 
itself to your further consideration, and therefore I 
will end without saying more, save that I shall always 
rest 

Yours, in the way of friendship, 

R. G.^ 

From Plymouth, in New England. 



* Who was R. G. '^ At the time 
this Journal was sent over from 
Plymouth, in Dec. 1621, the only- 
person there whose initials were 
R. G. was Richard Gardiner. He 
was one of the signers of the Com- 
pact on board the Mayflower, as 
will be seen hereafter. In that list 
it is apparent that the 41 names 
are, for the most part, subscribed in 
the order of the reputed rank of 
the signers. The two last, Dotey 
and Leister, were servants ; the 
two next preceding, Allertoii and 
English, were seamen ; then comes 
Richard Gardiner. Now it is very 
unlikely that such an obscure per- 
son as this, No. 37, of whom no- 
thing is known, whose name does 
not appear in the assignment of the 
lands in 1G23, nor in the division 
of the cattle in 1627, and occurs no 
where subsequently in the records 
of the Colony, should be selected 
and deputed by the leading men 
in it to endorse " the recommen- 
dation " of their Journal. Such 
a person, even had he been chosen 
for this purpose, would not have 
presumed to speak of his superiors 
as having written their narrative 
" after their plain and rude man- 
ner, " and apologize for " their ig- 
norance," by saying they were 
" better acquainted with planting 
than writing. " Such language 
would be used only by one of their 
compeers. 

Nor could R. G. have been 



Richard Greene, as is suggested in 
Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvii. 298, 300 ; 
since Greene did not arrive at Ply- 
mouth till July, 1622, and this Re- 
lation was sent to England in Dec. 
1621. See note ' on page 236, 
and pages 296 and 299. 

R. G. (or R. C. as I think it 
should be,) was Robert Cushman, 
their active and efficient agent, who 
being prevented from coming over 
in the Mayflower, came in Nov. 
1621, in the Fortune, and returned 
in her the next month. Cushman 
brought the intelligence that a 
charter had been procured for them 
by the merchant adventurers from 
the President and Council of New 
England, "better than their for- 
mer, and with less limitation." It 
was very natural, under these cir- 
cumstances, that the leading colo- 
nists should request him to write a 
letter in their behalf, enclosing a 
copy of their Journal, to Pierce, in 
whose name the charter had been 
taken ; and it was no less natural, 
that in writing it, he should render a 
deserved tribute of acknowledgment 
to the Company, for their " bounty 
and grace " in allowing them the 
free possession and enjoyment of 
the land on which they had invo- 
luntarily settled. See Prince, p. 
198. 

This letter of Cushman is follow- 
ed in the original by Robinson's 
patting Letter of Advice, which has 
already been printed on page 91. 



CHAPTER IX. 

OP THE FIRST PLANTERS' COMBINATION BY ENTERING 
INTO A BODY POLITIC TOGETHER; WITH THEIR PRO- 
CEEDINGS IN DISCOVERY OF A PLACE FOR THEIR SET- 
TLEMENT AND HABITATION, 

Wednesday, the 6th of September, the wind com- chap. 

TV 

ing east-north-east, a fine small gale, we loosed from ._^ 
Plymouth, having been kindly entertained and cour- 1620. 
teously used by divers friends there dwelling; and ^^P** 
after many difficulties in boisterous storms, at length, 
by God's providence, upon the 9th of November fol- Nov. 
lowing, by break of the day, we espied land, which 
we deemed to be Cape Cod, and so afterward it 
proved. And the appearance of it much comforted 
us, especially seeing so goodly a land, and wooded to 
the brink of the sea. It caused us to rejoice together, 
and praise God that had given us once again to see 
land. And thus we made our course south-south- 
west, purposing to go to a river ten leagues to the 
south of the Cape.^ But at night the wind being 
contrary, we put round again for the bay of Cape Cod ; 
and upon the 1 1th of November we came to an anchor 11. 

* This river was the Hudson, coast. Ten may possibly be an 
Little was known at that time error of the press, 
about distances on this unsurveyed 



118 



CAPE COD WELL WOODED. 



CHAP, in the bay,^ which is a good harbour and pleasant bay, 

^-.-L circled round, except in the entrance, which is about 

16 20. four miles over from land to land,^ compassed about to 

i\]' the very sea with oaks, pines, juniper, sassafras, and 

other sweet wood.^ It is a harbour wherein a thousand 

sail of ships may safely ride.^ There we relieved our- 



^ That is, in Cape Cod or Pro- 
vincetown harbour. 

^ This is just the distance from 
Long Point to the nearest land in 
Truro. 

^ Few trees are now left round 
Cape Cod harbour. That they 
were once common, appears from 
the name Wood End, given to a 
part of the coast, and from the 
stumps that are still found along 
the sliore, particularly at ihe west 
end of the harbour, below the pres- 
ent high water mark, just above 
what is called " the rising." There 
is quite a grove of pines, called 
Mayo's Wood, near Snow's hill, at 
the eastern end of the village. 
There are dwarf oaks, too, grow- 
ing on High Hill. The young 
trees would thrive if they were en- 
closed and protected from the cows, 
who now get part of their living by 
browsing on them. There are a 
few sassafras bushes, but no juni- 
per. The juniper was probably the 
red cedar. Josselyn, in his New 
England's Rarities, published in 
1672, says, page 49, " Cardan says 
juniper is cedar in hot countries, 
and juniper in cold countries ; it is 
here very dwarfish and shrubby, 
growing for the most part by the 
sea-side." And Wood, in his New 
England's Prospect, printed in 1634, 
says, p. 19, "the cedar tree is a 
tree of no great growth, not bearing 
above a foot and a half at the most, 
neither is it very high. This wood 
is of color red and white, like yew, 
smelling as sweet as juniper." In 
1740 there was a number of oaks 
in the woods northwest of East 
Harbour. 



* Cape Cod harbour is formed by 
the spiral bending of the land, from 
Pamet river to Long Point, nearly 
round every point of the compass; 
it is completely land-locked. " It is 
one of the finest harbours for ships 
of war on the whole of our Atlantic 
coast. The width, and freedom 
from obstructions of every kind, at 
its entrance, and the extent of sea- 
room upon the bay side, make it 
accessible to vessels of the largest 
class in almost all winds. This 
advantage, its capacity, depth of 
water, excellent anchorage, and the 
complete shelter it affords from all 
winds, render it one of the most 
valuable ship harbours upon our 
coast, whether considered in a com- 
mercial or military point of view." 
See Major J. D. Graham's Report, 
pp. 2 and 13, No. 121 of Executive 
Documents of the 25th Congress, 
2d Sess. 1837-8, vol. 5. — Major 
Graham was employed by the go- 
vernment of the United States, dur- 
ing portions of the years 1833, 
1834, and 1835, assisted by seven 
engineers, to survey the extremity 
of Cape Cod, including the town- 
ships of Provincetown and Truro, 
with their sea-coast, and the harbour 
of Cape Cod. This survey was 
executed with the greatest accuracy 
and precision, and a large and beau- 
tiful map, on a scale of six inches 
to a mile, was projected from it and 
published by order of Congress in 
1838. It was republished in 1841, 
on a reduced scale of three inches 
to a mile, by I. W. P. Lewis, civil 
engineer. It is very desirable that 
the whole Cape should be surveyed 
in the same manner. 



ABUNDANCE OF WHALES. 119 

selves with wood and water, and refreshed our peo- chap. 



IX. 



pie, while our shallop was fitted to coast the bay, to 
search for a habitation. There was the greatest 1620 



&' 



Nov. 



Store of fowl ^ that ever we saw. 11 

And every day we saw whales^ playing hard by 
us ; of which in that place, if we had instruments and 
means to take them, we might have made a very rich 
return ; which, to our great grief, we wanted. Our 
master and his mate, and others experienced in fish- 
ing, professed we might have made three or four thou- 
sand pounds' worth of oil. They preferred it before 
Greenland whale-fishing, and purpose the next winter 
to fish for whale here. For cod we assayed, but found 
none ; there is good store, no doubt, in their season.^ 
Neither got we any fish all the time we lay there, but 
some few little ones on the shore. We found great 
muscles,"^ and very fat and full of sea-pear] ; but we 
could not eat them, for they made us all sick that did 

^ Sea fowls come in late in the Cod, where it was carried on en- 
autumn and remain during the tirely in boats, which put oif when- 
winter. They were formerly plen- ever a signal was given by persons 
tiful on the shores ; but they have on the look out from an elevated 
been so frequently molested, that station, that a whale was seen to 
their numbers are much reduced. blow. In 1690 " one Ichabod Pad- 

^ Whales are frequently seen in dock" went from the Cape to Nan- 

Barnstable Bay and on the outside tucket to teach the iiihal)itants of 

of the Cape, and are killed by boats that isle the art and mystery of 

from Provincetown. Occasionally, catching whales. See Mass. Hist, 

though more rarely of late, they Coll. iii. 157. 

come into the harbour ; at the begin- ^ This is a little remarkable ; for 

ningofthe present century, two or cod are caught at the Cape as 

three whales, producing about a early as November. They probably 

hundred barrels of oil, were annu- fished only in the harbour. The 

ally caught ; the last that was best season is in February and 

killed in the harbour was in Dec. March, when they are caught in 

1840, a hump-back, that made fifty great plenty between Race Point 

barrels of oil. The appearance of and Wood End. It was May when 

a whale in the harbour is the sig- Gosnold found them in such abun- 

nal for a general stir among the dance. 

hundred graceful five-hand boats * Though muscles are found in 

that line the circlinj shore of this Cape Cod harbour, yet the sea clam 

beautiful bay. The American seems to be meant, as it frequently 

whale fishery commenced at Cape produces on the stomach the effects 



11. 



120 CAPE COD HARBOUR. 

CHAP, eat, as well sailors as passengers. They caused to 

. -L, cast and scour ; but they were soon well again. 

162 0. The bay is so round and circhng, that before we 
could come to anchor,^ we went round all the points 
of the compass. We could not come near the shore 
by three quarters of an Enghsh mile, because of 
shallow water ; ^ which was a great prejudice to us ; 
for our people, going on shore, were forced to wade 
a bowshot or two in going a land, which caused many 
to get colds and coughs ; for it was many times freez- 
ing cold weather. 

Nov. This day, before we came to harbour, observing 
some not well affected to unity and concord, but 
gave some appearance of faction, it was thought good 
there should be an association and agreement, that we 
should combine together in one body,^ and to submit 
to such government and governors as we should by 

here described. F. — The notes to They also lie all alonp- the shore in 
which this letter is annexed were front of the town, but do not extend 
written by the Rev. James Free- so far from the land. At low wa- 
man, D.D., of Boston. His father ter it is very shallow, and it is still 
being a native of Truro, Dr. Free- necessary to wade a considerable 
man frequently visited the Cape, distance, to get into a boat, as the 
and became strongly attached to it. writer knows by experience. 
He wrote a very minute and accu- ^ Here, for the first time in the 
rate topographical account of it, world's history, the philosophical 
which may be found in the Mass. fiction of a social compact was 
Hist. Coll. vol. viii. His papers realized in practice. And yet it 
are signed r. s. denoting his office seems to me that a great deal more 
of Recording Secretary of the Mass. has been discerned in this docu- 
Hist. Society ; a Society which, in ment than the signers contemplated, 
its 28 volumes, has accomplished It is evident, from page 95, that 
more than any other literary or when they left Holland, they ex- 
scientific association in America. pected " to become a body politic, 

' The Mayflower anchored " with- using amongst themselves civil 

in less than a furlong" of the end government, and lo choose their 

of Long Point, two miles from the own rulers from among them- 

present village of Provincetown. selves." Tlieir purpose in drawing 

The shore is here very bold, and up and signing this compact was 

the water deep. See p. 150. simply, as they state, to restrain 

'^ At the head of the harbour, certain of their number, who had 

towards Wood End, and at East manifested an unruly and factious 

Harbour, the flats extend three disposition. This was the whole 

quarters of a mile from the shore, philosophy of the instrument, 



TtlE COMPACT. 121 

common consent am-ee to make and choose, and set chap. 

IX. 

our hands to this that follows, word for word. . --^ 

In the name of God, Amen. We, whose names are 1 620. 

. . . Nov. 

underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign 11. 
lord. King James, by the grace of God, of Great Bri- 
tain, France, and Ireland king, defender of the faith, 
&c., having undertaken, for the glory of God, and 
advancement of the Christian faith, and honor of our 
king and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in 
the northern parts of Virginia, do, by these presents? 
solemnly and mutually, in the presence of God and one 
of another, covenant and combine ourselves together 
into a civil body politic, for our better ordering and 
preservation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid ; 
and by virtue hereof to enact, constitute and frame 
such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, 
and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most 
meet and convenient for the general good of the col- 
ony ; unto which we promise all due submission and 
obedience. In witness whereof we have hereunder 
subscribed our names, at Cape Cod, the 11th of Novem- 
ber, in the year of the reign of our sovereign lord. King 
James, of England, France and Ireland the eighteenth, 
and of Scotland the fifty-fourth, anno Domini 1620. 

[Mr. John Carver t 8 John Alden 1 

William Bradford t 2 Mr. Samuel Fuller 2 

Mr. Edward Winslow 15* Mir. Christopher Martin t 4 

Mr. William Brewster t 6 * Mr. William Mullins t 5 

Mr. Isaac Allerton t G * Mr. William White t 5 

Capt. Miles Stan dish f 2 Mr Richard Warren 1 

whatever may since have been dis- " seems to have been of a mere 
covered and deduced from it by moral nature, that they might re- 
astute civilians, philosophical his- move all scruples of inflictinf^ neces- 
torians, and imaginative orators, sary punishments, even capital ones, 
" One great reason of this cove- seeing all had voluntarily subjected 
nant," as Hutchinson says, ii. 458, themselves to them." 

16 



122 



THE LANDING AT CAPE COD. 



CHAP. 




John Rowland 


IX. 




Mr. Stephen Hopkins t 


■- 


* 


Edward Tilly t 


16 20. 


* 


John Tilly t 


Nov. 




Francis Cook 


11. 


* 


Thomas Rogers 




* 


Thomas Tinker t 




* 


John Ridgdale t 




* 


Edward Fuller t 




* 


John Turner 
Francis Eaton t 




* 


James Chilton t 




* 


John Crackston 
John Billington t 




* 


Moses Fletcher 



* John Goodman 1 

8 * Degory Priest 1 

4 * Thomas Williams 1 

3 Gilbert Winslow 1 

2 * Edmund Margeson 1 

2 Peter Brown 1 

3 * Richard Britterige 1 

2 George Soule 

3 * Richard Clarke 1 
3 Richard Gardiner 1 
3 * John Allerton 1 

3 * Thomas English 1 
2 Edward Dotey 

4 Edward Leister 

1 101] 1 



The same day, so soon as we could, we set ashore 
fifteen or sixteen men, well armed, with some to fetch 
wood, for we had none left ; as also to see what the 
land was, and what inhabitants they could meet with. 



' I have inserted this list from 
Prince, who found it at the end of 
Gov. Bradford's MS. From mod- 
esty, Bradford omits the title of Mr. 
to his own name. The figures 
denote the numl)er in each family. 
Those with an asterisk (*) prefixed to 
their names, 21 in numher, died be- 
fore the end of March. Those with 
an obelisk (f) affixed, 18, brought 
their wives with them. Three, 
Samuel Fuller, Richard Warren, 
and Francis Cook, left their wives 
for the present either in Holland or 
England. They came in the Anne. 
Some left behind them part, and 
others all their children, who after- 
wards came over. John Howland 
was of Carver's flimily, George 
Soule of Edward Winslow's, and 
Dotey and Leister of Hopkins's 
family. Martin, Warren, Hopkins, 
Billington, Dotey, Leister, and pro- 
bably some others, joined them in 
England. John Allerton and Eng- 
lish were seamen. The list includes 
the child that was born at sea, and 
the servant who died ; the latter 
ought not to have been counted. 
The number living at the signing 
of the compact was therefore only 
100. See Prince, p. 172. 



" So there were just 101, (no, 
100,) who sailed from Plymouth in 
England, and just as many arrived 
in Cape Cod harbour. And this is 
the solitary number, who, for an 
undefiled conscience and the love 
of pure Christianity, first left their 
native and pleasant land, and en- 
countered all the toils and hazards 
of the tumultuous ocean, in search 
of some uncultivated region in North 
Virginia, where they might quietly 
enjoy their religious liberties and 
transmit them to posterity." Prince, 
p. 17.3. 

" These were tlie founders of the 
Colony of New Plymouth. The 
settlement of this colony occasioned 
the settlement of Massachusetts 
Bay, which was the source of all 
the other colonies of New England. 
Virginia was in a dying state, and 
seemed to revive and flourish from 
the example of New England. I 
am not preserving from oblivion the 
names of heroes whose chief merit 
is the overthrow of cities, provinces, 
and empires, but the names of the 
founders of a flourishing town and 
colony, if not of the whole British 
empire in America." Hutchinson, 
ii. 4C2. 



THE SOIL OF CAPE COD. 



123 



They found it to be a small neck of land ; ^ on this chap. 
side where we lay, is the bay,^ and the further side > — ^— 
the sea:^ the ground or earth sand hills, much hke 16 20. 

' *= Nov. 

the downs * in Holland, but much better ; the crust of ii. 
the earth, a spit's depth,^ excellent black earth ; all 



The same day " they choose Mr. 
John Carver, a pious and well ap- 
proved gentleman, their povernor 
for the first year." Bradford, in 
Prince, p. 102. 

' The men appear to have heen 
landed on Long Point, which tra- 
dition says has been diminished in 
its length, breadth, and height. F. 

^ By the bay is intended the har- 
bour. Plymouth harbour is after- 
wards called a bay ; and the same 
name is given to the harbour of 
Cummaquid, or Barnstable. F. 

^ That is, Barnstable bay. F. 

^ Gosnold, on landing at Cape 
Cod, in 1602, found "the sand by 
the shore somewhat deep."' Smith, 
too, calls it " a headland of high 
hills of sand." The downs, or 
dunes, along the coast of Holland, 
are formed by the wind blowing 
up the sands of the sea-shore. To 
check the dispersion of the sand, 
the dunes are sowed regularly every 
year with a species of reed grass 
[arundo arenaria.) In a short time 
the roots spread and combine so as 
to hold the sand fast together. Lin- 
naeus, in his journey to the islands 
of OeJand and Gothland, in the 
Baltic, pointed out to the natives 
the advantage of planting the sea- 
reed grass to arrest the sand and 
form soil on the shores, to which it 
is extremely well adapted by the 
length of its roots. A similar 
practice has within a few years 
been adopted at Cape Cod, under 
the direction and at the expense of 
the general government. Large 
tracts of white sand at Province- 
town have been planted with the 
beach grass {■psanima arenaria.) 
The grass, during the spring and 
summer, grows about two ieet and 



a half. If surrounded by naked 
beach, the storms of autumn and 
winter heap up the sand on all 
sides, and cause it to rise nearly to 
the top of the plant. In the ensu- 
ing spring the grass sprouts anew ; 
is again covered with sand in the 
winter ; and thus a hill or ridge 
continues to ascend as long as there 
is a suificient base to support it, or 
till the surrounding sand, being 
also covered with beach grass, will 
no longer yield to the force of the 
wind. See Purchas, iv. 1048 ; 
Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 119, viii. 
110; Bigelow's Plants of Boston 
and its Vicinity, p. 40 ; Pulteney's 
General A^iew of the Writings of 
Linnaeus, p. 35. 

* The depth of a spade. F. "A 
spade's depth thrown out in dig- 
ging is still called a spit.'' Rich- 
ardson's Diet. art. Spade. 

Some persons may smile at read- 
ing of " a spade's depth of excellent 
black earth" at the extremity of 
Cape Cod. And yet, even now, 
after the woods are cut down, and 
free scope is given to the winds to 
scatter the sands over the vegetable 
mould of centuries, there is, at 
High head, in Truro, within four 
miles of Long Point, where the 
Mayflower was anchored, an " ex- 
cellent black earth" more than a 
foot in deptli, which for years, 
without manure, has produced 50 
to CO bushels of corn to the acre. 
It is based on an old Indian clam- 
bed, in which I observed the shells 
of the oyster, the scallop, the 
quahaug, the sea clam, and the 
common clam. This rich soil is 
on the property of James Small, 
whose hospitable dwelling is near 
the Highland Light. 



124 



THE TREES OF CAPE COD. 



CHAP, wooded ^ with oaks, pines, sassafras, jumper, birch, 
— l^ holly, vines, some ash, walnut ; ^ the wood for the most 
16 2 0. part open and without underwood,^ fit either to go or 
ride in. At night our people returned, but found not 
any person, nor habitation ; and laded their boat with 
juniper,'^ which smelled very sweet and strong, and of 
which we burnt the most part of the time we lay 
there. 



Nov. 
11. 



' See note^ on page 118. 

* There are three kinds of oak 
on the Cape, the red oak, [qucrcus 
rubra,) the black oak, ((/uercus tinc- 
toria,) and the white oak, ((/uercus 
alba.) The frames of the oldest 
buildings there are made of white 
oak, which is one of the most du- 
rable kinds of timber. The pine 
is the pitch pine, (pinus rigida) ; 
the birch is the white birch, [betula 
populifolia) ; the holly is the Amer- 
ican holly, an evergreen, {ilex opa- 
ca) ; the ash is the white ash, 
[fraxinus Americana,) and the wal- 
nut is the white walnut, (juglans 
tomentosa.) 

^ " The salvages arc accustomed 
to set fire to the country in all 
places where they come, and to 
burn it twice a year, viz. at the 
spring, and the fall of the leaf. 
The reason that moves them to do 
so is because it would otherwise be 
so overgrown with underweeds, 
that it would be all a coppice wond, 
and the people would not be able 
in any wise to pass through the 
country out of a beaten path. This 
custom of firing the country is the 
means to make it passable, and by 
that means ihe trees grow here and 
there, as in our parks, and makes 
the country very beautiful and com- 
modious." Morton's New English 
Canaan, ch. 18, (printed in 1632. 
Morton was here in 1622 and 1625.) 
" Whereas it is generally conceived 
that the woods grow so thick that 
there is no more clear ground tiian 
is hewed out by labor of men, it is 
nothing so ; in many places, divers 



acres being clear, so that one may 
ride a hunting in most places of 
the land. There is no underwood, 
saving in swamps and low grounds ; 
for it being the custom of the In- 
dians to burn the woods in No- 
vember, when the grass is wither- 
ed, and leaves dried, it consumes 
all the underwood and rubbish, 
which otherwise would overgrow 
the country, making it impassable, 
and spoil their much affected hunt- 
ing. So that by this means, in 
these places where the Indians in- 
habit, there is scarce a bush or 
bramble, or any cumbersome un- 
derwood to be seen in the more 
champaign ground." Wood's New 
England's Prospect, ch. 5. (Wood 
was here in 1633.) The woods in 
some parts of Wellfleet and East- 
ham are now entirely free from 
underwood, as in the time of the 
Pilgrims. 

■* The juniper was no doubt the 
red cedar, or savin, { juniferus Vir- 
giniana,) an evergreen which is still 
common on the Cape. It resembles 
very much the juniperus sahina, or 
common savin of Europe, which 
bears the juniper berries. The 
taste of the leaves in the two spe- 
cies is nearly the same. The wood 
of the red cedar is odorous, and the 
leaves, when bruised, emit a resi- 
nous, aromatic odor. It burns 
freely on account of its resinous 
qualities. Morton says, " Of cedar 
there is abundance; and this wood 
was such as Solomon used for the 
building of that glorious temple of 
Hierusalem. This wood cuts red." 



THE FIRST EXCURSION UP THE CAPE. 125 

Monday,^ the 13th of November, we unshipped our chap. 
shallop, and drew her on land, to mend and repair 
her, having been forced to cut her down in bestow- 
ing her betwixt the decks, and she was much opened 
with the people's lying in her ; which kept us long 
there, for it was sixteen or seventeen days before the 
carpenter had finished her. Our people went on 
shore to refresh themselves, and our women to wash, 
as they had great need. But whilst we lay thus still, 
hoping our shallop would be ready in five or six days, 
at the furthest, (but our carpenter made slow work of 
it, so that) some of our people, impatient of delay, 
desired for our better furtherance to travel by land 
into the country, (which was not without appearance 
of danger, not having the shallop with them, nor means 
to carry provision but on their backs,) to see whether 
it might be fit for us to seat in or no ; and the rather, 
because, as we sailed into the harbour, there seemed 
to be a river ~ opening itself into the main land. The 
willingness of the persons was liked, but the thing 
itself, in regard to the danger, was rather permitted 
than approved ; and so with cautions, directions, and 
instructions, sixteen men were set out, with every 
man his musket,^ sword, and corslet, under the con- 
duct of Captain Miles Standish ; * unto whom was 

See Michaux's Sj'lva Americana, iii. or six inches of match biirnina," 

2*21, and Bigelovv's Medical Botany, Nov. 10, and from their " lighting- 

iii. 49. all their matches," Nov. 30. P^ven 

' It would seem that the day be- as late as 1687, match-locks were 

fore, being Sunday, they remained used instead of flint-locks in tlic 

quietly on board. regiments of the Duke of Bruns- 

^ Pamet river. Winslovv spells wick. See Beckmann"s History of 

it Paomet, and Capt. Smith Paw- Inventions, iii. 440. 
met. It is pronounced as if spelt '' Miles Standish appears now 

Parmit. in these Chronicles for the first 

^ Their guns were matchloclvS, time, as the military leader of the 

as appears from their liaving " five Pilgrims. Ilis name has not been 



126 



CAPTAIN MILES STANDISH. 



CHAP- 
IX. 

16 20. 

Nov. 



adjoined, for counsel and advice, William Bradford,^ 
Stephen Hopkins,^ and Edward Tilley. 



mentioned in Gov. Bradford's His- 
tory. He took no part in the nego- 
tiations with the Virginia Com- 
pany or with the merchant adven- 
turers. He was not one of Robin- 
son's church before it left England ; 
but serving in the Low Countries, 
in the forces sent over by Queen 
Elizabeth to aid the Dutch against 
the Spaniards, he fell in, as Wins- 
low did, with Robinson and his 
congregation, liked them and their 
principles, and though not a mem- 
ber of their church, either volunta- 
rily, or at their request, embarked 
with them for America. Morton, 
p. 202, says tliat he was " a gentle- 
man, born in Lancashire, and was 
heir apparent unto a great estate of 
lands and livings, surreptitiously 
detained from him, his great grand- 
father being a second or younger 
brother from the house of Standish." 
This is not improbable. There are 
at this time in England two an- 
cient families of the name, one 
of Standish Hall, and ttse other of 
Duxbury Park, both in Lancashire, 
who trace their descent from a 
common ancestor, Ralph de Stand- 
ish, living in 1221. There seems 
always to have been a iniHtary 
spirit in the family. Froissart, 
relating in his Chronicles the me- 
morable meeting between Richard 
H. and Wat Tyler, says that after 
the rebel was struck from his horse 
by William Walworth, " then a 
squyer of the kynges alyted, called 
John Standysshe, and he drewe 
out his sworde, and put into Wat 
Tyler's belye, and so he dyed." 
For this act Standisli was knighted. 
In 1415, another Sir John Stand- 
ish fought at the battle of Agin- 
court. From his giving the name 
of Duxbury to the town where he 
settled, near Plymouth, and call- 
ing his eldest son Alexander, (a 
common name in the Standish fam- 
ily,) I have no doubt that Miles 
was a scion from tliis ancient and 



warlike stock, which he did not 
dishonor. Whilst writing this note, 
I observe in the journals of the 
day, the death (Dec. 7, 1840, at 
Cadiz,) of "Frank Hall Standish, 
Esq. of Duxbury Hall, Lancas- 
hire." — The Plymouth soldier was 
a man of small stature, but of such 
an active and daring spirit that he 
spread terror through all the Lidian 
tribes from Massachusetts Bay to 
Martha's Vineyard, and from Cape 
Cod harbour to Narraganset. In 
the autumn of 1625 he went to 
England, as an agent of the colony, 
and returned in the spring of 1626. 
In 1630 he removed to Duxbury, 
which was undoubtedly so called 
after the family seat of his ances- 
tors. He had six children, and four 
sons, Alexander, Miles, Josiah, and 
Charles, survived him, whose nu- 
merous descendants are to be found 
in several towns in Plymouth county, 
in Connecticut, and in the State of 
New York. He lived and died at 
the foot of Captain's Hill, in Dux- 
bury, so called after him, a monu- 
mental landmark that will hand 
his name down to the latest times. 
He was an assistant in 1633, and 
was repeatedly reelected to this 
office. He died in 1656, but his 
age is unknown. — Smith, in his 
Hist, of N. Jersey, p. 18, commits a 
singular error in saying that "about 
the year 1620 the Plymouth Com- 
pany sent a fresh recruit from Eng- 
land under the command of Capt. 
Standish." See Belknap, Am. Biog. 
ii. 310 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xviii. 
121, XX. 58 — 61; Hutchinson's 
Mass. ii. 461 ; MitchelTs Hist, of 
Bridgewater, p. 307 ; Burke's Hist, 
of the Commoners of Great Britain, 
ii. 64, and iv. 642. 

^ Winslow not being one of the 
party, I consider Bradford the sole 
author of this part of the Journal. 

'■^ Stephen Hopkins, whose name 
stands the 14th in order among the 
signers of the Compact, with the 



FIRST SIGHT OF THE INDIANS. 



127 



Wednesday, the 15th of November, they were set chap. 
ashore ; ^ and when they had ordered themselves in ^ — J^ 
the order of a single file, and marched about the 1^20. 

. Nov. 

space of a mile by the sea, they espied five or six 15. 
people, with a dog, coming towards them, who were 
savages ; who, when they saw them, ran into the 
wood,^ and whistled the dog after them, &:c. First 
they supposed them to be Master Jones, the master, 
and some of his men, for they were ashore and knew 
of their coming ; but after they knew them to be In- 
dians, they marched after them into the woods, lest 
other of the Indians should lie in ambush. But when 
the Indians saw our men following them, they ran 
away with might and main ; and our men turned out 
of the wood after them, for it was the way they in- 
tended to go, but they could not come near them. 
They followed them that night about ten miles ^ by 



honorable prefix of Mr., seems to 
have been a person of some consid- 
eration among the Pilgrims. From 
the same list it appears that he 
brought two servants or laborers 
with him, Dotey and Leister. It 
has already been mentioned, p. 100, 
that he had a son born on the voy- 
age, named Oceanus. His wife's 
name was Elizabeth, and his three 
other children were Giles, Caleb, 
and Deborah. We are told further 
on in this Journal, under Dec. 6, 
that he joined the emigrants in Eng- 
land, not having been one of Robin- 
son's congregation at Leydcn. He 
went on two at least of the three 
excursions from Cape Cod harbour, 
and on the present occasion in the 
capacity of a counsellor. He was 
generally deputed to accompany 
Standish, and from this it may be 
inferred that he was somewhat of a 
military man, at least more so than 
the others ; or it may be, his cool- 
ness was deemed important to tem- 
per the ardor of the captain. Thus 



he was adjoined to Standish Feb. 
17, 1621, to meet the two Indians 
who siiowed themselves on Wat- 
son's hill ; and March 16, Samoset 
was lodged for safe keeping at his 
house. He was also Winslow's 
companion on his visit to Massas- 
soit at Pokanoket in July. He 
was an assistant to the governor of 
Plymouth from 1633 to 1636, and 
seems to have been much employed 
in public affairs. Nothing more is 
known about him, except that he 
was alive in 1643. See Mass. Hist. 
Coll. xiii. 184. 

' The men were probably set 
ashore at Long Point. 

2 Probably at Wood End. 

^ After keeping along the shore 
for a mile, they turned in to the 
left after the Indians, and probably 
pursued them circuitously among 
the hills back of the village. As 
they were travelling on foot in 
the sands, the distance is probably 
overrated. 



128 THE PILGRIMS AT EAST HARBOUR. 

CHAP, the trace of their footings, and saw how they had come 

the same way they went, and at a turning perceived 

16 20. how they ran up a hilV to see whether they followed 
them. At length night came upon them, and they 
were constrained to take up their lodging.^ So they 
set forth three sentinels ; and the rest, some kindled 
a fire, and others fetched wood, and there held our ^ 
rendezvous that night. 
Nov. In the mornino; so soon as we could see the trace, 

16. *' . ' 

we proceeded on our journey, and had the track until 
we had compassed the head of a long creek ; ^ and 
there they took into another wood, and we after them, 
supposing to find some of their dwellings. But we 
marched through boughs and bushes, and under hills 
and valleys,"^ which tore our very armor in pieces, 
and yet could meet with none of them, nor their 
houses, nor find any fresh water, which we greatly 
desired and stood in need of; for we brought neither 
beer nor water with us, and our victuals was only 
biscuit and Holland cheese, and a little bottle of aqua- 
vitae, so as we were sore athirst. About ten o'clock 

' Perhaps Snow's hill ; or, it may ^ The writer of course was one 

be, Mt. Gilboa or Mt. Ararat. of the party — undoubtedly Brad- 

^ Probably near Stout's Creek, ford, 

opposite Beach Point. Stout's * East Harbour Creek, a distance 

Creek is a small branch of East of about three miles and a half. F. 

Harbour Creek. Many years ago The entrance into East Harbour is 

there was a body of salt marsh on at the extremity of Beach Point, 

it, and it then deserved the name It is very shoal, both at its entrance 

of a creek. But the marsh was and within it, having only one to 

long since destroyed ; and the creek three feet at ordinary low water, 

scarcely exists, appearing only like No other use is made of it as a 

a small depression in the sand, and harbour than to moor or lay up the 

being entirely dry at half tide, small craft belonging to this place, 

One of the lifeboats provided by in the winter season, to protect 

the Humane Society of Massachu- them from the ice. See Major 

setts, at the expense of the Stale, Graham's Report, p. 13. 

is stationed on the outer shore of ' Excepting the trees and bush- 

the Cape, opposite Stout's Creek, es, which have disappeared, this 

Graham puts the creek down on his is an exact description of that 

chart, but omits the name. See part of Truro, called East Har- 

Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 198; viii. HI. hour. F. 



NEW ENGLAND WATER. 



129 



we came into a deep valley,' full of brush, wood- chap. 
gaile,^ and long grass, through which we found little ^-^_ 
paths or tracks ; and there we saw a deer, and found i^ ^ ^ • 
springs of fresh water,^ of which we were heartily le. 
glad, and sat us down and drunk our first New Eng- 
land water, with as much delight as ever we drunk 
drink in all our lives.^ 

When we had refreshed ourselves, we directed our 
course full south,^ that we might come to the shore, 
which within a short while after we did, and there 



' In this valley is the small vil- 
lage of East Harbour. It is going 
to decay, and probably will not long 
exist. F. — There are now four 
or five houses remaining. An old 
gentleman, resident in the valley, 
told me on the spot in Aug. 1840, 
that he recollected when there were 
seventeen houses there. 

^ The wood-gaile was probably 
what is called the sweet gale, or 
Dutch myrtle, (niT/rica gale.) See 
Bigelow's Plants of Boston and its 
vicinity, p. 393, (3d ed.) 

^ In the midst of the valley 
above mentioned is a swamp called 
Dyer's Swamp. Around it was 
formerly a number of springs of 
fresh water ; and a few still remain, 
though probably before another 
century is closed, they will be 
choked with sand, as many of them 
already have been. F. — There is 
now in the valley a hollow over- 
grown with bushes ; but in Aug. 
1840, I could find no springs round 
it, and the oldest inhabitant recol- 
lected none. 

■* The water and air of New 
England have always been justly 
famous. Brereton, who accom- 
panied Gosnold in 1602, speaks of 
the " many springs of excellent 
sweet water" which he found on 
the Elizabeth islands. Capt. John 
Smith, in his Description of New 
England says, " The waters are 
most pure, proceeding from the 
entrails of rocky mountains." Hig- 

17 



ginson, in his New England's 
Plantation, remarks that " the 
country is full of dainty springs," 
and that " a sup of New England's 
air is better than a whole draught 
of Old England's ale." Morton, 
in his New English Canaan, ch. 8, 
says " and for the water, therein it 
excelleth Canaan by much ; for the 
land is so apt for fountains, a man 
cannot dig amiss. Therefore if the 
Abrahams and Lots of our times 
come thither, there needs be no 
contention for wells. In the deli- 
cacy of waters, and the conveniency 
of them, Canaan came not near this 
country." Wood, in his New Eng- 
land's Prospect, ch. 5, says " The 
country is as well watered as any 
land under the sun ; every family 
or every two families having a 
spring of sweet water betwixt 
them. It is thought there can be 
no better water in the world. These 
sprhigs be not only within land, but 
likewise bordering on the sea-coast, 
so that souietimesthe tides overflow 
some of them." It is well known 
that the first settlement of Boston 
was determined by its abundance 
of " sweet and pleasant springs." 
See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 120, 
i. 120, 121, xii. 88, XX. 173, 175; 
Snow's History of Boston, p. 31. — 
The water of Truro is still excel- 
lent, whilst that of Provincetown 
is poor. 

^ The course from Dyer's Swamp 
to the Pond is south. F. 



I 



130 



THE POND, TN TRURO. 



CHAP, made a fire, that they in the ship might see where we 

were, as we had direction ; and so marched on towards 

102 0. this supposed river. And as we went, in another val- 

JNov. * * 

16. ley we found a fine clear pond of fresh water, being 
about a musket shot broad, and twice as long.^ There 
grew also many small vines, and fowl and deer^ haunt- 
ed there. There grew much sassafras.^ From thence 
we went on, and found much plain ground,'' about fifty 
acres, fit for the plough, and some signs where the 



' Pond Village, which was for- 
merly the principal village in Truro, 
but of late years exceeded by Pamet, 
takes its name from this pond. It 
is situated about a mile south of the 
village of East Harbour. The high 
and steep banks on the bay are here 
intersected by a valley which runs 
directly from the shore, and soon 
divides itself into two branches. 
In this valley the houses stand, and 
are defended from the winds, whilst 
the entrance of it affords a conve- 
nient landing place. The pond 
begins near the western shore, and 
extends east. About a mile east of 
it, on the Clay Pounds, stands the 
Highland or Cape Cod light-house. 
The pond is not now more than 
half-a-musket shot broad, though it 
is quite as long as it is here repre- 
sented. In Aug. 1840, I found the 
upper or eastern part of it over- 
grown with flags and bushes. It 
was no doubt formerly much larger, 
and has been gradually filling up. 
Many of our swamps were origin- 
ally ponds of water. 

" Deer were seen near this pond 
by persons living at the beginning 
of the present century. F. 

^ This is the third time the sas- 
safras has been mentioned. On the 
first discovery of America, great 
medicinal virtues were ascribed to 
the bark and roots of this tree, and 
ship-loads of it were exported to 
Europe. Monardes, a Spanish phy- 
sician of Seville, who published in 
1574, his second part of his " His- 
toria medicinal de las cosas que se 
traen de nuestras Indias Occiden- 



tales que sirven en medicina," after 
mentioning its great efficacy in 
dropsies, agues, liver-complaints, 
&c. ends with exclaiming, fol. 62, 
" Bendito nuestro Seilor, que nos 
dio este tan excelentissimo arbol, 
llamado sassafras, que tan grandes 
virtudes y tan maravillosos efectos, 
como avemos dicho, tiene, y mas 
los que el tiempo nos ensefiara, que 
es descubridor de todas las cosas." 
The roots were sold in England at 
three shillings a pound in Gosnold's 
time, (1602,) who partly loaded 
his vessel with it from one of the 
Elizabeth islands. Brereton, the 
journalist of that voyage, speaks 
of " sassafras trees, great plenty, 
all the island over, a tree of high 
price and profit ; " and Archer, 
another of the voyagers, says that 
" the powder of sassafras in twelve 
hours cured one of our company 
that had taken a great surfeit by 
eating the bellies of dog-fish, a 
very delicious meat." See Purchas, 
iv. 1646, 1649, 1653 ; Mass. Hist. 
Coll. xxiii. 257 ; Michaux's Sylva 
Americana, ii. 144 ; Bigelow's 
Medical Botany, ii. 142, and Plants 
of Boston and its Vicinity, p. 170. 
For the use of Monardes, and of 
" Frampton's loyfuU Newes out 
of the New-found Worlde," which 
is nothing but a translation of it, 
printed at London in 1596, I am 
indebted to the rich library of Har- 
vard College. — Sassafras is still 
found on Cape Cod, but in a dwarf- 
ish form. 

* The land on the south side of 
the Pond is an elevated plain. F. 



INDIAN CORN FOUND. 



131 



Indians had formerly planted their corn.^ After this, 
some thought it best, for nearness of the river, to go 
down and travel on the sea sands, by which means 16 20. 

. Nov. 

some of our men were tired, and lagged behind. So le. 
we stayed and gathered them up, and struck into the 
land again ; ^ where we found a little path to certain 
heaps of sand, one whereof was covered with old 



* " The Indian corn (zea mays) 
called by the Mexicans tladlli by 
the Haytiaiis maize, and by the 
Massachusetts Indians eachimmi- 
ncash, is found everywhere on the 
continent from Patagonia to Cana- 
da, and next to rice and wheat, is 
the most valuable of grains. There 
can hardly be a doubt that it is a 
native of America, unknown before 
the discovery of Columbus. The 
adventurers who first penetrated 
into Mexico and Peru found it 
everywhere cultivated, and in com- 
mon use as an article of food among 
the aliorigines. Its culture did not 
attract notice in Europe till after 
the voyage of Columbus, nor is it 
described in any work prior to the 
end of the 15th century. It was 
unknown to the ancient Greek and 
Roman writers, the passages in 
their works which have been sup- 
posed to refer to it being more ap- 
plicable to other grains, such as the 
holcus sorghum. It is not men- 
tioned by the earlier travellers who 
visited China, India, and other parts 
of Asia and Africa, and who were 
very minute in describing the pro- 
ductions of the countries which 
they visited. Acosta, in his Natural 
and Moral History of the Indies, 
(published in 159G,) says, lib. iv. 
eh. 16. " In our discourse on plants 
we will begin with those which are 
proper and peculiar to the Indies. 
As wheat is the most common 
grain for the use of man in the re- 
gions of the old world, so in the 
new found world the most common 
grain is mays, the which is found 
almost in all the kingdoms of the 
West Indies. I do not think that 
this mays is any thing inferior to 



our wheat, in strength nor sub- 
stance. To conclude, God hath 
imparted to every region what is 
needful. To this continent he hath 
given wheat, which is the chief 
nourishment of man ; and to the 
Indians he hath given mays, which 
hath the second place to wheat, for 
the nourishment of men and beasts." 
The maize is correctly figured in 
Oviedo's General and Natural His- 
tory of the Indies, in Ramusio, 
Delle Navigationi et Viaggi, iii. 
fol. 131. See Hernandez, Historia 
Plantarum Novae Ilispaniaj, lib. 
vi. cap. 44; Lamarck's Botany, 
in the Encyclopedie Methodique, 
xxxvi. 680, Planches, 749 ; and 
Winthrop"s Description of Maize 
in the London Phil. Trans, xi. 1065. 
— The principal argument against 
the American origin of maize is 
that it has never been found grow- 
ing wild in any part of this con- 
tinent. This statement, however, 
is disputed. Cobbett, in his Essay 
on Corn, ch. 2, maintains that 
" the cultivation of Indian corn 
is as old as the w'orld itself,"' and 
draws his chief arguments from the 
following passages of Scripture — 
Matt. xii. 1 ; 2 Kings, iv. 2 ; Job 
xxiv. 24 ; Lev. ii. 14 ; xxiii. 14 ; 
Deut. xxiii. 24, 25 ; Gen. >li. 5, 
which he thinks are applicable to 
maize, but not to wheat. 

* Probably at the Great Hollow. 
F. A mile south of the Pond vil- 
lage, the bank on the bay is inter- 
sected by aiuither valley called the 
Great Hollow. This valley and 
another near it, towards the north- 
east, called the Great Swamp, con- 
tain several houses. The Great 
Hollow is separated fiom the Pond 



132 



WALNUTS, STRAWBERRIES, AND VINES. 



CHAP, mats, and had a wooden thing, hke a mortar, whelm- 
.^--1. ed on the top of it, and an earthen pot laid in a httle 
162 0. hole at the end thereof. We, musing what it might 

Nov. . 'tote 

16. be, digged and found a bow, and, as we thought, 
arrows, but they were rotten. We supposed there 
were many other things ; but because we deemed 
them graves, we put in the bow again, and made it 
up as it was, and left the rest untouched, because we 
thought it would be odious unto them to ransack 
their sepulchres. 

We went on further and found new stubble, of which 
they had gotten corn this year, and many walnut trees ^ 
full of nuts, and great store of strawberries,^ and some 
vines.^ Passing thus a field or two, which were not 



village by a high hill, which com- 
mands an extensive prospect of the 
ocean, Cape Cod harbour, and ihe 
opposite shore, as far as the broad 
bluff of Manomet, in Plymouth, 
and the high lands of Marshfield. 

1 T. Morton says, ch. 2, "Of 
walnut trees there is infinite store, 
and there are four sorts ; it is an 
excellent wood, for many uses ap- 
proved." Wood says,ch. 5. "The 
walnut tree is something different 
from the English walnut, and bears 
a very good nut, something smaller, 
but nothing inferior in sweetness 
and goodness to the English nut, 
having no bitter peel." And Jos- 
selyn says, p. 50, " The nuts of the 
walnut differ much from ours in 
Europe, they being smooth, much 
like a nutmeg in shape, and not 
much bigger; some three-cornered, 
all of them but thinly replenished 
with kernels." 

^ "There is strawberries," says 
Wood, "in abundance, very large 
ones, some being two inches about ; 
one may gather half a bushel in a 
forenoon." Roger Williams, in his 
Key into the Language of America, 
ch. 16, says " This berry is the 
wonder of all the fruits, growing 
naturally in those parts. In some 



places where the natives have 
planted, I have many times seen as 
many as would fill a good ship 
whhin a few miles' compass." See 
Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 221. "The 
common wild strawberry, {fragaria 
Virffiniana,)''^ says Bigelow, Plants 
of Boston, p. 215, " is a very deli- 
cious fruit, and when cultivated is 
inferior to few imported species. 
The berries ripen early, are of a 
light scarlet color, exquisitely fla- 
vored, but more soft and perishable 
than the other kinds." 

* " Vines there are that bear 
grapes of three colors, while, black, 
and red. The country is so apt 
for vines that, but for the fire at 
the spring of the year, the vines 
would so overspread the land, that 
one should not be able to pass for 
them. The fruit is as big, of some, 
as a musket ball, and is excel- 
lent in taste." T. Morton, ch. 
2. " The vines afford great store 
of grapes, which are very big, both 
for the grape and cluster, sweet 
and good. These be of two sorts, 
red and white. There is likewise 
a smaller kind of grape, which 
groweth in the islands, which is 
sooner ripe, and more delectable." 
Wood, ch. 5, 



INDIAN BARNS. 133 

great, we came to another,^ which had also been new chap. 

IX. 

gotten, and there we found where a house had been, _.-^ 
and four or five old planks laid too;ether.^ Also we 16 20. 

. . Nov. 

found a great kettle, which had been some ship's ket- le. 
tie, and brought out of Europe. There was also a 
heap of sand,^ made like the former, — but it was 
newly done, we might see how they had paddled it 
with their hands, — which we digged up, and in it we 
found a little old basket, full of fair Indian corn ; and 
difffjed further, and found a fine great new basket, full 
of very fair corn of this year, with some six and thirty 
goodly ears of corn, some yellow, and some red, and 
others mixed with blue,'' which was a very goodly sight. 
The basket was round, and narrow at the top. It 
held about three or four bushels, which was as much 
as two of us could lift up from the ground, and was 
very handsomely and cunningly made.^ But whilst 

' From the Great Hollow the in this manner it is preserved from 

sixteen adventurers travelled south destruction or putrefaction, to be 

to the hill which terminates in used in case of necessity, and not 

Hopkins's Cliff (or Uncle Sam's else." T. Morton, ch. 13. " Their 

hill, as it is now vulgarly called.) corn being ripe, they gather it, and 

This they called Cornhiil. The dry it hard in the sun, convey it to 

Indians formerly dwelt in great their barns, which be great holes 

numbers on this hill; and the digged in the ground, in form of a 

shells, deposited by them on it, are brass pot, ceiled with rinds of trees, 

still ploughed up in abundance, wherein they put their corn." 

Hopkins's Cliff is between the Great Wood, ch. 20. 
Hollow and Hopkins's Creek, or * This corn of mixed colors on 

Pamet little river, as it is now the same cob, yellow, red, and blue, 

called. is still common at Truro. 

^ This was probably the remains ° " In summer, they gather flags, 

of a hut built by some shipwrecked of which they make mats for 

sailors. houses, and hemp and rushes, with 

^ " Their barns are holes made in dying stuff, of which they make 

the earth, that will hold a hogs- curious baskets, with intermixed 

head of corn apiece. In these, colors, and portraitures of antique 

when their corn is out of the husk, imagery. These baskets be of all 

and well dried, they lay their store sizes, from a quart to a quarter, in 

in great baskets, with mats under, which they carry their luggage." 

about the sides, and on the top; Wood, ch. 30. " Instead of shelves, 

and putting it into the place made they have several baskets, wherein 

for it, they cover it with earth, and they put all their household stuff. 



134 OLD TOM'S HILL, IN TRURO. 

CHAP, we were busy about these things, we set our men sen- 

L. tinel in a round ring, all but two or three, which dig- 

16 2 0. ged up the corn. We were in suspense what to do 
16. ' with it and the kettle ; and at length, after much con- 
sultation, we concluded to take the kettle, and as 
much of the corn as we could carry away with us ; 
and Avhen our shallop came, if we could find any of 
the people, and come to parley with them, we would 
give them the kettle again, and satisfy them for their 
corn.^ So we took all the ears, and put a good deal 
of the loose corn in the kettle, for two men to bring 
away on a staff. Besides, they that could put any 
into their pockets, filled the same. The rest we 
buried again ; for we were so laden with armor ^ that 
we could carry no more. 

Not far from this place we found the remainder of 
an old fort or palisado, which, as we conceived, had 
been made by some Christians.^ This was also hard 
by that place which we thought had been a river ; 
unto which we went, and found it so to be, dividing 
itself into two arms by a high bank,"* standing right 

They have some great bags or ish's grandsons is said to have been 

sacks, made of hemp, which will in possession of his coat of mail, 

hold five or six bushels." Roger His sword and that of Carver and 

Williams, in Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. Brewster, are in the cabinet of the 

212. Massachusetts Historical Society. 

' It will be seen that within eight Some doubt however is thrown on 
months they scrupulously fulfilled this point from the circumstance 
this their honest intention, and that the Pilgrim Society of Ply- 
gave the owners of the corn " full mouth have also in their posses- 
content." The censure of Baylies, sion "the identical sword-blade 
i. 54, on their conduct as " inexcu- used by Miles Standish." See 
sable," and as " compromising their Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 216, 336 ; 
consciences," might as well have Thacher's History of Plymouth, p. 
been spared. See p. 204. 258, second edition. 

^ It is worthy of notice that the ' Perhaps by the same persons 

Pilgrims were cased in armor. See who owned the kettle and built the 

pages 125 and 128. One of their hut. See p. 133. 

corslets would be a far more pre- * Bradford, in his History, as 

cious relic than a cuirass from the quoted by Prince, p. 163, says " a 

field of Waterloo. One of Stand- high cliff of sand at the entrance." 



PAMET RIVER. 



135 



by the cut or mouth, which came from the sea. That chap. 

IX. 

which was next unto us was the less.^ The other 

arm^ was more than twice as bier, and not unhke to i^^^- 

^' . Nov. 

be a harbour for ships ; but whether it be a fresh 16. 
river, or only an indraught of the sea, we had no time 
to discover ; for we had commandment to be out but 
two days. Here also we saw two canoes ; ^ the one 



b 



This is an accurate description of 
the entrance of Pamet liver. The 
high bank of sand, is called Old 
Tom's hill, after an Indian chief, 
who in former times had its seat 
on its summit, and who received 
this name from the first English 
settlers. It is the termination of 
a neck of land situated between 
the two creeks, called Indian Neck, 
it having been reserved to the In- 
dians on the first settlement of 
Truro, about the year 1700. Prince, 
p. 163, has fallen into a great mis- 
take in supposing that Barnstable 
harbour was the place here de- 
scribed. The description does not 
suit the harbour of Barnstable, or 
any other creek or inlet in the bay, 
except Pamet harbour ; and, as 
Belknap rightly observes, (Am. 
Biog. ii. 19G,) neither the time nor 
distance can agree with Prince's 
conjecture. Barnstable is fifty 
miles from Cape Cod harbour by 
land ; a distance which could not 
have been travelled, and back 
again, in three short days of No- 
vember. F. 

' The smallest creek, which was 
next to the travellers, is called 
Hopkins's Creek, or Pamet little 
river. There is on it a body of salt 
marsh, which runs half way across 
the township of Truro. The depth 
of water in this creek, when the 
tide is in, is five feet. F. 

^ Pamet river, which is a creek 
forced into the land from the bay, 
and extends almost across the town- 
ship, being separated from the ocean 
by nothing but a narrow beach and 
embankment, which the water has 
been known to break over. The 



creek runs through a body of salt 
marsh. The mouth of it lies nearly 
south-east from Cape Cod harbour, 
nine miles distant. It is about a 
mile south of the Great Hollow, 
and is a little to the north of what 
is called the shoal ground, without 
Billingsgate Point. The part of 
Truro, south of Pamet river, on the 
bay, is called Hog's Back. See 
Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 196. 

' " Of the birch bark the salvages 
of the northern parts make them 
delicate canoes, so light that two 
men will transport one of them over 
land whither they list, and one of 
them will transport ten or twelve 
salvages by water at a time." T. 
Morton, ch. 2. " Their canoes are 
made either of pine trees, which, 
before they were acquainted with 
English tools, they burned hollow, 
scraping them smooth with clam 
shells and oyster shells, cutting 
their outsides with stone hatchets ; 
these boats be not above a foot and 
a half or two foot wide, and twenty 
foot long. Their other canoes be 
made of thin birch rinds, close 
ribbed on the inside with broad 
thin hoops, like the hoops of a tub ; 
these are made very light ; a man 
may carry one of them a mile ; 
being made purposely to carry from 
river to river, and bay to bay, to 
shorten land passages. In tliese 
cockling fly-boats, wherein an Eng- 
lishman can scarce sit without a 
fearful tottering, they will venture 
to sea, when an English shallop 
dare not bare a knot of sail, scud- 
ding over the overgrown waves as 
fast as a wind-driven ship, being 
driven by their paddles ; being much 



136 CANOE AND DEER-TRAP. 

CHAP, on the one side, the other on the other side.' We 

IX. 

V — .-w- could not beUeve it was a canoe, till we came near it. 

1620. So we returned, leaving the further discovery hereof 
16." to our shallop, and came that night back again to the 
fresh water pond ; and there we made our rendezvous 
that night, making a great fire, and a barricado to 
windward of us, and kept good watch with three sen- 
tinels all night, every one standing when his turn 
came, while five or six inches of match ^ was burning. 
It proved a very rainy night. 

^^0^- In the morning, we took our kettle and sunk it in 

17. T 

the pond, and trimmed our muskets, for few of them 
would go ofl^ because of the wet ; and so coasted 
the wood ^ again to come home, in which we were 
shrewdly puzzled, and lost our way. As we wandered 
we came to a tree, where a young sprit '' was bowed 
down over a bow, and some acorns strewed underneath. 
Stephen Hopkins said, it had been to catch some deer. 
So as we were looking at it, William Bradford being 
in the rear, when he came looked also upon it, and as 
he went about, it gave a sudden jerk up, and he was 
immediately caught by the leg.^ It was a very pretty 



like battledoors ; if a cross wave trees and smooth wrought cords ; 

(which is seldom) turn her keel so strong as it will toss a hnrse if 

upside down, they by swimming he be caught in it. An English 

free her, and scramble into her mare, being strayed from her owner, 

again." Wood, ch. 17. and grown wild by her long so- 

' That is, of the bank, in the two journing in the woods, ranging 

arms of the creek. up and down with the wild crew, 

' This proves that their guns were stumbled into one of these traps, 

matchlocks. See p. 125. which stopped her speed, hanging 

^ The wood was terminated by her, like Mahomet's coffin, betwixt 

the Pond, by the side of which they earth and heaven. In these traps 

travelled, and then through a valley, deer, moose, bears, wolves, cats and 

which is continued from it, east, foxes are often caught." " The 

toward the ocean. F. salvages" says T, Morton, ch. 5, 

* A sapling, a young tree. " take the deer in traps made of 

* Wood says, ch. 15, "their deer- their natural hemp, which they 
traps are springs made of young place in the earth, where they fell 



THE EXPLORING PARTY RETURN. 137 

device, made with a rope of their own making, and chap. 

having a noose as artificially made as any roper ^ in 

England can make, and as like ours as can be : which i 6 2o. 

. p Nov. 

we brought away with us. In the end we got out of 17. 
the wood, and were fallen about a mile too high above 
the creek ; ^ where we saw three bucks,^ but we had 
rather have had one of them. We also did spring 
three couple of partridges ; ^ and as we came along 
by the creek, we saw great flocks of wild geese and 
ducks,^ but they were very fearful of us. So we 
marched some while in the woods, some while on the 
sands, and other while in the water up to the knees ; 
till at length we came near the ship ; '^ and then we 
shot off our pieces, and the long boat came to fetch us. 
Master Jones and Master Carver being on the shore, 
with many of our people, came to meet us. And 
thus we came both weary and welcome home ; ' and 
delivered in our corn into the store to be kept for 
seed, for we knew not how to come by any, and 
therefore were very glad, purposing, so soon as we 
could meet with any of the inhabitants of that place, 
to make them laro;e satisfaction. This was our first 
discovery, whilst our shallop was in repairing. 

Our people did make things as fitting as they could, 

a tree for browse ; and when he ^ Probably the Canada g:oose, 

rounds the tree for the browse, if {anser Canadensis,) and the dusky 

he tread on the trap, he is horsed duck, {anas obscvra). 

up by the leg, by means of a pole ^ After going about a mile east, 

that starts up and catcheth him.'' they compassed the head of East 

* Ropemaker. Harbour Creek, and went down on 

* This brought them out about a the north side of it. They then 
mile east of High Head, and about waded through Stout's Creek, and 
two miles north-west of tlie High- also througli Mill Creek, near Gull 
land Light. Hill, and passed on to the end of 

^ See page 130. Long Point, near which the ship 

* The partridge, {perdrix Virgini- lay. See note ' on page 120. 
ana,) or quail, as it is called in New '' They had been absent three 
England, is still found in Tiuro. days. 

18 



138 THE SECOND EXPEDITION. 

CHAP, and time would, in seeking out wood, and helving of 

^^—1-. tools, and sawing of timber, to build a new shallop. 

16 2 0. But the discommodiousness of the harbour did much 
hinder us ; for we could neither go to nor come from 
the shore but at high water, which was much to our 
hindrance and hurt ; for oftentimes they waded to 
the middle of the thigh, and oft to the knees, to go 
and come from land.' Some did it necessarily, and 
some for their own pleasure ; but it brought to the 
most, if not to all, coughs and colds, (the weather 
proving suddenly cold and stormy,) which afterwards 
turned to the scurvy, whereof many died. 

When our shallop was fit, (indeed before she was 
fully fitted, for there was two days' work after bestowed 
on her,) there was appointed some four and twenty 
men of our own, and armed, then to go and make a 
more full discovery of the rivers before mentioned. 
Master Jones was desirous to go with us, and we took 
such of his sailors as he thought useful for us ; so as 
we were in all about four and thirty mcn.~ We made 
Master Jones our leader ; for we thought it best herein 
to gratify his kindness and forwardness.^ When we 

Nov, were set forth, ^ it proved rough weather and cross 
' winds; so as we were constrained, some in the shallop, 
and others in the long boat, to row to the nearest 
shore the wind would suffer them to go unto, and 
then to wade out above the knees. The wind was so 
strong as the shallop could not keep the water, but was 
forced to harbour there ^ that night. But we marched 

' See note^ on page 120. wronged them. See note * on page 

* Of course they had ten of 102. 

Jones's crew. ■• This was ten days after their 

^ This shows that they could return from their first excursion. 

have harboured no suspicion * In East Harbour. The men 

that Jones had betrayed and who marched several miles, and 



THE PILGRIMS EXPLORE PAMET RIVER. 139 

six or seven miles further, and appointed the shallop chap. 

to come to us as soon as they could. It blowed and 

did snow all that day and night, and froze withal. i6 2o. 
Some of our people that are dead took the original 
of their death here.^ 

The next day, about eleven o'clock, our shallop Nov. 
came to us, and we shipped ourselves ; and the wind 
being good, we sailed to the river we formerly dis- 
covered, which we named Cold Harbour ; to which 
when we came, we found it not navigable for ships ; 
yet we thought it might be a good harbour for boats, 
for it flows there twelve foot at high water.^ We 
landed our men between the two creeks,^ and marched 
some four or five miles'* by the greater of them, and 
the shallop followed us. At length night grew on, 
and our men were tired with marching up and down 
the steep hills and deep valleys,^ which lay half a foot 
thick with snow. Master Jones, wearied with march- 
ing, was desirous we should take up our lodging, 
though some of us would have marched further. So we 
made there our rendezvous for that night under a few 
pine trees ; and as it fell out, we got three fat geese, ^ 



what they supposed to be six or straight line. The tradition is, that 

seven miles farther, were landed on Pamet river was formerly deeper 

Beach Point, which forms tliis har- than it is at present, and therefore 

hour. F. the shallop might easily follow 

' See pages 120 and 138. them. F. 

' The mouth of Pamet river is ^ This is an exact description of 

twelve feet deep at high water, the land on Pamet river. F. Truro 

Thence the water gradually de- is composed of hills and narrow 

creases to five feet, which is the circular valleys. There are also 

depth at the lower bridge. This is some long valleys, running at right 

to be understood of the lowest tides, angles with the shore. The tops 

during the sumntier. F. of some of the hills spread out into 

'The men were landed at the a plain. 

foot of Old Tom"s hill. F. ^ " There are three kinds of 

•* From Old Tom's hill to the goose, the gray goose, the white 

head of Pamet river the distance is goose, and the brant." Josselyn, 

about three miles and a half, as p. 9. " There are geese of three 

the hills run, or three miles in a sorts, viz. brant geese, which are 



140 THEY RETURN TO HOPKINS'S CLIFF. 

CHAP, and six ducks ^ to our supper, which we eat with sol- 
- — — diers' stomachs, for we had eaten httle all that day. 
1620. Our resolution was, next morning to go up to the 

head of this river, for we. supposed it would prove 

fresh water. 
Nov. But in the morninsj our resolution held not, because 

29. . . . 

many liked not the hilliness of the soil and badness of 
the harbour. So we turned towards the other creek, 
that we might go over and look for the rest of the corn 
that we left behind when we were here before. When 
we came to the creek, we saw the canoe lie on the 
dry ground, and a flock of geese in the river, at which 
one made a shot and killed a couple of them ; and we 
launched the canoe and fetched them, and when we 
had done, she carried us over by seven or eight at 
once. This done, we marched to the place where 
we had the corn formerly, which place w^e called 
Cornhill ; and digged and found the rest, of which 

pied, and wliite geese which are a black and white head, strong of 
bigger, and gray geese which are flight, and these be a great deal 
as big and bigger than the tame bigger than the ordinary geese of 
geese of England, with black legs, England ; most of these geese re- 
black bills, heads and necks black ; main with us from Michaelmas to 
the flesh far more excellent than April. They feed on the sea, upon 
the geese of England, wild or tame, the grass in bays at low water, and 
There is of them great abundance ; gravel, and in the woods of acorns, 
I have had often a thousand before having, as other fowl have, their 
the mouth of my gun." T. Mor- pass and repass to the northward 
ton, ch. 4. " The geese of the and southward." Wood, ch. 8. 
country be of three sorts; first a ' "Ducks there are of three kinds, 
brant goose, which is a goose al- pied ducks, gray ducks, and black 
most like the wild goose of England, ducks, in great abundance ; they are 
The second kind is a white goose, bigger bodied than the tame ducks 
almost as big as an English tame of England. T. Morton, ch. 4. 
goose; these come in great flocks " The ducks of the country be very 
about Michaelmas ; sometimes there large ones, and in great abundance, 
will be two or three thousand in a So there is of teal likewise. If I 
flock ; those continue six weeks and should tell you how some have 
so fly to the southward, returning killed a hundred geese in a week, 
in March, and staying six weeks fifty ducks at a shot, forty teal at 
more, returning to the northward, another, it may be counted almost 
The third kind of goose is a great impossible, though nothing more 
gray goose, with a black neck and certain." Wood, ch. 8. 



MORE INDIAN CORN FOUND. 141 

we were very glad. We also digged in a place a chap. 
little further off, and found a bottle of oil. We went - — — 
to another place, which we had seen before, and dig- i6 20. 
ged and found more corn, viz. two or three baskets 
full of Indian wheat, and a bag of beans, with a good 
many of fair wheat ^ ears. Whilst some of us were dig- 
ging up this, some others found another heap of corn, 
which they digged up also ; so as we had in all about 
ten bushels, which will serve us sufficiently for seed. 
And sure it was God's good providence that we found 
this corn, for else we know not how we should have 
done ; for we knew not how we should find or meet 
with any of the Indians, except it be to do us a mis- 
chief. Also, we had never in all likehhood seen a 
grain of it, if we had not made our first journey ; for 
the ground was now covered with snow, and so hard 
frozen that we were fain with our curtlaxes^ and 
short swords to hew and carve the ground a foot deep, 
and then wrest it up with levers, for we had forgot to 
bring other tools. Whilst we were in this employment, 
foul weather being towards. Master Jones was earnest 
to go aboard ; but sundry of us desired to make fur- 
ther discovery, and to find out the Indians' habitations. 
So we sent home with him our weakest people, and 
some that were sick, and all the corn ; and eighteen 
of us stayed still and lodged there that night, and 
desired that the shallop might return to us next day, 
and bring us some mattocks and spades with them. 

The next morning, we followed certain beaten paths Nov 
and tracks of the Indians into the woods, supposing 
they would have led us into some town or houses. 
After we had gone a while, we light upon a very 

* Indian corn is still meant. F. * Cutlasses. 



30. 



142 INDIAN GRAVES. 

CHAP, broad beaten path, well nigh two foot broad. Then 
V — -^ we lighted all our matches/ and prepared ourselves, 

16 20. concluding that we were near their dwellings. But, 

Nov. . ^ fe ' 

30. in the end, we found it to be only a path- made to 
drive deer in, when the Indians hunt, as we supposed. 
When we had marched five or six miles into the 
woods, and could find no signs of any people, we re- 
turned again another way ; and as we came into the 
plain ground, we found a place like a grave, but it was 
much bigger and longer than any we had yet seen. It 
was also covered with boards, so as we mused what it 
should be, and resolved to dig it up ; where we found 
first a mat, and under that a fair bow, and then ^ an- 
other mat, and under that a board about three quar- 
ters^ long, finely carved and painted ; with three tines 
or broaches ^ on the top, like a crown. Also between 
the mats we found bowls, trays, dishes, and such like 
trinkets. At length we came to a fair new mat, and 
under that two bundles, the one bigger, the other less. 
We opened the greater, and found in it a great quan- 
tity of fine and perfect red powder, and in it the bones 
and skull of a man. The skull had fine yellow hair 
still on it, and some of the flesh unconsumed. There 
was bound up with it a knife, a packneedle, and two 
or three old iron things. It was bound up in a sailor's 

' See note ^ on page 125. g-ut of this hedge, they set deer 

^ "The Indians," says Wood, traps." See the description of 

ch. 15, " have other devices to kill tiiem on page 136. 

their game, as sometimes hedges a ^ In tlie original there — undoubt 

mile or two miles long, being a ediy a typographical error. 

mile wide at one end, and made '' Of a yard. 

narrower and narrower by degrees, ^ Tines, prongs ; broaches, spits. 

leaving only a gap of six foot long. Tines is a word still in common 

over against wiiich, in the day use in the interior of New Eng- 

time, they lie lurking to shoot the land; e. g. the tines of a pitchfork. 

deer which come through that See Ray's North Country Words, 

narrow gut ; in the night, at the p. 20. 



AN EMBALMED BODY. 143 

canvass cassock and a pair of cloth breeches.^ The chap. 

red powder was a kind of embalment, and yielded a 

strong, but no offensive smell; it w^as as fine as any 16 20. 
flour. We opened the less bundle likewise, and found 30. * 
of the same powder in it, and the bones and head of a 
little child. About the legs and other parts of it was 
bound strings and bracelets of fine white beads.^ 
There was also by it a little bow, about three quarters 
long, and some other odd knacks.^ We brought sun- 
dry of the prettiest things away with us, and covered 
the corpse up again. After this we digged in sundry 
like places, but found no more corn, nor any thing 
else but graves. 

There was variety of opinions amongst us about 
the embalmed oerson. Some thouMit it was an In- 

1 o 

dian lord and king. Others said, the Indians have all 
black hair, and never any was seen with brown or 
yellow hair. Some thought it was a Christian of 
some special note, which had died amongst them, and 
they thus buried him to honor him. Others thought 
they had killed him, and did it in triumph over him. 
Whilst we were thus ranging and searching, two of 
the sailors which were newly come on the shore,'' by 
chance espied two houses, which had been lately dwelt 
in, but the people were gone. They having their 

^ See pages 133 and 134. plank upon the top, in the form of 

^ Wampom, made of the peri- a chest, before they cover the ])lace 

winkle. F. with earth." And Roger Williams 

' "It is their custom," says says, ch. 32, "After the dead is 

Wood, ch. 19, " to bury with their laid in the grave, sometimes, in 

deceased friends their bows and some parts, some goods are ciist in 

arrows, and good store of their with them ; and upon tlie grave is 

wam[)ompeag." Morton says, ch. spread the mat tliat the party died 

17, liiat " in the grave of the more on, and tlic dish he ate in.'' 
noble they put a plank in tlie hot- ■* Having come from the ship 

torn for the corpse to be laid upon, in the shallop when she returned 

and on each side a plank, and a after carrying Jones on board. 



144 INDIAN HOUSES. 

CHAP, pieces, and hearing nobody, entered the houses, and 

took out some things, and durst not stay, but came 

16 2 0. again and told us. So some seven or eight of us went 
30. * with them, and found how we had gone within a flight 
shot of them before. The houses ^ were made with 
long young sapling trees bended, and both ends stuck 
into the ground. They were made round, like unto 
an arbour, and covered down to the ground with thick 
and well wrought mats ; and the door was not over a 
yard high, made of a mat to open. The chimney was 
a wide open hole in the top ; for which they had a mat 
to cover it close when they pleased. One might stand 
and go upright in them. In the midst of them were 
four little trunches^ knocked into the ground, and 
small sticks laid over, on which they hung their pots, 
and what they had to seethe. Round about the fire 
they lay on mats, which are their beds. The houses 
were double mattted ; for as they were matted with- 
out, so were they within, with newer and fairer 
mats. In the houses we found wooden bowls, trays, 
and dishes, earthen pots,^ hand-baskets made of crab- 
shells wrought together ; also an English pail or buck- 
et ;'' it wanted a bail, but it had two iron ears. There 
was also baskets of sundry sorts, bigger and some 
lesser, finer and some coarser. Some were curiously 

^ For the description of the Indian little and mean. The pots they 

wiofwams, see Roger Williams's seethe their food in are made of clay 

Key, eh. 6 ; Wood's New Eng- or earth, almost in the form of an 

land's Prospect, ch. 20; Morton's effg, the top taken off. Their 

New English (Janaan, ch. 4, and dishes and spoons and ladles are 

Gookin's Historical Collections of made of wood, very smooth and 

the Indians in New England, ch. 3, artificial, and of a sort of wood not 

sec. 4, in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 149. subject to split." Gookin, ch. 3, 

^ Truncheons, sticks. sec. 6. 

^ "They have dainty wooden * This probably belonged to the 

bowls of maple, of high price persons who built the hut and 

amongst them." T. Morton, ch. owned the kettle, mentioned on 

12. " Their household stuff is but page 133. 



THE SECOND EXPLORING PARTY RETURN. 145 

wrought with black and white in pretty works, and chap. 
sundry other of their household stuff. ^ We found also -^— 
two or three deer's heads, one whereof had been I620. 

JSov. 

newly killed, for it was still fresh. There was also a so. 
company of deer's feet stuck up in the houses, harts' 
horns, and eagles' claws, and sundry such hke things 
there was ; also two or three baskets full of parched 
acorns,^ pieces of fish, and a piece of a broiled herring. 
We found also a little silk grass, and a little tobacco 
seed, with some other seeds which we knew not. 
Without was sundry bundles of flags, and sedge, bul- 
rushes, and other stuff to make mats.^ There was 
thrust into a hollow tree two or three pieces of veni- 
son ; but we thought it fitter for the dogs than for us. 
Some of the best things we took away with us, and 
left the houses standing still as they were. 

So it growing towards night, and the tide almost 
spent, we hasted with our things down to the shallop, 
and got aboard that night, intending to have brought 
some beads and other things to have left in the houses, 
in sign of peace, and that we meant to truck with 
them ; but it was not done by means of our hasty 
coming away from Cape Cod. But so soon as we 

' " Some of their baskets are for a novelty." Williams's Key, 

made of rushes, some of bents, ch. 16. " They mix with their 

others of maize husks, others of a pottage, several sorts of nuts or 

kind of silk grass, others of a kind masts, as oak acorns, chestnuts, 

of wild hemp, and some of barks walnuts; these husked, and dried, 

of trees ; many of them very neat and powdered, they thicken their 

and artificial, with the portraitures pottage therewith." Gookin, ch. 3, 

of birds, beasts, fishes and flowers sec. 5. 

upon them in colors." Gookin, ch. ^ " They make mats of several 

3, sec. 6. sorts, for coverino; their houses and 

* " They also dry acorns ; and doors, and to sleep and sit upon. 

in case of want of corn, by much The meaner sort of wigwams are 

boiling they make a good dish of covered with mats made of a kind 

them; yea, sometimes in plenty of bulrush." Gookin, ch. 3, sec. 4 

of corn, do they eat these acorns and 6. 

19 



146 REASONS FOR SETTLING AT PAMET RIVER. 

CHAP, can meet conveniently with them, we will give them 

IX. . 

— '^ full satisfaction.^ Thus much of our second discovery. 

162 0. Having thus discovered this place, it was contro- 

versal ^ , amongst us what to do touching our abode 

and settling there. ^ 

Some thought it best, for many reasons, to abide 
there. As first, that there was a convenient harbour 
for boats, though not for ships. Secondly, good corn- 
ground ready to our hands, as we saw by experience 
in the goodly corn it yielded, which would again agree 
with the ground and be natural seed for the same. 
Thirdly, Cape Cod was like to be a place of good 
fishing ; for we saw daily great whales, of the best 
kind for oil and bone, come close aboard our ship, 
and, in fair weather, swim and play about us.^ There 
was once one, when the sun shone warm, came and 
lay above water, as if she had been dead, for a good 
while together, within half a musket shot of the ship ; 
at which two were prepared to shoot, to see whether 
she would stir or no. He tliat gave fire first, his 
musket flew in pieces, both stock and barrel ; yet, 
thanks be to God, neither he nor any man else was 
hurt with it, though many were there about. But 
when the whale saw her time, she gave a snuflT, and 
away. Fourthly, the place was likely to be healthful, 
secure, and defensible. 

But the last and especial reason was, that now the 
heart of winter and unseasonable weather was come 
upon us, so that we could not go upon coasting and 
discovery without danger of losing men and boat, upon 

* See page 137 and note ' on page ' That is, at Pamet river. 
134. * See note ^ on page 119. 

^ Controveited, says Morton, in 
his Memorial, page 42. 



REASONS AGAINST IT. 147 

which would follow the overthrow of all, especially chap. 
considering what variable winds and sudden storms do -- — 1- 
there arise. Also, cold and wet lodmnf^ had so tainted 1 620. 

Dec. 

our people, (for scarce any of us were free from vehe- 
ment coughs,) as if they should continue long in that 
estate, it would endanger the lives of many, and breed 
diseases and infection amongst us. Again, we had 
yet some beer, butter, flesh, and other such victuals 
left, which would quickly be all gone ; and then we 
should have nothing to comfort us in the great labor 
and toil we were likely to undergo at the first. It 
was also conceived, whilst we had competent victuals, 
that the ship would stay with us ; but when that grew 
low, they would be gone, and let us shift as we could. 

Others, again, urged greatly the going to Anguum, 
or Angoum,^ a place twenty leagues off to the north- 
wards, which they had heard to be an excellent harbour 
for ships, better ground, and better fishing. Secondly, 
for any thing we knew, there might be hard by us a 
far better seat ; and it should be a great hindrance to 
seat where ~ we should remove again. Thirdly, the 
Avater was but in ponds ; and it was thought there 
would be none in summer, or very little. Fourthly, 
the water there must be fetched up a steep hill.^ 

But to omit many reasons and replies used here- 
abouts, it was in the end concluded to make some 

' Agawam, Ipswich ; Smith calls building- their town, for protection 

it Augoam. Little was known at against the Indians, on the high 

this time of Massachusetts Bay, or bank, called Old Turn's hill, near 

the distances from one place to the entrance of Pamet river. This 

another ; that little was derived hill is still very steep. There is a 

from Smith's map and Description well now in front of it on the shore, 

of New England. Sae Mass. Hist, where vessels water. The Pilgrims 

Coll. xxiii. 1, andxxvi. 118. seemed to have relied on running 

^ Perhaps an error for whence. streams, and never thought of sink- 

* I suppose they contemplated ing wells. 



148 



THE FIRST CHILD BORN. 



CHAP, discovery within the bay ; but in no case so far as 

1. Angoum. Besides, Robert Coppin, our pilot/ made 

162 0. relation of a great navigable river and good harbour 
in the other head-land of the bay,^ almost right over 
against Cape Cod, being, in ^ a right line, not much 
above eight leagues distant, in which he had been 
once ; and because that one of the wild men with 
whom they had some trucking stole a harping iron ^ 
from them, they called it Thievish Harbour. And be- 
yond that place they were enjoined not to go. Where- 
upon a company was chosen to go out upon a third 
discovery. Whilst some were employed in this dis- 
covery, it pleased God that Mistress White was brought 
a bed of a son, which was called Peregrine.^ 
Dec. Xhe 5th day we, through God's mercy, escaped a 
great danger by the foolishness of a boy, one of Fran- 



' Coppin was second mate of the 
Mayflower. 

^ The other headland of the bay 
was Manomet Point, and tlie river 
was probably the North river, in 
Scituate. 

^ The word in I insert from Mor- 
ton, p. 43. 

* A harpoon. 

* In the Boston News Letter, of 
July 31, 1704, the 15th No. of the 
first newspaper printed in New 
England, is the following article of 
intelligence. " Marshfield, July 
22, Captain Peregrine White, of 
this town, aged 83 years and eight 
months, died here the 20th inst. 
He was vigorous and of a comely 
aspect to the last ; was the son of 
"William White and Susanna his 
wife, born on board the Mayflower, 
Capt Jones commander, in Cape 
Cod harbour, Nov. 1620, the first 
Englishman born in New Eng- 
land." In the records of Plymouth 
Colony is the following entry under 
Oct. 16G5, when Thomas Prince 
was governor. " In reference unto 

' -" Tpouest of the King's commis- 



sioners in behalf of Lieut. Pere- 
grine White, desiring that the 
Court would accommodate him 
with a portion of land, in respect 
that he was the first of the English 
that was born in these parts ; and 
in answer unto his own petition 
preferred to this Court respecting 
the premises, the Court have 
granted unto hina 200 acres of land, 
lying and being at the path that 
goes from Bridgewater to the Bay, 
adjoining to the Bay line." A 
list of his descendants, some of 
whom are still living, may be seen 
in Thacher's Plymouth, p. 23. 

"Dec. 4, dies Edward Thom- 
son, servant of Mr. White, the first 
that dies since their arrival. Dec. 
6, dies Jasper, a boy of Mr. Car- 
ver's. Dec. 7, Dorothy, wife to 
Mr. William Bradford, (drowned.) 
Dec. 8, James Chilton." Gov. Brad- 
ford, in Prince, p. 165. Prince had 
Bradford's pocket-book, which con- 
tained a register of deaths, births, 
and marriages, from Nov. 6, 1620, 
to the end of March, 1621. 



THE THIRD EXPEDITION. 149 

cis Billinston's sons,^ who, in his father's absence, had chap. 
got gunpowder, and had shot off a piece or two, and .^ — -L. 
made squibs ; and there being a fowhng-piece charged 1 6 2 o. 
in his father's cabin, shot her off in the cabin ; there 
being a httle barrel of powder haff full, scattered in 
and about the cabin, the fire being within four foot of 
the bed between the decks, and many flints and iron 
things about the cabin, and many people about the 
fire ; and yet, by God's mercy, no harm done. 

Wednesday, the 6th of December, it was resolved Dec. 
our discoverers should set forth, for the day before was 
too foul weather, — and so they did, though it was 
well o'er the day ere all things could be ready. So 
ten of our men were appointed who were of them- 
selves wilhng to undertake it, to wit. Captain Stand- 
ish, Master Carver, William Bradford, Edward Wins- 
loe, John Tilley, Edward Tilley, John Houland," and 

r ' Billington was not one of the He came from London, and T know 

/Leyden church, but slipped in not by what friends shuffled into 

among the Pilgrims in England, our company." John, his eldest 

His accession was of no benefit to son, who probably fired the powder, 

the colony. He was a mischievous was a young scape-grace, who the 

and troublesome fellow. The first next summer wandered ofl!"down the 

offence in the settlement was com-^ Cape as far as Eastham, causing 

I mitted by him. In March, 1621, "^ great anxiety to the infant colony, 

C he was " convented before the and putting them to the trouble of 

whole company for contempt of the sending an expedition after him. 

Captain's (Standish) lawful com- Francis, the other son, was the dis- 

mauds, with opprobrious speeches, coverer of Billington sea, which 

for whicb he was adjudged to have will immortalize the name. The 

his neck and heels tied together. '^ mother's name was Helen. See 

/Gov. Bradford, in a letter to Cush-| Prince, pp. 189, 192, and 319. 

^ man, written June 9, 1625, says, Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 37; Hutchin- 

" Billington siill rails against you, son's Mass. ii. 461 ; Hubbard's 

and threatens to arrest you, I know New England, p. 101. 
not wherefore. He is a knave, and ^ John Howland, the 13th signer 

so will live and die." The pro- of the Compact, is counted as be- 

phecy was fulfilled, for he was hung longing to Carver's family, whose 

in Oct. 1630, for waylaying and daughter Elizabeth he married, 

shooting a young man, named John The Plymouth Colony records say 

Nevvcomen. Gov. Bradford says, that " he was an ancient professor 

in his History, " The said Billington of the ways of CJhrist ; one of the 

was one of the profanest among us. first comers, and proved a useful 



150 



NAMES OP THE PARTY. 



CHAP, three of London,^ Richard Warren,^ Steeven Hopkins, 
« — -1-- and Edward Dotte, and two of our^ seamen, John 
162 0. Alderton and Thomas Enghsh. Of the ship's com- 
pany there went two of the master's mates, Master 
Clarke and Master Coppin, the master gunner, and 
three sailors."* The narration of which discovery 
follows, penned by one^ of the company. 

Wednesday, the 6th of December, we set out, being 
very cold and hard weather. We were a long while, 
after we launched from the ship, before we could get 
clear of a sandy point,^ which lay within less than a fur- 
long of the same. In which time two were very sick, 



Dec. 
6. 



instrument of good, and was the 
last of the male survivors of those 
who came over in the Mayflower 
in 1620, and whose place of abode 
was Plymouth." John Alden, of 
Duxhury, outlived him 15 years. 
The last survivor of the Mayflower 
was Mary Cushman, daughter of 
Isaac Allerton, who was alive in 
1698. Rowland died in 1672 at 
Rocky Nook, in Kingston, aged 
80. He had four sons and six 
daughters, some of whose descend- 
ants are still living in the Old 
Colony and in Rhode Island. A 
genealogy of the family, written by 
one of them, the venerable John 
Howland, President of the R. I. 
Historical Society, is inserted in 
Thacher's Plymouth, p. 129. See 
Farmer's Genealogical Register of 
the First Settlers of New England, 
App. art. Howland ; Mitchell's 
Bridgewater, p. 379; Hutchinson's 
Mass. ii. 456, 462. 

' They were therefore not mem- 
bers of Robinson's congregation at 
Leyden. See p. 78. and note ' on 
p. 122 of this volume. 

^ Richard Warren, the 12th 
signer of the Compact, with the 
honorable prefix of Mr. is mentioned 
by Bradford as a most useful man, 
during the short time he lived, 
bearing a deep share in the diffi- 



culties and troubles of the planta- 
tion. He died in 1628. His 
widow, Elizabeth, survived him 
about 45 years, dying in 1673, at 
the age of 90. They had two sons 
and five daughters. His descend- 
ants perpetuate the name in Ply- 
mouth, New Bedford, Lowell, 
Boston, New York, and elsewhere. 
At the partition of the lands in 
1623, Richard Warren's lot was 
assigned him near Eel river. The 
farm has continued in the pos- 
session of his posterity till within 
a iew years. See Hutchinson's 
Mass. ii. 462 ; Morton's Memorial, 
p. 135 ; Thacher's Plymouth, p. 
71. 

^ They were not a part of the 
Mayflower's crew, but were in- 
tended to remain in the country 
and to manage the Speedwell, had 
she come over. Their occupation 
at present, I suppose, was to take 
charge of the shallop, until another 
small vessel should be sent over ; 
which took place in Aug. 1623, 
when a pinnace of 41 tons, called 
the Little James, arrived. 

'' There were 18 in all ; among 
whom were 12 out of the 41 sign- 
ers of the Compact. 

^ I take it to be Bradford. See 
note ' on page 115. 

« The end of Long Point. F. 



BILLINGSGATE POINT. 151 

and Edward Tilley had like to have sounded^ with chap- 

cold. The gunner also was sick unto death (but 

hope of trucking made him to go,) and so remained is 20. 
all that day and the next night. At length we got 6. 
clear of the sandy point, and got up our sails, and 
within an hour or two we got under the weather 
shore,'^ and then had smoother water and better sailing. 
But it was very cold ; for the water froze on our 
clothes, and made them many times like coats of iron. 
We sailed six or seven leagues by the shore, but 
saw neither river nor creek. At length we met with 
a tongue of land, being flat off from the shore, with a 
sandy point.^ We bore up to gain the point, and 
found there a fair income or road of a bay, being a 
league over at the narrowest, and some two or three 
in length ; but we made right over to the land before 
us, and left the discovery of this income till the next 
day. As we drew near to the shore,"* we espied some 
ten or twelve Indians very busy about a black thing, — 
what it was we could not tell, — till afterwards they 
saw us, and ran to and fro, as if they had been carry- 
ing something away. We landed a league or two from 
them,^ and had much ado to put ashore any where, it 

' Swooned. Nothing further is ' Billingsgate Point. This point 

known of Edward Tilley than that then joined the land north of it ; 

he brought his wife with him, and but it is now an island, having 

had two other individuals in his been cut off by a ditch many years 

family, probably his children, and since ; and being constantly washed 

died before the end of March. John by the tide, there is now a passage 

Tilley, who was also one of this for small light vessels to pass at 

exploring party, was probably a full sea. Wellfleet bay is, as here 

brother of Edward. He also brought described, a league over at the nar- 

his wife and one other person, rowest and two or three in length, 

most likely a child, and died before The distance from Long Point to 

the end of March. The name does Billingsgate Point is seven leagues, 

not appear in the division of the See Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. 41. 

lands in 1623, nor of the cattle * In Eastham, north of Great 

in 1627. pond. 

* The shore of Truro. * South. 



152 



THE PILGRIMS IN WELLFLEET. 



Dec. 

7. 



CHAP, lay so full of flat sands.^ When we came to shore, 
^— .-!> we made us a barricado, and got firewood, and set 
16 2 0. out sentinels, and betook us to our lodging, such as it 
was. We saw the smoke of the fire which the sav- 
ages made that night about four or five miles from us. 
In the morning we divided our company, some eight 
in the shallop, and the rest on the shore went to dis- 
cover this place. But we found it only to be a bay,^ 
without either river or creek coming into it. Yet we 
deemed it to be as good a harbour as Cape Cod ; for 
they that sounded it found a ship might ride in five 
fathom water. We on the land found it to be a level ^ 
soil, though none of the fruitfullest. We saw two 
becks '' of fresh water, which were the first running 
streams that we saw in the country ; but one might 
stride over them. We found also a great fish, called a 
grampus,^ dead on the sands. They in the shallop 



' A sandy flat, a mile wide, ex- 
tends along the western shore of 
Eastham, from Dennis to the bounds 
of Wellfleet. It is left dry about 
three hours, and may easily he 
crossed by horses and carriages. 
See Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 155. 

* Wellfleet harbour, which is 
large, indented within with creeks, 
where vessels of 70 or 80 tons may 
lie. Large ships may lie safe in 
what is called the Deep Hole, near 
the town. There are five and a 
half fathom of water in the har- 
bour. See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 117. 

^ The land in Eastham is a level 
plain. 

* Becks — rivulets, small brooks. 
See Ray's North Country Words, 
pp. 17 and 99. One of these no 
doubt was Indian brook, which 
forms the boundary between East- 
ham and Wellfleet, and runs into 
the harbour of Silver Springs. 
The spring from which it issues 
has a white sand at the bottom, re- 
sembling that metal. The other 



was probably Cook's brook, in 
Eastham, three quarters of a mile 
south of Indian brook, or possibly 
Snow's brook a mile further south. 
See Mass Hist. Coll. iv. 41, and 
viii. 155. 

* The grampus, {grond-poisson, 
Fr., grapois, Norm., delphinus 
orca,) is the largest and most re- 
markable species of the genus 
Phoceena, of the cetaceous order of 
Mammalia. It is a large animal, 
half the size of the Greenland full- 
grown whale, being often seen from 
25 to 30 feet in length and 10 or 
12 in circumference. The color is 
black above, suddenly giving place 
to white on the sides, which is con- 
tinued over the abdomen. Indi- 
viduals of this species are some- 
times thrown ashore on the Cape, 
20 feet long, and having four inches 
of blubber. See Jardine's Natu- 
ralist's Library, Mammalia, vi. 228 
— 232; Shaw's Zoology, Mam- 
malia, vol. ii. part ii. p. 513 ; Jos- 
selyn, p. 26. 



THE PILGRIMS IN EASTHAM. 153 

found two of them also in the bottom of the bay, dead chap 

IX ' 

in Uke sort. They were cast up at high water, and — .-^ 
could not s^et off for the frost and ice. They were i62o. 
some live or six paces long, and about two inches 7. 
thick of fat, and fleshed like a swine. They would 
have yielded a great deal of oil, if there had been 
time and means to have taken it. So we finding 
nothing for our turn, both we and our shallop returned. 
We then directed our course along the sea sands to 
the place where we first saw the Indians.^ When we 
were there, we saw it was also a grampus which they 
were cutting up. They cut it into long rands ^ or 
pieces, about an ell long and two handfull broad. We 
found here and there a piece scattered by the way, as 
it seemed for haste. This place the most were minded 
we should call the Grampus Bay,^ because we found 
so many of them there. We followed the track of the 
Indians' bare feet a good way on the sands. At length 
we saw where they struck into the woods by the side 
of a pond.^ As we went to view the place, one said 
he thought he saw an Indian house among the trees ; so 
went up to see. And here we and the shallop lost sight 
one of another till night, it being now about nine or ten 
o'clock. So we light on a path, but saw no house, 
and followed a great way into the woods. At length 
we found where corn had been set, but not that year. 
Anon, we found a great burying place, one part 
whereof was encompassed with a large palisado, like a 

' They went back, north, to- forty feet wide, separates it from 

wards Wellfleet harbour. Long pond ; the distance of which 

^ Rands — strips. from Mill pond, connected with the 

^ Wellfleet harbour. northern arm of Nauset harbour, is 

* Great pond, in Eastham, north not more than a furlong. A canal 

of which they landed. F. This might thus be easily cut, connect- 

pond is a quarter of a mile from ing the bay with the ocean. See 

the shore. A narrow neck, about Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 156. 

20 



y, 



154 AN INDIAN BURYING-GROUND. 

CHAP, church-yard, with young spires,^ four or five yards long, 

. — set as close one by another as they could, two or three 

162 0. foot in the ground. Within it was full of graves, some 
7. bigger and some less. Some were also paled about; 
and others had like an Indian house ^ made over them, 
but not matted. Those graves were more sumptuous 
than those at Cornhill ; yet we digged none of them 
up, but only viewed them and went our way. With- 
out the palisado were graves also, but not so costly. 
From this place we went and found more corn-ground, 
but not of this year. As we ranged, we light on four 
or five Indian houses, which had been lately dwelt in ; 
but they were uncovered, and had no mats about them ; 
else they were like those we found at Cornhill,^ but 
had not been so lately dwelt in. There was nothing 
left but two or three pieces of old mats, and a little 
sedge. Also, a little further, we found two baskets 
full of parched acorns^ hid in the ground, which we 
supposed had been corn when we began to dig the 
same ; we cast earth thereon again, and went our 
way. All this while we saw no people. 

We went ranging up and down till the sun began 
to draw low, and then we hasted out of the woods, 
that we might come to our shallop ; which, when we 
were out of the woods, we espied a great way off, and 
called them to come unto us ; the which they did as 
soon as they could, for it was not yet high water. 
They were exceeding glad to see us, for they feared 

' Spires — twisted or wreathed 1621, saw the grave of Nanepashe- 

boughs. met, the deceased king, surrounded 

^ "Over the grave of the more by a palisado, and over it "the 

noble they erect something in form frame of a house, wherein, being 

of a hearse-cloth." T. Morton, ch. dead, he lay buried." See page 142. 

17. The Pilgrims, on their first * See page 144. 

visit to Massachusetts Bay, in Sept. *■ See note* on page 145. 



A MIDNIGHT ALARM. 



155 



because they had not seen us in so long a time, think- chap. 
ing we would have kept by the shore side. So being — .-^ 
both weary and faint, — for we had eaten nothing all 1 6 20. 
that day, — we fell to make our rendezvous and get 7. 
firewood, which always costs us a great deal of labor. 
By that time we had done, and our shallop come to 
us,' it was within night ; and we fed upon such vict- 
uals as we had, and betook us to our rest, after we 
had set out our watch. About midnight we heard 
a great and hideous cry ; and our sentinels called, 
" Arm ! Arm .'" So we bestirred ourselves, and shot 
off a couple of muskets, and the noise ceased. We 
concluded that it was a company of wolves or foxes ; 
for one ^ told us he had heard such a noise in New- 
foundland.** 



^ It appears from Gov. Bradford's 
MS. History, quoted by Prince, p. 
165, that the shallop coasted along 
the shore, south, and that towards 
night, the people on land met it at 
a creek. This Morton, in his Me- 
morial, p. 44, conjectures to be 
Namskeket, which is the dividing 
line between Orleans and Brewster. 
But it may with more probability 
be concluded that it w-as Great Mea- 
dow creek, in Eastham. If the 
travellers had gone as far as Nam- 
skeket, they must have crossed 
Great Meadow creek, then, half a 
mile south, Boat Meadow creek, 
then, half a mile further south. 
Rock Harbour creek, and then, a 
mile southwest. Little Namskeket 
creek ; or they must have passed 
round their heads, which, at a time 
when the country was covered with 
a forest very difficult to be pene- 
trated, w'ould have been no easy 
task. Namskeket creek was best 
known to the first settleis of Ply- 
mouth ; and this appears to have 
been the cause of Morton's supposi- 
tion. F. See Mass. Hist. Coll. 
viii. 155, 188. 



^ Probably either Clark or Cop- 
pin, the mates of the Mayflower, 
who had been on the coast before. 
See pp. 85 and 148. 

^ Newfoundland was not disco- 
vered in 1497 by Sebastian Cabot. 
See Biddle's Life of Cabot, book i. 
ch. 6. Captain Richard Whit- 
bourne, who wrote a book, printed 
in London in 1622, entitled " A 
Discourse and Discovery of New- 
foundland," says that he was first 
there in 1582, and again in 1586, 
" at which time Sir Humfrey Gil- 
bert, a Devonshire knight, came 
thither with two good ships and a 
pinnace, and brought with him a 
large patent from the late most 
renowned Queen Elizabeth, and in 
her name took possession of that 
country, in the harbour of St. John's, 
whereof I was an eye-witness." 
Whitbourne was at Newfoundland 
again in 1588, 1611, 1614, 1615, 
and 1618. Clark or Coppin may 
have gone in one of his ships. 
Whitbourne says, p. 8, " In divers 
parts of the country there are many 
foxes, wolves, and bears. In 1615, 
three several times the wolves and 



156 AN ATTACK FROM THE INDIANS. 

CHAP. About five o'clock in the mornincr we beffan to be 

IX & & 

. -L, stirring ; and two or three, which doubted whether 

16 20. their pieces would go off or no, made trial of them 
8. and shot them off, but thought nothing at all. After 
prayer ^ we prepared ourselves for breakfast, and for a 
journey ; and it being now the twilight in the morning, 
it was thought meet to carry the things down to the 
shallop. Some said it was not best to carry the armor ^ 
down. Others said, they would be readier. Two or 
three said, they would not carry theirs till they went 
themselves, but mistrusting nothing at all. As it fell 
out, the water not being high enough, they laid the 
things down upon the shore, and came up to breakfast. 
Anon, all upon a sudden, we heard a great and strange 
cry, which we knew to be the same voices, though 
they varied their notes. One of our company, being 
abroad, came running in, and cried, " They are men ! 
Indians ! Indians ! " and withal their arrows came fly- 
ing amongst us. Our men ran out with all speed to 
recover their arms ; as by the good providence of God 
they did. In the mean time. Captain Miles Standish, 
having a snaphance ^ ready, made a shot ; and after 

beasts of the country came down were permitted to interfere with 
to the sea-side, near to 48 persons their stated devotions. 
of my company, who were laboring ^ See note * on page 134. 
about their fish, howling and mak- ' A snaphance is a musket with 
ing a noise." Whitbourne's book a flint-lock. In 1643 the house- 
was published by royal authority, holders at Plymouth were " ordered 
and distributed throughout the se- to be furnished with approved arms, 
veral parishes of the kingdom. A viz. muskets with snaphance, or 
contribution too was ordered by the matchlocks with match calivers. 
Privy Council to be taken in the and carbines, which are allowed, 
parish churches to defray the ex- and also fowling-pieces," At the 
pense of the printing, and as time of Philip's war, in 1674, snap- 
" some reward to him for his great hances were rare, yet a few of them 
charge, travails, and divers losses were used. See Mass. Hist. Coll. 
at sea." xiii. 183, and Haven's Centennial 

' This incidental remark shows Address at Dedham, p. 61. 

the religious character of the Pil- Meyrick, in his Critical Inquiry 

grims. No dangers or hardships into Ancient Armour, iii. 88, points 



FIRST ENCOUNTER WITH THE INDIANS. 157 

him another. After they two had shot, other two of chap. 
us were ready ; but he wished us not to shoot till we - — — 
could take aim, for we knew not what need we should i^so. 

Dec. 

have ; and there were four only of us which had their 8. 
arms there ready, and stood before the open side of 
our barricado, which was first assaulted. They 
thought it best to defend it, lest the enemy should 
take it and our stuff; and so have the more vantage 
against us. Our care was no less for the shallop ; 
but we hoped all the rest would defend it. We called 
unto them to know how it was with them ; and they 
answered "Well! Well!" every one, and "Be of 
good courage ! " We heard three of their pieces go 
off, and the rest called for a firebrand to light their 
matches.^ One took a log out of the fire on his 
shoulder and went and carried it unto them ; which 
was thought did not a little discourage our enemies. 
The cry of our enemies^ was dreadful, especially 
when our men ran out to recover their arms. Their 
note was after this manner, " Woach, ivoach, ha ha 
hack ivoach.''^ Our men were no sooner come to 
their arms, but the enemy was ready to assault them. 
There was a lusty man, and no whit less valiant, 
who was thought to be their captain, stood behind a 
tree within half a musket shot of us, and there let his 
arrows fly at us. He was seen to shoot three arrows, 
which were all avoided ; for he at whom the first 
arrow was aimed, saw it, and stooped down, and it 

out a difference between the fire- rate from its cover ; whilst in the 

lock and the snaphance, and quotes firelock the hammer is affixed to 

a document which " prefers the the pan, supplying the place of ils 

firelock," but " if they cannot be cover, and opening at the percus- 

procured, snaphances will do." The sion of the cock, 

difference seems to be that in the * See note ^ on page 125. 

snaphance a movable hammer was ^ These were the Nauset Indians, 

placed beyond the pan, and sepa- as will appear hereafter. 



158 THE INDIANS REPULSED. 

CHAP, flew over him. The rest were avoided also. He 

IX. 

> — ^ stood three shots of a musket. At length, one took, 
16 20. as he said, full aim at him ; after which he gave an 
8. extraordinary cry, and away they went all.^ We fol- 
lowed them about a quarter of a mile ; but we left 
six to keep our shallop, for we were very careful of 
our business. Then we shouted all together two 
several times, and shot off a couple of muskets, and 
so returned. This we did that they might see we 
were not afraid of them, nor discouraged. 

Thus it pleased God to vanquish our enemies and 
give us deliverance. By their noise we could not 
guess that they were less than thirty or forty, though 
some thought that they were many more. Yet, in 
the dark of the morning, we could not so well discern 
them among the trees, as they could see us by our 
fire-side. We took up eighteen of their arrows, 
which we have sent to England by Master Jones ; ^ 
some whereof were headed with brass, others with 
harts' horn, and others with eagles' claws. Many 
more no doubt were shot, for these we found were 
almost covered with leaves; yet, by the especial 
providence of God, none of them either hit or hurt 
us, though many came close by us and on every side 
of us, and some coats which hung up in our barricado 
were shot through and through. 

* Johnson, in his Wonder-work- statement. In the same chapter 
ing Providence, ch. 8, says that he says, " Of Plymouth plantation 
" one Captain Miles Standish, hav- the author purposes not to speak 
ing his fowling-piece in readiness, particularly, being prevented by the 
presented full at them. His shot, honored Mr. Winslow, who was an 
being directed by the provident eye-witness of the work." Edward 
hand of the most high God, struck Johnson lived at Woburn, in Mas- 
the stoutest sachem among them sachusetts, and his book was print- 
on the right arm, it being bent over ed in London in 1654. See Mass. 
his shoulder to reach an arrow forth Hist. Coll. xii. 49, 67. 
his quiver." We know not what ^ On the return of the Mayflower 
authority Johnson had for this in April, 1621. 



THE SHALLOP DISABLED. 159 

So after we had mven God thanks for our deUver- chap. 

^ . IX. 

ance, we took our shallop and went on our journey, 

and called this place The First Encounter. From 1620. 
hence we intended to have sailed to the aforesaid 8. 
Thievish Harbour^ if we found no convenient harbour 
by the way.^ Having the wind good, we sailed all 
that day along the coast about fifteen leagues f but 
saw neither river nor creek^ to put into. After we 
had sailed an hour or two, it began to snow and 
rain, and to be bad weather. About the midst of the 
afternoon the wind increased, and the seas began to 
be very rough ; and the hinges of the rudder broke, 
so that we could steer no longer with it, but two men, 
with much ado, were fain to serve with a couple of 
oars. The seas were grown so great that we were 
much troubled and in great danger ; and night grew 
on. Anon, Master Coppin bade us be of good cheer ; 
he saw the harbour. As we drew near, the gale be- 
ing stiff, and we bearing great sail to get in, split our 
mast in three pieces, and were like to have cast away 
our shallop.^ Yet, by God's mercy, recovering our- 

' Gov. Bradford, in his History, ble that they would have entered 

as quoted by Prince, p. 166, says, and made their settlement there. 

" They hasten on to a port which * Bradford says, in his History, 

Mr. Coppin, their pilot, assures " The pilot, being deceived, cries 

ihem is a good one, which he had out, ' Lord be merciful ! my eyes 

been in, and they might reach be- never saw this place before! ' And 

fore night." Coppin might have he and the mate would have run 

been on the coast before, either her ashore in a cove full of break- 

with Smith or Hunt, in 1614. ers, before the wind ; but a steers.- 

* The distance along the coast man calling to the rowers, ' About 

from Eastham to the high bluff of with her, or we are cast away,' 

Manomet, in Plymouth, is about they get her about immediately, 

45 miles or 15 leagues. and Providence showing a fair 

^ The snow-storm, which began sound before them, they get under 

"after they had sailed an hour or the lee of a small rise of land ; but 

two," prevented their seeing San- are divided about going ashore, 

dy Neck, and led them to over- lest they fall into the midst of 

shoot Barnstable harbour. Had it savages. Some, therefore, keep the 

not been for this, it is highly proba- boat, but others being so wet, 



160 



THE PILGRIMS LAND ON CLARK'S ISLAND. 



CHAP, selves, we had the flood with us, and struck into the 

IX. 

L- harbour. 



162 0. 
Dec. 



Now he that thought that had been the place, was 
deceived, it being a place where not any of us had 
been before ; and coming into the harbour, he that was 
our pilot did bear up northward, which if we had con- 
tinued, we had been cast away.^ Yet still the Lord 
kept us, and we bare up for an island^ before us ; and 
recovering of that island, being compassed about with 
many rocks, and dark night growing upon us, it pleas- 
ed the Divine Providence that we fell upon a place of 
sandy ground, where our shallop did ride safe and se- 
cure all that night ; and coming upon a strange island, 
kept our watch all night in the rain upon that island.^ 



cold, and feeble, cannot bear it, but 
venture ashore, and with great dif- 
ficulty kindle a fire ; and after mid- 
night, the wind shifting to the 
northwest, and freezing hard, the 
rest are glad to get to them, and 
here stay the night." See Prince, 
p. 160. 

' The cove where they were in 
danger lies between the Gurnet 
Head and Saquish Point, at the en- 
trance of Plymouth harbour. 

* Clark's island just within the 
entrance of Plymouth harbour, and 
so called after the mate of the 
Mayflower, who is said to have 
been tlie first to step ashore on it. 
It is sheltered from the ocean by 
Salt-house beach, contains about 
eighty acres of fertile land, and is 
called by Gov. Hutchinson, i. 360, 
" one of the best islands in New 
England." It was neither sold 
nor allotted in any of the early di- 
visions of the lands, but was re- 
served for the benefit of the poor of 
the town, to furnish them with 
wood, and with pasture for their 
cattle. Previous to 1638 the " Court 
granted that Clark's island, the 
Eel river beach, Saquish, and the 
Gurnet's Nose, shall be and remain 



unto the town of Plymouth, with 
the woods, thereupon." In 1690, 
Clark's island was sold to Sam- 
uel Lucas, Elkanah Watson, and 
George Morton. The Watson 
family have been in possession of 
this island for half a century, and 
one of them, Edward Watson, now 
resides on it. See Mass. Hist. 
Coll. xiii. 162, 181; Thacher's 
Plymouth, pp. 82, 153, 158, 330. 

One of the oldest grave-stones 
on the burial hill in Plymouth, is 
that of a Thomas Clark, who died 
March 24, 1097, aged 98. He 
came in the Anne, in 1623. Some 
have thought that this was the 
mate of the Mayflower. But it is 
not known that his name was 
Thomas, nor is there any evidence 
that he ever returned to this coun- 
try. See Thacher's Plymouth, 168. 

^ Bradford adds, in his History, 
" In the morning they find the 
place to be a small island, secure 
from Indians. And this being the 
last day of the week, they here 
dry their stuff", fix their pieces, rest 
themselves, return God thanks for 
their many deliverances ; and here 
the next day keep their Christian 
Sabbath." Prince, p. 167. 



162 



THE SHALLOP RETURNS TO CAPE COD. 



CHAP, and found divers cornfields, and little running brooks, 

IX. 

s — -L. a place very good for situation. So we returned to 
1620. our ship^ again with good news to the rest of our 
13. people, which did much comfort their hearts. 



" This rock has become an object 
of veneration in the United States. 
I have seen bits of it carefully pre- 
served in several towns of the 
Union. Does not this sufficiently 
show that all human power and 
greatness is in the soul of man 1 
Here is a stone which the feet of a 
few outcasts pressed for an instant ; 
and this stone becomes famous ; it 
is treasured by a great nation ; its 
very dust is shared as a relic. And 
what has become of the gateways 
of a thousand palaces? Who cares 
for them? " — Reeves's Trans. 



' They left the Mayflower in 
Cape Cod harbour, December 6, 
and were three days in getting to 
Plymouth. They probably started 
on their return to the ship on the 
12th, and striking across the bay, a 
distance of 25 miles, reached her 
on the 13th. They found that 
the day after their leaving the 
vessel, December 7, Dorothy, the 
wife of William Bradford, who was 
one of the party in the shallop, 
fell overboard, and was drowned. 
See Prince, p. 165. 



I 



CHAPTER X. 



OF THEIR LANDING AND SETTLING AT NEW PLYMOUTH. 



On the 15th day we weighed anchor to go to the chap. 

place we had discovered ; and coming within two 1^ 

leagues of the land, we could not fetch the harbour, but 1 6 2 o. 

. Dec. 

were fain to put round ^ again towards Cape Cod, our 15. 
course lying west, and the wind was at northwest. 
But it pleased God that the next day, being Saturday 
the 16th day, the wind came fair, and we put to sea 16. 
again, and came safely into a safe harbour ; and within 
half an hour the wind changed, so as if we had been 
letted but a little, we had gone back to Cape Cod. 

This harbour is a bay greater than Cape Cod, com- 
passed with a goodly land ; and in the bay two fine 
islands,^ uninhabited, wherein are nothing but woods, 



' In the original, roome ; mani- 1G35, two shallops going, laden 

festly an error of the press. with goods, to Conneciicut, were 

^ Clark's island is now the only taken with an easterly storm, and 
island in Plymouth harbour. It cast away upon Brown's island, 
has sometimes been supposed that near the Gurnet's Nose, and the 
a shoal, called Brown's island, men all drowned." Dr. Freeman, 
which lies near the entrance of the in his note on this place, considers 
harbour, about half a mile east by this passage as confirming the sup- 
north of Beach point, was above position. But Morton, in record- 
water at the time the Pilgrims ar- ing the same event in his Memo- 
rived. Gov. Winthrop, in his His- rial, p. 182, says, the night being 
tory of New England, i. 169, has dark and stormy, they ran upon 
the following record : October G, a skirt of a Jlat that lieth near 



164 



PLYMOUTH HARBOUR. 



CHAP, oaks, pines, walnuts, beech, sassafras, vines, and other 
V— v^ trees ^ which we know not. This bay is a most hope- 
16 20. ful place ; innumerable store of fowl,^ and excellent 

good ; and cannot but be of fish in their seasons ; 

skate, cod, turbot,^ and herring, we have tasted of; 

abundance of muscles, the greatest and best that ever 

we saw ; crabs and lobsters,^ in their time, infinite. 

It is in fashion like a sickle, or fish-hook.^ 
18^' Monday, the loth day, we went a land,'^ manned 



the mouth of the harbour." This 
seems conclusive of the point that 
Brown's island was then under 
water. The other island I suppose 
was Saquish, which, although a 
peninsula, very much resembles an 
island, and may very naturally have 
been mistaken for one ; or at that 
time the water may have flowed 
across the narrow neck which now 
unites it with the Garnet, and com- 
pletely isolated it. Oldmixon, i. 
30, commits an egregious blunder 
when he states, that " the har- 
bour (Plymouth) was a bay larger 
than Cape Cod, and two fine is- 
lands, Rhode Island and Elizabeth 
Island, in it ! " 

* The only forest trees now on 
Clark's island are three red cedars, 
which appear to be very old, and 
are decaying. This wood was the 
original growth of the island, a 
tree which loves the vicinity of 
rocks, which abound here. A few 
years since, the present proprietor 
of the island, whilst digging out 
some large roots on its margin, 
found a number of acorns four feet 
beneath the surface. Blackberry 
vines are still found there. On 
Saquish there is one solitary tree, 
which has weathered the storms of 
ages. In 1815 there were two. 
In earlier times the town forbade 
felling trees at Saquish within 40 
feet of the bank. See Mass. Hist. 
Coll. xiii. 182. 

* Wild fowl are yet abundant in 
Plymoulh harbour. 



^ Skate and cod are still caught 
here. The European turbot, it is 
well known, is not found in our 
waters. The first settlers probably 
gave this name to the flounder or 
small halibut. See Storer's Re- 
port on the Fishes of Massachusetts, 
pp. 140, 145, 146. Higginson, in his 
New England's Plantation, enu- 
merates the turbot among other 
fish. T. Morton, in his New Eng- 
lish Canaan, ch. vii. says, " there 
is a large-sized fish, called halibut, 
or turbot ; some are taken so big 
that two men have much ado to 
haul them into the boat." Wood, 
ch. ix. says, "the halibut is not 
much unlike a plaice or turbot, some 
being two yards long, and one wide, 
and a foot thick." And Josselyn, 
p. 26, says, " some will have the 
halibut and turbot all one ; others dis- 
tinguish them ; there is no question 
to be made of it but that they are 
distinct kinds of fish." The turbot 
and plaice are very much alike in 
appearance. See the figures of 
them in Yarrell's British Fishes, 
i. 209, 233, 

'' There are muscles in Plymouth, 
but generally small, and clams ; the 
Journal probably refers to the latter. 
Crabs and lobsters are very abund- 
ant in the summer season. 

* The form of Plymouth Bay, 
which includes Kingston and Dux- 
bury harbours, is accurately de- 
scribed. 

® The words " in the long-boat " 
seem to be omitted. 



THE TREES AND PLANTS OF PLYMOUTH. 



165 



with the master of the ship and three or four of the chap. 
sailors. We marched along the coast in the woods — ^ 
some seven or eio;ht miles, ^ but saw not an Indian nor i^^^- 

= ' Dec. 

an Indian house ; only we found where formerly had is. 
been some inhabitants, and where they had planted 
their corn. We found not any navigable river, but 
four or five small running brooks ~ of very sweet 
fresh water, that all run into the sea. The land for 
the crust of the earth is, a spit's depth,^ excellent black 
mould, and fat in some places ;^ two or three great 
oaks, but not very thick, pines, walnuts, beech, ash, 
birch, hazel, holly, asp, sassafras in abundance, and 
vines^ every where, cherry trees, plum trees, and many 
others which we know not.*^ Many kinds of herbs we 
found here in winter, as strawberry leaves innumera- 
ble, sorrel, yarrow, carvel, brookhme, liverwort, water- 



^ Whichever way the travellers 
went, they could not have walked 
seven miles ; because northwest, 
at the distance of four miles, they 
would have come to Jones's river in 
Kingston, and southeast, at the 
distance of three miles, to Eel 
river. These riveis, though not 
large, cannot be denominated 
brooks. F. 

* North of the village, towards 
Kingston, there are five brooks, 
which were named by the original 
planters First Brook, Second Brook, 
&c. in order, beginning from the 
town. Half a mile south of the 
village is Wellingsly Brook, by the 
side of which dwelt Secretary 
Morton. Double Brook, or Shingle 
Brook of the first settlers, runs 
northerly by the post road to Sand- 
wich, and unites with Eel river. 
Beaver Dam Brook is in the village 
of Manomet Ponds. Indian Brook 
is still further south on the shore. 
See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 178, and 
Thacher's Plymouth, p. 322. 

' See note * on page 123. 



* This is an exact description of 
a strip of land, between the hills 
and the sea-shore, where the gar- 
dens now are. The soil too is 
good on Clark's Island, Saquish, 
and the Gurnet. 

^ The wild grape, both white and 
red, the blackberry and the rasp- 
berry, are found here now. 

^All the trees here enumerated 
are now found in Plymouth. The 
asp, or aspen, was probably our 
native poplar. The beach, about 
three miles long, which lies in 
front of the village, extending from 
Eel river, N. N. West, and pro- 
tecting the harbour, was originally 
well wooded. Towards the north- 
ern part, till 1770, it was quite 
thickly covered with trees. The 
inner side of the beach was cover- 
ed with plum and wild-cherry trees, 
and the swamp with large pitch 
pine and beech wood. Beech plums, 
wild gooseberries, and white grapes 
were found here in great quantities 
in their proper season. See a list 
of the trees, in Mass. Hist. Coll. 



166 JONES'S RIVER, IN KINGSTON. 

CHAP, cresses, great store of leeks and onions,^ and an ex- 
— '^^ cellent strong kind of flax and hemp.- Here is sand, 
16 2 0. gravel, and excellent clay, no better in the world, ex- 
cellent for pots, and will wash like soap, and great 
store of stone,^ though somewhat soft, and the best 
water^ that ever we drunk ; and the brooks now 
begin to be full of fish.^ That night, many being 
weary with marching, we went aboard again. 
Dec. The next morning, being Tuesday, the 19th of De- 
cember, we went again to discover further ; some went 
on land, and some in the shallop. The land we found 
as the former day we did ; and we found a creek, and 
went up three English miles, a very pleasant river*' at 
full sea. A bark of thirty tons may go up ; but at low 
water scarce our shallop could pass. This place we 
had a great liking to plant in, but that it was so far 
from our fishing, our principal profit, and so encom- 
passed with woods, that we should be in much danger 
of the salvages ; and our number being so httle, and 
so much ground to clear ; so as we thought good to 

xiii. 165, 172, 206 ; Thacher's * Plymouth is abundantly suppli- 

Plymouth, p. 328. ed with springs and brooks of ex- 

' These were probably the allium cellent water. F. See p. 129. 
Canadcnse. * Some years since, before the 

^ The Indian hemp [afocynum Town Brook was obstructed, tom- 

cannabinum.) Wood says, ch. 5, cods were abundant in December ; 

" This land likewise affords hemp eels and smelts enter the brooks in 

and flax naturally;" and Captain autumn. 

John Smith mentions " a kind or ^ This was Jones's river, in 

two of flax, wherewith they make Kingston, so called, it is supposed, 

nets, lines and ropes, both small by the Pilgrims, in compliment to 

and great, very strong for their the Captain of the Mayflower; 

quantities." T. Morton too, says, which they would not have done 

ch. 2, " there is hemp, that naturally had they entertained any doubt of 

groweth, finer than our hemp of his fidelity. Jones's river parish 

England." See Mass. Hist. Coll. was set off from Plymouth in 1717, 

xxvi. 120. and incorporated in 1726, as the 

^ The sand, gravel and clay are town of Kingston. See note * on 

aptly described. There is not p. 138, and Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 

much stone at Plymouth, except a 208 and 217. 
iew bowlders of sienite. 



THEY CONCLUDE TO BUILD ON THE BANK. 167 

quit and ^ clear that place till we were of more strength, chap. 
Some of us, having a good mind, for safety, to plant • — -- 
in the greater isle, we crossed the bay, which is there 162 0. 
five or six miles over, and found the isle about a mile 
and a half or two miles abqut,^ all wooded, and no 
fresh water but two or three pits, that we doubted of 
fresh water in summer, and so full of wood as we 
could hardly clear so much as to serve us for corn. 
Besides, we judged it cold for our corn, and some 
part very rocky ; yet divers thought of it as a place 
defensible, and of great security. That night we 
returned again a shipboard, with resolution the next 
morning to settle on some of those places. 

So in the morninor after we had called on God for ^„^<'- 

. . 20. 

direction, we came to this resolution, to go presently 
ashore again, and to take a better view of two places 
which we thought most fitting for us ; for we could 
not now take time for further search or consideration, 
our victuals being much spent, especially our beer, and 
it being now the 19th of December. After our land- 
ing and viewing of the places, so well as we could, 
we came to a conclusion, by most voices, to set on the 
main land, on the first place, on a high ground,^ 
where there is a great deal of land cleared, and hath 
been planted with corn three or four years ago ; and 
there is a very sweet brook ^ runs under the hill side, 
and many delicate springs of as good water as can be 
drunk, and where we may harbour our shallops and 
boats exceeding well ; and in this brook much good 

^ I think the word 7iot is here * Now called Town brook. It 
accidentally omitted. issues from a pond called Billing- 

^ See note ' on page 160. ton Sea. F. 

^ On the bank, facing the har- 
bour. 



168 RAINY AND TEMPESTUOUS WEATHER. 

CHAP, fish in their seasons ; on the further side of the river 
V— 1-L^ also much corn-iiround cleared.' In one field is a 
162 0. oroat hill,' on which we point to make a platform, 
and plant our ordnance, which will connnand all 
round ahout. From thence we may see into the 
bay, and far into the sea; and we may see thence 
Cape Cod.^ Our greatest labor will be fetching of 
our wood, which is half a quarter of an English mile ; 
but there is enough so far oil'. What people inhabit 
here we yet know not, for as yet we have seen none. 
So there we made our rendezvous, and a place for 
some of our people, about twenty, resolving in the 
morning to come all ashore and to build houses. 
^^^- But the next mornino- being- Thursday, the 21st of 
December, it was stormy and wet, that we could not 
go ashore ; and those that remained there all night 
could do nothing, but were wet, not liaving daylight 
enough to make them a sutlicient court of guard, to 
keep them dry. All that night it blew and rained 
extremely. It was so tempestuous that the shallop 
could not go on land so soon as was meet, for they 
had no victuals on land. About eleven o'clock the 
shallop went otf Avith nmch ado with provision, but 
could not return, h blew so strong; and was such 
foul weather tliat we were forced to let foil our an- 
chor, and ride with three anchors aliead.^ 

Dec 

30.' Friday, tlie 2'2d, the storm still continued, that we 

* On the spot now called the Puxbury, and the shores of the bay 
Ttaiuincr Green. for miles around, is unrivalled by 

* The Burial Hill, rising 165 feet any sea-view in the country, 
above the level of the sea, and eo- * In a clear day the white sand 
vering about eight acres. The hills of Provincetown may be dis- 
\iew from this eminence, embrac- tiuctly seen from this hill. 

ing the harbour, the beach, the * " Dec. 01, dies Richard Britte- 
Gurnet, Manomet Point, Clark's rige, the first who dies in this har- 
island, Saquish, Captain's Hill in hour." Bradtbrd.in Prince, p. 16S. 



k 



THEY CUT TIMBERJFOR BUILDING. 169 

could not get a land, nor they" come to us aboard, chap. 

This morning goodwife Alderton^^ was delivered of a 

son, but dead born. 1620. 

Saturday, the 23d, so many of us as could went Dec. 
on shore, felled and carried timber, to provide them- 
selves stuff for building. 

Sunday, the 24th, our people on shore heard a cry 24. 
of some savages, as they thought, which caused an 
alarm and to stand on their guard, expecting an 
assault ; but all was quiet,^ 

Monday, the 25th day, we went on shore, some to 25. 
fell timber, some to saw, some to rive, and some to 
carry ;" so no man rested all that day. But, towards 
night, some, as they were at work, heard a noise of 
some Indians, which caused us all to go to our mus- 
kets ; but we heard no further. So we came aboard 
again, and left some twenty to keep the court of guard. 
That night we had a sore storm of wind and rain. 

Monday, the 25th, being Christmas day, we began 
to drink water aboard. But at night the master 
caused us to have some beer ; and so on board we 
had divers times now and then some beer, but on 
shore none at all. 

Tuesday, the 26th, it was foul weather, that we 26. 
could not go ashore. 

Wednesday, the 27th, w^e went to work again. 27. 

Thursday, the 28th of December, so many as could 28. 
went to work on the hill, where we purposed to build 

' This was the second child born, been a son of Christopher Martin. 
Its father was Isaac Allerton. The ' Bradford adds in his History, 

mother, named Mary, died Feb. 25. "They begin to erect the first 

^ " Dec. 24, this day dies Solo- house about twenty foot square, 

mon Martin, the sixth and last who for their common use, to receive 

dies this month." Bradford, in them and their goods." See Prince, 

Prince,' p. 168. He must have p. 168. 
22 



170 HOUSE LOTS LAID OUT. 

CHAP, our platform for our ordnance,^ and which doth com- 
— '—- mand all the plain and the bay, and from whence we 
16 2 0. may see far into the sea,^ and might be easier impaled, 
having two rows of houses and a fair street. So in 
the afternoon we went to measure out the grounds, 
and first we took notice how many families there 
were, willing all single men that had no wives to join 
with some family, as they thought fit, that so we 
might build fewer houses ; which was done, and we 
reduced them to nineteen families. To greater fami- 
lies we allotted larger plots ; ^ to every person half a 
pole in breadth, and three in length ; and so lots were 
cast where every man should lie ; which was done, 
and staked out. We thought this proportion was 
large enough at the first, for houses and gardens to 
impale them round, considering the weakness of our 
people, many of them growing ill with colds ; for our 
former discoveries in frost and storms, and the wading 
at Cape Cod had brought much weakness amongst 
us, which increased so every day more and more, and 
after was the cause of many of their deaths. 
Dec. Friday and Saturday we fitted ourselves for our la- 
30. bor ; but our people on shore were much troubled 
and discouraged with rain and wet that day, being 
very stormy and cold. We saw great smokes of fire 
made by the Indians, about six or seven miles from 
us, as we conjectured.^ 

' Vestiges of this fortification ^ The single lots were 8 1-4 feet 

are still visible on the Burial hill, front by 49 1-2 in depth. 
See Holmes's Annals, i. 163. * "Here," says Prince, p. 169, 

* I think there is something " Governor Bradford ends his First 

omitted here. The house-lots were Book, containing ten Chapters, in 

not laid out on the hill, but in front fifty-three pages folio." I conceive 

of it, on Leyden-street, which runs that much of this Relation is in 

from the Town Square to Water- substance, and often in language, 

street. Gov. Bradford's History. 



STANDISH GOES IN SEARCH OF THE INDIANS. 171 

Monday, the 1st of January, we went betimes to chap. 
work. We were much hindered in lying so far off — ^ 
from the land, and fain to go as the tide served, that i62 1. 
we lost much time ; for our ship drew so much water i. 
that she lay a mile and almost a half off,^ though a 
ship of seventy or eighty tons at high water may come 
to the shore. 

Wednesday, the 3d of January, some of our people 3. 
being abroad to get and gather thatch, they saw great 
fires of the Indians ; and were at their corn-fields, yet 
saw none of the savages, nor had seen any of them 
since we came to this bay. 

Thursday, the 4th of January, Captain Miles Stand- 4. 
ish, with four or five more, went to see if they could 
meet with any of the savages in that place where the 
fires were made. They went to some of their houses, 
but not lately inhabited ; yet could they not meet with 
any. As they came home, they shot at an eagle and 
killed her, which was excellent meat ; it was hardly 
to be discerned from mutton. 

Friday, the 5th of January, one of the sailors found 5. 
alive upon the shore a herring, which the master had 
to his supper ; which put us in hope of fish, but as 
yet we had got but one cod ; we wanted small hooks.^ 

Saturday, the 6th of January, Master Marten was 6. 
very sick, and, to our judgment, no hope of life. So 
Master Carver was sent for to come aboard to speak 

^ Being- a vessel of 180 Ions, of Degory Priest." Bradford, in 

she probably anchored in the Cow Prince, p. 182. 
Yard, an anchorage near Clark's '^ This was a singular oversight, 

island, which lakes its name from If they had had fish-hooks, they 

a cow whale which once came into could hardly have suflercd so much 

it, and was there killed. See for want of food. Winslow, in his 

Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 182, and Good News from New England, 

Thacher's Plymouth, p. 331. says they wanted "fit and strong 

" The year begins with the death seines and other netting." 



172 



DISCOVERY OP BILLINGTON SEA. 



1621 
Jan. 



CHAP. With him about his accounts : who came the next 

X. . ' 

^ — . morning. 

Monday, the 8th of January, was a very fair day, 
and we went betimes to work. Master Jones sent 
the shallop, as he had formerly done, to see where fish 
could be got. They had a great storm at sea, and 
were in some danger. At night they returned with 
three great seals,^ and an excellent good cod, which 
did assure us that we should have plenty of fish shortly. 

This day Francis Billington, having the week before 
seen from the top of a tree on a high hill a great sea,^ 
as he thought, went with one of the master's mates to 
see it. They went three miles and then came to a 
great water, divided into two great lakes ; the bigger 
of them five or six miles in circuit, and in it an isle of 
a cable length square ; the other three miles in com- 
pass, in their estimation. They are fine fresh water, 
full of fish and fowl. A brook ^ issues from it ; it will 
be an excellent place for us in time. They found 
seven or eight Indian houses, but not lately inhabited. 



' Seals still haunt the harbour of 
Plymouth and the Bay of Cape Cod. 

" The beautiful pond, so accu- 
rately described in the text, bears 
the appropriate name of BilHngton 
Sea. In the first century it was 
called Fresh Lake. It is about 
two miles southwest from the 
town, proving that the distances in 
this Relation are overstated ; and in 
it are two small islands. It is now, 
as at first, embosomed in a wilder- 
ness of woods. The eagle still 
sails over it, and builds in the 
branches of the surrounding forest. 
Here the loon cries, and leaves her 
eggs on the shore of the smaller 
island. Here too the beautiful 
wood-duck finds a sequestered re- 
treat ; and the fallow deer, mindful 
of their ancient haunts, still resort 
to it to drink and to browse on its 



margin. See page 149, and Mass. 
Hist. Coll. xiii. 181, and Thacher's 
Plymouth, p. 320. 

^ Town Brook. It passes through 
the town, and empties into tlie 
harbour a little south of Forefathers' 
rock. It has proved an " excellent 
place " indeed, its stream supplying 
an unfailing water power for nu- 
merous manufactories. In 1636, it 
was " concluded upon by the Court, 
that Mr. John Jenney shall have 
liberty to erect a mill for grinding 
and beating of corn upon the brook 
of Plymouth." Before the brook 
was so much impeded by dams, 
vast quantities of alewives passed 
up through it annually to Billington 
Sea. In a single season 800 bar- 
rels have been taken. See Thach- 
er's Plymouth, p. 321, 332; Ply- 
mouth Colony Laws, p. 56. 



THEY BEGIN TO BUILD HOUSES. 



173 



When they saw the houses, they were in some fear ; chap. 
for they were but two persons, and one piece.^ — ~ 

Tuesday, the 9th of January, was a reasonable fair i62i. 
day ; and we went to labor that day in the building 9. 
of our town, in two rows of houses, for more safety.- 
We divided by lot the plot of ground whereon to build 
our town, after the proportion formerly allotted. We 
agreed that every man should build his own house, 
thinking by that course men would make more haste 
than working in common.^ The common house, "^ in 
which for the first we made our rendezvous, being 
near finished, wanted only covering, it being about 
twenty foot square. Some should make mortar, and 
some gather thatch ; so that in four days half of it was 
thatched. Frost and foul weather hindered us much.^ 



' " Jan. 8, this day dies Mr. 
Christopher Martin." Bradford, in 
Prince, p. 182. He was the ninth 
signer of the Compact, and one of 
the few distinguished with the title 
of Mr. He was not one of the 
Leyden church, but came from Bil- 
lerica, in Essex, and was associated 
with Cushman and Carver to pro- 
vide means for the voyage. He 
brought his wife and two children, 
with him, one of whom, Solomon, 
died Dec. 24. See pages 73 and 
169. 

^ The houses were built on each 
side of Leyden street, which ex- 
tends from the First Church to the 
harbour. The first entry in the 
records of Plymouth Colony is an 
incomplete list of" The Meersteads 
and Garden-plotes of those which 
came first, layed out, 1620." Ed- 
ward Winslow, in his Letter at the 
end of this Relation, says, " We 
have built seven dwelling-houses, 
and four for the use of the planta- 
tion." The highway led to the 
Town Brook. 



The JVorth Side. 



The South Side. 

Peter Brown. 
John Goodman. 
Mr. Brewster. 



Highway. 



Fohn Billington. 
Mr. Isaac Allerton. 
Francis Cooke. 
Edward Winslow. 



See Hazard's State Papers, i. 100. 

^ See note ^ on page 84. 

* On the spot where it is sup- 
posed the common house stood, in 
digging a cellar, in 1801, there 
were discovered sundry tools and a 
plate of iron, seven feet below the 
surface of the ground. F. 

° Providentially it was a very 
mild winter. See page 105. The 
ice often remains in the harbour 
from Christmas to March ; but at 
this time it appears not to have 
been frozen. In Dec. of 1831 and 
1834 the harbour and shores were 
an expanse of ice and snow, and 
the thermometer several degrees 



174 FOUR MEN SENT TO CUT THATCH. 

CHAP. This time of the year seldom could we work half the 

v-v-^ week. 

162 1. Thursday, the 11th, William Bradford being at 

11. work, (for it was a fair day,) was vehemently taken 
with a grief and pain, and so shot to his huckle-bone,^ 
it was doubted that he would have instantly died. 
He got cold in the former discoveries, especially the 
last ; and felt some pain in his ankles by times ; but 
he grew a little better towards night, and in time, 
through God's mercy in the use of means, recovered. 

12. Friday the 12th we went to work ; but about noon 
it began to rain, that it forced us to give over work. 

This day two of our people put us in great sorrow 
and care. There was four sent to gather and cut 
thatch in the morning ; and two of them, John Good- 
man and Peter Browne,^ having cut thatch all the 
forenoon, went to a furtlier place, and willed the other 
two to bind up that which was cut, and to follow them. 
So they did, being about a mile and a half from our 
plantation. But when the two came after, they could 
not find them, nor hear any thing of them at all, though 
they hallooed and shouted as loud as they could. So 
they returned to the company, and told them of it. 
Whereupon Master Carver,^ and three or four more 

below zero. Had it been so when cattle in 1G27, with Martha and 

the Pilgrims landed, they must Mary Brown, the former of whom 

have perished from cold. See was probably his wife, and the lat- 

Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 196, and ter his daughter. 

Thacher's Plymouth, p, 27. ' In the original, Leaver ; un- 

' Hip-bone. questionably a typographical error. 

* Goodman and Brown both had There is no sucii name as Leaver 

lots assigned them in Leyden-street, among the signers of the Compact, 

in 1620. Nothing more is known and it is not at all probable that 

of Goodman, except that he died one of the ship's crew would be 

before the end of March. Brown distinguished by the title of Mr. 

had also an acre assigned him in or be sent on such an errand, 

the division of the lands in 1623, This error escaped the acute obser- 

and a share in the division of the vation of Prince, who copies the 



TWO OF THEM LOST IN THE WOODS. |75 

went to seek them ; but could hear nothing of them. chap. 
So they returning, sent more ; but that night they ^J^ 
could hear nothing at all of them. The next day 1 621. 
they armed ten or twelve men out, verily thinking 12. 
the Indians had surprised them. They went seeking 
seven or eight miles ; but could neither see nor hear 
any thing at all. So they returned, with much dis- 
comfort to us all. 

These two that were missed at dinner time, took 
their meat in their hands, and would go walk and re- 
fresh themselves. So going a little off, they find a 
lake of water,^ and having a great mastiff bitch with 
them and a spaniel, by the water side they found a 
great deer.^ The dogs chased him ; and they followed 
so far as they lost themselves, and they could not find 
the way back. They wandered all that afternoon, 
being wet ; and at night it did freeze and snow. They 
were slenderly apparelled, and had no weapons but 
each one his sickle, nor any victuals. They ranged 
up and down and could find none of the salvages' hab- 
itations. When it drew to night, they were much per- 

passage, p. 183. Edward Wins- > Probably Murdock's Pond, about 

low, at the end of his Preface to the half a mile from the village, in the 

Reader in his Good News from rear of Burial hill. It is a deep, 

New England, says, "some faults round pond. A brook, called Little 

have escaped because I could not Brook, issues from it, and crossing 

attend on the press." This pro- the west road, unites with Town 

bably was also the case with this brook. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 

Relation. It was sent over to 181, and Thacher's Plymouth, 

George Morton, who not being in p. 320. 

London, where it was printed, did ^ The fallow deer still run in the 

not correct the proof sheets. He extensive woods of Plymouth, a 

probably put it into the hands of district of country nearly twenty 

one of the merchant adventurers, miles square. In Jan. 1831, 160 

who got it printed. It is not sur- were killed and 40 taken alive. In 

prising that some mistakes should Feb. 1839, a deer chased by the 

have been made by the printer in dogs, came into the streets of the 

deciphering the MS. See note on village, and was caught in the front 

page 113. This will account for yard of the Hon. N. M. Davis's 

Morton's name, as well as Carver's, house. See Thacher's Plymouth, 

and Williams's being misspelt. p. 314. 



176 



ROARING OF LIONS. 



CHAP, plexed ; for they could find neither harbour nor meat ; 

but, in frost and snow, were forced to make the earth 

16 21. their bed and the element their covering. And another 
thing did very much terrify them ; they heard, as they 
thought, two lions ' roaring exceedingly for a long time 
together, and a third that they thought was very near 
them. So not knowing what to do, they resolved to 
climb up into a tree, as their safest refuge, though that 
would prove an intolerable cold lodging. So they 
stood at the tree's root, that when the lions came , they 
might take their opportunity of climbing up. The 
bitch they were fain to hold by the neck, for she would 
have been gone to the lion. But it pleased God so 
to dispose, that the wild beasts came not. So they 
walked up and down under the tree all night. It was 
an extreme cold night. So soon as it was light, they 
travelled again, passing by many lakes ^ and brooks 



Jan. 
13. 



' Several of the first settlers of 
New England supposed that the 
lion existed here. liigginson, in 
his New-England's Plantation says, 
" For beasts, there are some bears, 
and they say some lions also ; for 
they have been seen at Cape Ann." 
Wood, in his New-England's Pros- 
pect, ch.GjSays, " Concerning lions 
I will not say that I ever saw any 
myself; but some afRrm that they 
have seen a lion at Cape Ann. 
Some likewise being lost in the 
woods, have heard such terrible 
roarings, as have made them much 
aghast ; which must be either de- 
vils or lions ; there being no other 
creatures which use to roar, saving 
bears, which have not such a terri- 
ble kind of roaring." Josselyn, in 
his New-England's Rarities, p. 21, 
says, " The Jackal is a creature that 
hunts the lion's prey, a shrewd sign 
that there are lions upon the conti- 
nent. There are those that are 
yet living in the country that do 
constantly affirm, that about 36 or 



37 years since, an Indian shot a 
young lion, sleeping upon the body 
of an oak blown up by the roots, 
with an arrow, not far from Cape 
Ann, and sold the skin to the Eng- 
lish." Lechford, too, in his Plain 
Dealing, p. 47, and Johnson, in his 
Wonderworking Providence, b. ii. 
ch. 21, mention the lion among the 
beasts of New England. Vander- 
donck also enumerates lions among 
the wild animals of New Nether- 
lands. But Morton, in his New 
English Canaan, ch. 5, remarks, 
" Lions there are none in New Eng- 
land ; it is contrary to the nature of 
the beast to frequent places accus- 
tomed to snow." Dr. Freeman ob- 
serves, that Goodman and Brown, 
coming from England, where both 
the lion and the wolf are unknown, 
might easily, under the impression 
of fear, mistake the howling of the 
one for the roaring of the other. 

"Plymouth abounds with ponds, 
that would be called lakes in Eng- 
land. It is supposed that within 



THE COMMON HOUSE BURNT. 177 

and woods, and in one place where the salvages had chap. 
burnt the space of j&ve miles in length, which is a fine — -i^ 
champaign country, and even.^ In the afternoon, it lesi. 
pleased God from a high hill they discovered the two^ 
isles in the bay, and so that night got to the plantation, 
being ready to faint with travail and want of victuals, 
and almost famished with cold. John Goodman was 
fain to have his shoes cut off his feet, they were so 
swelled with cold ; and it was a long while after ere 
he was able to go. Those on the shore were much 
comforted at their return ; but they on shipboard 
were grieved at deeming them lost. 

But the next day, being the 14th of January, in the Jan. 
morning about six of the clock, the wind being very 
great, they on shipboard spied their great new rendez- 
vous on fire ; which was to them a new discomfort, 
fearing, because of the supposed loss of the men, that 
the salvages had fired them. Neither could they pre- 
sently go to them for want of water. But after three 
quarters of an hour they went, as they had purposed 
the day before to keep the Sabbath on shore,^ because 
now there was the greater number of people. At their 
landing they heard good tidings of the return of the 
two men, and that the house was fired occasionally by 
a spark that flew into the thatch, which instantly burnt 
it all up ; but the roof stood, and little hurt. The most 
loss was Master Carver's and William Bradford's,^ who 

the bounds of the town there are bath which they kept on shore. 

more than two hundred. See Prince, p. 169, adduces no authority 

Mass. Hist. Coil. xiii. 180, and for his assertion, that "the 31st of 

Thacher's Plymouth, p. 320. Dec. seems to be the first day that 

* A plain commences two miles any keep the sabbath in the place 

from the town, and extends six of their building." 

miles southwest. F. * The omission of Mr. before 

^ See note^ on page 163. Bradford's name in this place, and 

' This seems to be the first sab- on pages 126, 136, 149, and else- 

23 



178 A SHED BUILT FOR THE PROVISIONS. 

CHAP, then lay sick in bed, and if they had not risen with 
^-U^ good speed, had been blown up with powder ; but, 
162 1. through God's mercy, they had no harm. The 

house was as full of beds as they could lie one by 

another, and their muskets charged ; but, blessed be 

God, there was no harm done. 
Jan. Monday, the 15th day, it rained much all day, that 

they on shipboard could not go on shore, nor they on 

shore do any labor, but were all wet. 

Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, were very fair, 

sunshiny days, as if it had been in April ; and our 

people, so many as were in health, wrought cheerfully. 

19. The 19th day we resolved to make a shed to put 
our common provision in, of which some were already 
set on shore ; but at noon it rained, that we could 
not work. This day, in the evening, John Goodman 
went abroad to use his lame feet, that were pitifully 
ill with the cold he had got, having a little spaniel 
with him. A little way from the plantation two 
great wolves ran after the dog ; the dog ran to him 
and betwixt his legs for succour. He had nothing 
in his hand, but took up a stick and threw at one of 
them and hit him, and they presently ran both away, 
but came again. He got a pale-board in his hand ; 
and they sat both on their tails grinning at him a 
good while ; and went their way and left him. 

20. Saturday, 20th, we made up our shed for our 
common goods. 

21. Sunday, the 21st, we kept our meeting on land. 

22. Monday, the 22d, was a fair day. We wrought on 

where, whilst it is prefixed to the this Relation was written by Brad- 
names of persons unquestionably his ford. If any other person had been 
inferiors, as Mr. Christopher Martin, the author, he would have prefixed 
p. 171, is a strong presumption that Mr. to Bradford's name. 



COLD, FROSTY WEATHER. 179 

our houses ; and in the afternoon carried up our hogs- chap. 
heads of meal to our common storehouse. The rest . — ^~^ 
of the week we followed our business likewise. i62i. 

Monday, the 29th, in the morning, cold, frost, and Jan. 
sleet ; but after reasonable fair. Both the long-boat 
and the shallop brought our common goods on shore.^ 

Tuesday and Wednesday, 30th and 31st of January, so, 3i. 
cold, frosty weather and sleet, that we could not work. 
In the morning, the master and others saw two sava- 
ges, that had been on the island near our ship. What 
they came for we could not tell. They were going ^ 
so far back again before they were descried, that we 
could not speak with them. 

Sunday, the 4th of February, was very wet and Feb. 
rainy, with the greatest gusts of wind that ever we 
had since we came forth ; that though we rid in a 
very good harbour, yet we were in danger, because 
our ship was light, the goods taken out, and she un- 
ballasted ; and it caused much daubing ^ of our houses 
to fall down. 

Friday, the 9th, still the cold weather continued, 9. 
that we could do little work. That afternoon, our 
little house for our sick people was set on fire by a 
spark that kindled in the roof; but no great harm was 
done. That evening, the master going ashore, killed 
five geese, which he friendly distributed among the 
sick people. He found also a good deer killed. The 
savages had cut off the horns, and a wolf was eating 
of him. How he came there we could not conceive. 

* "Jan. 29, dies Rose, the wife 'Their houses were probably 

of Captain Standish. N. B. This log-huts, thatched, and the inter- 
month eight of our number die." slices filled with clay. 
Bradford, in Prince, p. 184. 

^ Probably a typographical error 
for ffonc. 



180 TWO INDIANS MAKE THEIR APPEARANCE. 

CHAP. Friday, the 16th, was a fair day; but the northerly 
__.!_ wind continued, which continued the frost. This day, 
162 1. after noon, one of our people being a fowling, and 

Feb, 

16.' having taken a stand by a creek side in the reeds, about 
a mile and a half from our plantation, there came by 
him twelve Indians, marching towards our plantation, 
and in the woods he heard the noise of many more. 
He lay close till they were passed, and then with what 
speed he could he went home and gave the alarm. 
So the people abroad in the woods returned and arm- 
ed themselves, but saw none of them ; only, toward 
the evening, they made a great fire about the place 
where they were first discovered. Captain Miles 
Standish and Francis Cooke being at work in the 
woods, coming home left their tools behind them ; but 
before they returned, their tools were taken away by 
the savasjes. This coming of the savasjes orave us 
occasion to keep more strict watch, and to make our 
pieces and furniture ready, which by the moisture 
and rain were out of temper. 

17. Saturday, the 17th day, in the morning, we called 
a meeting for the establishing of military orders among 
ourselves ; and we chose Miles Standish our captain, 
and gave him authority of command in affairs. And 
as we were in consultation hereabouts, two savages 
presented themselves upon the top of a hilV over 
against our plantation, about a quarter of a mile and 
less, and made signs unto us to come unto them ; we 
likewise made signs unto them to come to us. Where- 
upon we armed ourselves and stood ready, and sent 

^Watson's Hill, called by the levelled in 1814, Indian relics of 

first settlers Strawberry Hill. The various kinds were found. See 

Indian name was Cantaugcanteest. Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 177. 
When the summit of the hill was 



THE ARTILLERY PLANTED ON THE HILL. 181 

two over the brook ^ towards them, to wit, Captain chap. 

Standish and Steven Hopkins,^ who went towards 1^ 

them. Only one of them had a musket, which they i62i. 
laid down on the ground in their sight, in sign of 
peace, and to parley with them. But the savages 
would not tarry their coming. A noise of a great 
many more was heard behind the hill ; but no more 
came in sight. This caused us to plant our great 
ordnances in places most convenient. 

Wednesday, the 21st of February,^ the master came Feb. 
on shore, with many of his sailors, and brought with 
him one of the great pieces, called a minion,^ and 
helped us to draw it up the hill, with another piece 
that lay on shore, and mounted them, and a sailer, 
and two bases. He brought witli him a very fat 
goose to eat with us, and we had a fat crane and a 
mallard, and a dried neat's tongue ; and so we were 
kindly and friendly together. 

Saturday, the 3d of March, the wind was south, the Mar. 
morning misty, but towards noon warm and fair ^' 
weather. The birds sang in the woods most plea- 
santly. At one of the clock it thundered, which was 

' The Town Brook. See note* Morton, in his Memorial, p. 50, as 

on page 172. " a man pious and well deserving, 

' See note ^ on page 126. endowed also with a considerable 

* " February 21. Die Mr. Wil- outward estate; and had it been 

liam White, INIr. William Mullins, the will of God that he had sur- 

with two more ; and the 25th dies vived, might have proved a useful 

Mary, the wife of Mr. Isaac Allerton. instrument in his place." 
N. B. This month seventeen of our * The minion was a piece of 

number die." Bradford, in Prince, ordnance, the bore of which was 

p. 184. Mullins and White were 3 1-4 inches diameter. The saher 

the 10th and 11th signers of the (for which sailer is probably a 

Compact ; each of them brought misprint,) was a larger gun, the 

his wife over, and each had three diameter of which at the bore was 

others, probably children, in his from 3 1-2 to 4 inches; and the 

family. White was the father of base was the smallest sort of artil- 

the first child born in New Eng- lery, the diameter of whose bore 

land, as mentioned on page 148. was only 1 1-4 inch. See Crabb's 

William Mullins is described by Univ. Tech. Diet. 



182 WELCOME, SAMOSET ! 

CHAP, the first we heard in that country. It was strong and 

great claps, but short ; but after an hour it rained 

162 1. very sadly till midnight. 

Mar. Wednesday, the 7th of March, the wind was full 
• east, cold, but fair. That day Master Carver, with 
five others, went to the great ponds,^ which seem to 
be excellent fishing places. All the way they went 
they found it exceedingly beaten, and haunted with 
deer ; but they saw none. Amongst other fowl they 
saw one, a milk-white fowl, with a very black head. 
This day some garden seeds were sown. 
16. Friday, the 16th, a fair warm day towards.^ This 
morning we determined to conclude of the military 
orders, which we had begun to consider of before, but 
were interrupted by the savages, as we mentioned 
formerly. And whilst we were busied hereabout, we 
were interrupted again ; for there presented himself a 
savage, which caused an alarm. He very boldly came 
all alone, and along the houses, straight to the rendez- 
vous ; where we intercepted him, not suffering him to 
go in,^ as undoubtedly he would out of his boldness. 
He saluted us in English, and bade us " Welcome /^^ for 
he had learned some broken English among the Eng- 
lishmen that came to fish at Monhiggon,^ and knew 
by name the most of the captains, commanders, and 
masters, that usually come.^ He was a man free in 



^ Billington Sea. ■• Monhegan, an island on the 

* Perhaps the word noon M'as coast of Maine, between the Ken- 
here accidentally omitted. nebec and the Penobscot, and about 

* They were unwilling he should 12 miles distant from the shore. It 
see how few and weak they were, was an early and favorite place of 
They had already lost nearly half resort for the English fishermen. 
of their number, and had the In- See Williamson's Maine, i. 61. 
dians attacked them in their sickly ^ Seeing the Mayflower in the 
and enfeebled state, they would harbour, he no doubt took her for a 
have fallen an easy prey. fishing-vessel. This explains his 



DESCRIPTION OP SAMOSET. 183 

speech, so far as he could express his mind, and of a chap. 
seemly carriage. We questioned him of many things ; .JJ^ 
he was the first savage we could meet withal. He 1621. 

. Mar. 

said he was not of these parts, but of Morattiggon,^ 16. 
and one of the sagamores or lords thereof; and had 
been eight months in these parts, it lying hence a day's 
sail with a great wind, and five days by land. He 
discoursed ^ of the whole country, and of every prov- 
ince, and of their sagamores, and their number of men 
and strength. The wind beginning to rise a little, we 
cast a horseman's coat about him ; for he was stark 
naked, only a leather about his waist, with a fringe 
about a span long or little more. He had a bow and 
two arrows, the one headed, and the other unheaded. 
He was a tall, straight man, the hair of his head black, 
long behind, only short before, none on his face at all. 
He asked some beer, but we gave him strong water, 
and biscuit, and butter, and cheese, and pudding, 
and a piece of mallard ; all which he liked well, and 
had been acquainted with such amongst the English. 
He told us the place where we now live is called 
Patuxet, and that about four years ago all the inhabit- 
ants died of an extraordinary plague,^ and there is 

boldness in coming directly to more intercourse with the natives, 

them. says, " As for the language, it is 

' Morattiggon. I know not what very copious, large, and difficult. 
part of the country this was meant As yet we cannot attain to any 
to designate. Perhaps it is an error great measure thereof, but can un- 
for Monhiggon. Samoset evidently derstand them, and explain our- 
was desirous of magnifying his own selves to their understanding by 
importance, in giving the Pilgrims the help of those that daily con- 
to understand that he was a saga- verse with us." 
more. ^ All the early writers on New 

^ It is difficult to conceive how England agree, that for three or 

they could converse together so as four years previous to the arrival 

to be mutually understood. Ed- of the Pilgrims, a deadly pestilence 

ward Winslovv, in his Good News had raged all along the seaboard, 

from New England, written two from the Penobscot to Narraganset 

years afterwards, when they had had Bay. The two tribes dwelling at 



184 



THE INDIAN PLAGUE. 



nor child remaining, as indeed 



CHAP, neitlier man, woman, 

X 

._-L. we have found none ; so as there is none to hinder our 



1621, 

Mar. 

16. 



possession, or to lay claim unto it. All the afternoon 
we spent in communication with him. We would 
gladly have been rid of him at night, but he was not 
willing to go this night. Then we thought to carry 



these extremes, as well as the Nau- 
set Indians, on Cape Cod, escaped, 
whilst the intermediate inhabitants 
were almost entirely swept off. 
Some tribes were nearly extinct ; 
the Massachusetts, in particular, 
are said to have been reduced from 
30,000 to 300 fighting men. Capt. 
Dermer, who was here in 1619, 
says, " I passed along the coast 
where I found some ancient plan- 
tations, not long since populous, 
now utterly void. In other places 
a remnant remains, but not free of 
sickness; their disease the plague, 
for we might perceive the sores of 
some that had escaped, who de- 
scribed the spots of such as usually 
die." Higginson, in his New Eng- 
land's Plantation, printed in 1630, 
says, " Their subjects above twelve 
years since, were swept away by a 
great and grievous plague that was 
amongst them, so that there are 
very few left to inhabit the coun- 
try." Morton, in his New English 
Canaan, b. i. ch. 3, says, " Some 
few years before the English came 
to inhabit at New Plymouth, the 
hand of God fell heavily upon the 
natives, with such a mortal stroke, 
that they died on heaps. In a place 
where many inhabited, there hath 
been but one left alive to tell what 
became of the rest ; and the bones 
and skulls upon the several places 
of their habitations made such a 
spectacle after my coming into 
these parts, that as I travelled in 
that forest, near the Massachusetts, 
it seemed to me a new-found Gol- 
gotha. This mortality was not 
ended when the Brownists of New 
Plymouth were settled at Patuxet, 
and by all likelihood the sickness 



that these Indians died of was the 
plague, as by conference with them 
since my arrival and habitation in 
these parts I have learned." John- 
son, in his Wonderworking Provi- 
dence, b. i. ch. 8, says, " About the 
year 1618, a little before the remo- 
val of that church of Christ from 
Holland to Plymouth in New Eng- 
land, as the ancient Indians report, 
there befell a great mortality among 
them, chiefly desolating those places 
where the English afterwards plant- 
ed ; their disease being a sore con- 
sumption, sweeping away whole 
families, but chiefly young men 
and children, the very seeds of 
increase." " What this disease 
was," says Gookin, who wrote in 
1674, " that so generally and mor- 
tally swept away the Indians, I 
cannot well learn. Doubtless it 
was some pestilential disease. I 
have discoursed with some old In- 
dians, that were then youths, who 
say that the bodies all over were 
exceeding yellow, describing it by 
a yellow garment they showed me, 
both before they died, and after- 
wards." " There are some old 
planters," says Increase Mather, 
Avriting in 1677, " surviving to this 
day, who helped to bury the dead 
Indians, even whole families of 
them all dead at once." See Pur- 
chas, iv. 1778 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 
122, 148, xii.66 ; Hutchinson, i. 34. 
In the Great Patent of New Eng- 
land, granted Nov. 3, 1620, the des- 
olating effects of this pestilence 
are assigned by King James as a 
reason for granting it. " We have 
been further given certainly to 
know, that within these late years 
there hath, by God's visitation, 



THE NAUSITES. 



185 



Mar. 
17. 



him on shipboard, wherewith he was well content, chap. 
and went into the shallop ; but the wind was high . — l^ 
and the water scant, that it could not return back. i6 2i. 
We lodged him that night at Steven Hopkins's house,^ 
and watched him. 

The next day he went away back to the Masasoits, 
from whence he said he came, who are our next bor- 
dering neighbours. They are sixty strong, as he 
saith. The Nausites are as near, southeast of them, 
and are a hundred strong ; and those were they of 
whom our people were encountered, as we before re- 
lated. They are much incensed and provoked against 
the English ; and about eight months ago slew three 
Englishmen, and two more hardly escaped by flight 



to Monhiggon. 



They were Sir Ferdinando Gorge's ^ 



reigned a wonderful plague amongst 
the savages there heretofore inha- 
biting, in a manner to the utter 
destruction, devastation, and de- 
population of that whole territory, 
so as there is not left, for many 
leagues together, in a manner, any 
that do claim or challenge any kind 
of interest therein ; whereby we, in 
our judgment, are persuaded and 
satisfied that the appointed time is 
come in which Almighty God, in 
his great goodness and bounty to- 
wards us and our people, hath 
thought fit and determined, that 
these large and goodly territories, 
deserted as it were by their natural 
inhabitants, should be possessed 
and enjoyed by such of our subjects 
and people as shall by his mercy 
and favor, and by his powerful 
arm, be directed and conducted 
thither." Plymouth Colony Laws, 
p. 3. 

Plutchinson, in his Hist, of Mass. 
i. 35, remarks, " Our ancestors sup- 
posed an immediate interposition of 
Providence in the great mortality 
among the Indians, to make room 
for the settlement of the English. 

24 



I am not inclined to credulity, but 
should not we go into the contrary 
extreme if we were to take no 
notice of the extinction of this peo- 
ple in all parts of the continent ? 
In some the English have made 
use of means the most likely to 
have prevented it ; but all to no 
purpose. Notwithstanding their 
frequent ruptures with the English, 
very few comparatively have pe- 
rished by wars. They waste, they 
moulder away, and, as Charlevoix 
says of the Indians of Canada, they 
disappear." 

' See note ^ on page 126. 

^ The English, not understanding 
Samoset perfectly, supposed that 
by Massasoit he meant an Indian 
tribe ; but this was the name of the 
great sagamore, as appears after- 
wards. F. 

* See the Life of Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges in Belknap's Am. Biog. i. 
346 — 393, and his Brief Narration, 
in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 45 — 93. 
In this work, p. 63, he mentions an 
attack that was made in July, 1020, 
by the Indians of Martha's Vine- 
yard on Capt. Dermer and his com. 



186 HUNT, THE KIDNAPPER. 

CHAP, men, as this savage told us ; as he did hkewise of the 

- J-^ huggery, that is, fight, that our discoverers had with 

162 1. the Nausites, and of our tools that were taken out of 
the woods, which we willed him should be brought 
again ; otherwise we would right ourselves. These 
people are ill affected towards the English by reason 
of one Hunt,^ a master of a ship, who deceived the 
people and got them, under color of trucking with 
them, twenty out of this very place where we inhabit, 
and seven men from the Nausites, and carried them 
away, and sold them for slaves, like a wretched man 
(for twenty pound a man,) that cares not what mis- 
chief he doth for his profit. 
Mar. Saturday, in the morninof, we dismissed the sal- 

17 . . ^ 

vage, and gave him a knife, a bracelet, and a ring. 
He promised within a night or two to come again 
and to bring with him some of the Massasoyts, our 
neighbours, with such beavers' skins as they had to 
truck with us. 
18. Saturday and Sunday reasonable fair days. On this 
day came again the savage, and brought with him five 
other tall, proper men. They had every man a deer's 



pany, whom he had sent over to ence in the accounts of the number 

New England. Dermer lost all of the natives which he thus seized 

his men but one, and received four- and carried off. The President 

teen wounds in this encounter ; and Council of New England, in 

which took place just eight months their Brief Relation of its Disco- 

before ; and there can hardly be a very and Plantation, state the num- 

doubt that these were the " Sir ber as 2-1 ; Gorges mentions 30 ; 

Ferdinando Gorge's men," men- whilst Capt. John Smith says 27, 

tioned in the text. Dermer had agreeing with the number men- 

previously been at Nautican, or tioned in the text. Hunt carried 

Nauset. See Prince's Annals, pp. these Indians to Spain, where they 

157, 186. were humanely rescued and set at 

^ The name of this Captain Hunt liberty by the monks of Malaga. 

has come down to us loaded with Several of them got over to Eng- 

deserved infamy, as the first kid- land, and proved of essential ser- 

napper and slave-dealer on the coast vice to Gorges. See Mass. Hist, 

of North America. There is a differ- Coll. xix. 6, xxvi. 58, 61, 132, 



DESCRIPTION OF THE INDIANS. 187 

skin on him, and the principal of them had a wild cat's chap. 

skin, or such like, on the one arm. They had most of 

them long hosen^ up to their oroins, close made, and i62i. 

.... Mar. 

above their groins to their waist another leather ; they i8. 
were altogether like the Irish trousers.^ They are of 
complexion like our English gipseys ; no hair or very 
little on their faces ; on their heads long hair to their 
shoulders, only cut before ; some trussed up before 
with a feather, broad-wise, like a fan ; another a fox 
tail, hanging out. These left (according to our charge 
given him before) their bows and arrows a quarter of a 
mile from our town. We gave them entertainment as 
we thought was fitting them. They did eat liberally 
of our English victuals. They made semblance unto 
us of friendship and amity. They sang and danced 
after their manner, like antics. They brought with 
them in a thing hke a bow-case, (which the principal of 
them had about his waist,) a little of their corn pounded 
to powder, which, put to a little water, they eat.'' He 

' Leggins. days with no other food but this 
''Morton, in his New English meal, which he eateth as he needs, 
Canaan, b. i. ch. 6, says, " Of such and after it drinketh water. And 
deer's skins as they dress bare, they for this end, when they travel a 
make stocking-s, that come within journey, or go a hunting, they carry 
their shoes, like a stirrup stocking, this nokake in a basket or bag, for 
and is fastened above at their belt, their use." Gookin, in Mass. Hist, 
which is about their middle. When Coll. i. 150. — '■'■ Nokehich, parched 
they have their apparel on, they meal, which is a ready, very whole- 
look like Irish, in their trousers, some food, which they eat with a 
the stockings join so to their little water, hot or cold. I have 
breeches." Wood, in his New travelled with near two hundred 
England's Prospect, part ii. ch. 5, of them at once, near a hundred 
says, " In the winter time the more miles through the woods, every 
aged of them wear leather drawers, man carrying a little basket of this 
in form like Irish trousers, fast- at his back, and sometimes in a 
ened under their girdles with but- hollow leather girdle about his 
tons." middle, sufficient for a man three 
^ " The Indians make a certain or four days. With this ready pro- 
sort of meal of parched maize, vision, and their bows and arrows. 
This meal they call nokahe. It is are they ready for war and travel 
so sweet, toothsome, and hearty, at an hour's warning. With a 
that an Indian will travel many spoonful of this meal, and a spoon- 



188 



THE INDIANS' USE OP TOBACCO. 



CHAP, had a little tobacco in a bag ; but none of them 
. — — ' drank ^ but when he hked. Some of them had their 
1^21. faces painted black, from the forehead to the chin, four 

Mar. ^ 

18. or five fingers broad ; others after other fashions, as 
they liked. They brought three or four skins ; but we 



ful of water from the brook, have I 
made many a good dinner and sup- 
per." Roger Wilhams's Key, in 
Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 208.— "If 
their imperious occasions cause 
them to travel, the best of their 
victuals for their journey is nocake, 
(as they call it,) which is nothing 
but Indian corn parched in the hot 
ashes. The ashes being sifted from 
it, it is afterwards beat to powder, 
and put into a long leathern bag, 
trussed at their backs like a knap- 
sack, out of which they take thrice 
three spoonfuls a day, dividing it 
into three meals. If it be in win- 
ter, and snow be on the ground, 
they can eat when they please, 
stopping snow after their dusty 
victuals. In summer they must 
stay till they meet with a spring or 
brook, when they may have water 
to prevent the imminent danger of 
choking. With this strange via- 
ticum, they will travel four or five 
days together, with loads fitter for 
elephants than men." Wood's 
New England's Prospect, part ii. 
ch. 6. 

' That is, smoked. This was 
formerly a common expression. 
Thus Brereton, in his Journal of 
Gosnold's Voyage, says, " they gave 
us also of their tobacco, which ihey 
drink green, but dried into powder, 
very strong and pleasant." Rosier, 
in his account of Weymouth's 
Voyage to New England, in 1605, 
reprinted in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 
142, says, " We drank of their 
excellent tobacco, as much as we 
would, with them ; but we saw not 
any great quantity to truck for, and 
it seemed they had not much left of 
old, for they spend a great quantity 
yearly by their continual drinking." 



Johnson, in his Wonderworking 
Providence, b. i. ch. 41, mentions a 
lusty man, (doubtless Underbill,) 
who held forth to his pastor before 
the whole congregation, that the 
spirit of revelation came to him as 
he was drinking a pipe of tobacco." 
In the Records of Plymouth Colo- 
ny, under the year 1646, is the fol- 
lowing entry. " Anthony Thacher 
and George Pole were chosen a 
committee to draw up an order 
concerning disorderly drinking to- 
bacco." — This use of language was 
probably descriptive of the manner 
in which the weed was formerly 
inhaled, and which still prevails in 
the East. Lane, in his account of 
the Manners and Customs of the 
Modern p]gyptians, i. 187, says, 
" In smoking, the people of Egypt, 
and of other countries of the East, 
draw in their breath freely, so that 
much of the smoke descends into 
the lungs ; and the terms which 
they use to express ' smoking to- 
bacco ' signify ' drinking smoke,' or 
' drinking tobacco.' " 

Winslow, in his Good News 
from New England, says, " The 
men take much tobacco." Roger 
Williams, in his Key, chs. ii. and 
XX. says, " They generally all take 
tobacco, and it is the only plant 
which men labor in, the women 
managing all the rest. They say 
they take tobacco for two causes ; 
first, against the rheum, which 
causeth the toothache, which they 
are impatient of; secondly, to re- 
vive and refipsh them, they drink- 
ing nothing but water. Their to- 
bacco bag hangs at their neck, or 
sticks at their girdle, and is to them 
instead of an English pocket." 



INTERCOURSE WITH THE NATIVES. 189 

would not truck with them at all that day,^ but chap. 
wished them to bring more, and we would truck for . — ^^ 
all ; which they promised within a night or two, and i6 2i. 
would leave these behind them, though we were not jg. 
willing they should ; and they brought us all our tools 
again, which were taken in the woods, in our men's 
absence. So, because of the day, we dismissed them 
so soon as we could. But Samoset, our first acquaint- 
ance, either was sick or feigned himself so, and would 
not go with them, and stayed with us till Wednesday 
morning. Then we sent him to them, to know the 
reason they came not according to their words ; and 
we gave him a hat, a pair of stockings and shoes, a 
shirt, and a piece of cloth to tie about his waist. 

The Sabbath day, when we sent them from us, we 
gave every one of them some trifles, especially the 
principal of them. We carried them, along with our 
arms, to the place where they left their bows and ar- 
rows ; whereat they were amazed, and two of them 
began to slink away, but that the other called them. 
When they took their arrows we bade them farewell, 
and they were glad ; and so, with many thanks given 
us, they departed, with promise they would come again. 

Monday and Tuesday proved fair days. We dig- 19, 20. 
ged our grounds and sowed our garden seeds. 

Wednesday a fine warm day. We sent away Sa- 21. 
moset. 

That day we had again a meeting to conclude of 
laws and orders for ourselves, and to confirm those 
military orders that were formerly propounded, and 
twice broken off" by the savages' coining. But so we 
were again the third time ; for after we had been an 

' It was Sunday. 



190 



SaUANTO. 



CHAP, hour together, on the top of the hilP over against us 

.^ .1^ two or three savages presented themselves, that made 

162 1. semblance of daring us, as we thought. So Captain 
Standish with another, with their muskets, went over 
to them, with two of the master's mates that follows 
them without arms,^ having two muskets with them. 
They whetted and rubbed their arrows and strings, 
and made show of defiance ; but when our men drew 
near them, they ran away. Thus were we again 
interrupted by them. This day, with much ado, we 
got our carpenter, that had been long sick of the 
scurvy, to fit our shallop to fetch all from aboard. 
Thursday, the 22d of March, was a very fair, warm 
day. About noon we met again about our public bu- 
siness. But we had scarce been an hour together, but 
Samoset came again, and Squanto,^ the only native 



Mar. 
22. 



' Tlie same hill on which the 
two Indians appeared, Feb. 17. See 
note on page 180. 

^ By arms must be here meant 
side aims, swords, &c., as it is 
stated they had mir.ikets. 

^ Also called Squantum, or Tis- 
quanlum. There is some discre- 
pancy in the early accounts of 
Squanto's captivity. Gorges, in 
his Brief Narration, ch. 2, says that 
"there happened to come into the 
harbour of Plymouth, where I then 
commanded, one Captain Wey- 
mouth, who happened into a river 
on the coast of America, called 
Pemmaquid, (the Penobscot,) from 
whence he brought five of the na- 
tives, three of whose names were 
Manida, Sketwarroes, and Tas- 
quantura, whom I seized upon. 
They were all of one nation, but of 
several parts and several families." 
This was in 1605. But the Gov- 
ernor and Council for New Eng- 
land, in their Relation, printed in 
1622, say, " It pleased God to send 
into our hands Tasquantum, one of 



those savages that formerly had 
been betrayed by this unworthy 
Hunt before named. But this sav- 
age being at that time in New- 
foundland, Master Dermer, who 
was there also, found the means to 
give us intelligence of him, and his 
opinion of the good use that might 
be made of his employment." Der- 
mer took Tisquantum with him to 
England, and on his return to New 
England in the spring of 1619, 
brought him back to his native 
country. In a letter dated Dec. 27, 
of that year, he says, " When I ar- 
rived at my savage's native coun- 
try, finding all dead, I travelled 
almost a day's journey westward 
to a place called Nummastaquyt, 
(Namasket,) where finding inhabit- 
ants, I despatched a messenger a 
day's journey further west to Po- 
conaokit, which bordercth on the 
sea ; whence came to see me two 
kings, attended with a guard of 
fifty armed men, who being well 
satisfied with that my savage and 
I discoursed unto them, being de- 



MASSASOIT. 



191 



of Patuxet, where we now inhabit, who was one of chap. 

A.. 

the twenty captives that by Hunt were carried away, 

and had been in England, and dwelt in Cornhill with ^^\^^- 

® ' Mar. 

Master John Slanie,^ a merchant, and could speak a 22. 
little English, with three others ; and they brought 
with them some few skins to truck, and some red her- 
rings, newly taken and dried, but not salted ; and sig- 
nified unto us, that their great sagamore, Masasoyt,'^ 
was hard by, with Quadequina, his brother, and all 
their men. They could not express well in English 
what they would f but after an hour the king came to 
the top of a hill '^ over against us, and had in his train 
sixty men, that we could well behold them, and they 
us. We were not willing to send our governor to 
them, and they were ^ unwilling to come to us. So 



sirous of novelty, gave me content 
in whatsoever I demanded." These 
two kings were imdoubtedly Mas- 
sasoit and Quadequina. On going 
to Virginia, in June, Dermer left 
Tisquantum at Sawahquatooke, 
now Saco, whence he probably re- 
turned to Patuxet and Namasket. 
In another letter, dated June 30, 

1620, Dermer says, " Squanto can- 
not deny but that the Pocanokets 
would have killed me when I was 
at Namassaket, had he not entreat- 
ed hard for me." See Mass. Hist. 
Coll. xxvi. 50, 62, xix. 7, 10, 13 ; 
Purchas, iv. 1778 ; Morton's Me- 
morial, pp. 55 — 59. 

The beautiful promontory in Quin- 
cy, near Thompson's island, will 
perpetuate the name of this early 
friend of the Pilgrims. They prob- 
ably called it after him in their first 
expedition to the Massachusetts in 

1621, when he accompanied them 
as interpreter. This is probably 
the same place which is called 
Squanto's Chapel, by Morton, in 
his New English Canaan, b. ii. 
chs. 6 and 8. 

" ' The worshipful John Slany, of 



London, merchant," was one of 
the undertakers of the Newfound- 
land plantation, and treasurer of 
the Company. He probably sent 
Squanto to Newfoundland. See 
Whitebourne's Newfoundland, p. 
V. and Purchas, iv. 1876, 1888. 

^ Prince says, in his Annals, p. 
187, " The printed accounts gene- 
rally spell him Massasoit ; Gov. 
Bradford writes him Massasoyt and 
Massasoyet ; but I find the ancient 
people, from their fathers in Ply- 
mouth Colony, pronounce his name 
Ma-sas-so-it." It will be seen 
hereafter that Winslow writes it 
Massassowat. The sachem, in con- 
formity with a prevailing cus- 
tom among the Indians, afterwards 
changed his name, and took that 
of Owsamequin or Woosamequen. 
See his Life in B. B. Thatcher's 
Indian Biography, i. 117 — 140, and 
in S. G. Drake's Book of the Indi- 
ans, b. ii. 17 — 29. 

^ See note - on page 183. 

4 Watson's hill, mentioned twice 
before on pages 180 and 190. 

* The word ivcr'e was accident- 
ally omitted in the original. 



192 WINSLOW'S PARLEY WITH MASSASOIT. 

CHAP. Squanto went again unto him, who brought word 

that we should send one to parley with him, which we 

162 1. (Ji(^[^ which was Edward Wins! oe, to know his mind, 
Mar. and signify the mind and will of our governor, which 
was to have trading and peace with him. We sent 
to the king a pair of knives, and a copper chain with 
a jewel at it. To Quadequina we sent likewise a 
knife, and a jewel to hang in his ear, and withal a pot 
of strong water, a good quantity of biscuit, and some 
butter ; which were all wilhngly accepted. 

Our messenger made a speech unto him, that King 
James saluted him with words of love and peace, and 
did accept of him as his friend and ally ; and that our 
governor desired to see him and to truck with him, 
and to confirm a peace with him, as his next neigh- 
bour. He liked well of the speech, and heard it atten- 
tively, though the interpreters did not well express it. 
After he had eaten and drunk himself, and given the 
rest to his company, he looked upon our messenger's 
sword and armor, which he had on, with intimation of 
his desire to buy it ; but, on the other side, our mes- 
senger showed his unwillingness to part with it. In 
the end, he left him in the custody of Quadequina, his 
brother, and came over the brook, and some twenty 
men following him, leaving all their bows and arrows 
behind them. We kept six or seven as hostages for 
our messenger. Captain Standish and Master Wil- 
liamson^ met the king at the brook, with half a dozen 
musketeers. They saluted him, and he them ; so one 

' There was a Thomas Wil- Standish in this duty. Perhaps it 

liams, but no person of the name of should read Master Allerton, as we 

Williamson, among- the signers of find that he went with Standish the 

the Compact. It is probably an next day. See p. 195. See also 

error of the press. It is very un- note on page 113, and note ^ on 

likely that any one of the ship's page 174. Williams was dead be- 

company would be associated with fore the end of March. 



TREATY OP PEACE WITH MASSASOIT. 193 

soiiiff over, the one on the one side, and the other on chap. 



is 



X. 



the other, conducted him to a house then in building, 
where we placed a orreen rus; and three or four cush- 1621. 

Mar 

ions. Then instantly came our governor, with drum 22. 
and trumpet after him, and some few musketeers. 
After salutations, our governor kissing his hand, the 
king kissed him ; and so they sat down. The governor 
called for some strong water, and drunk to him ; and 
he drunk a great draught, that made him sweat all the 
while after. He called for a little fresh meat, which 
the king did eat willingly, and did give his followers. 
Then they treated of peace, which was : 

1. That neither he nor any of his should injure or 
do hurt to any of our people. 

2. And if any of his did hurt to any of ours, he 
should send the offender, that we might punish him. 

3. That if any of our tools were taken away, when 
our people were at work, he should cause them to be 
restored ; and if ours did any harm to any of his, we 
would do the like to them. 

4. If any did unjustly war against him, we would 
aid him ; if any did war against us, he should aid us. 

5. He should send to his neighbour confederates to 
certify them of this, that they might not wrong us, but 
might be likewise comprised in the conditions of peace. 

6. That when their men came to us, they should 
leave their bows and arrows behind them, as we 
should do our pieces when we came to them. 

Lastly, that doing thus, King James would esteem 
of him as his friend and ally.^ 

* " This treaty," sa5fs Belknap, estly intended on both sides, was 
" the work of one day, bein^ hon- kept with fidelity as long as Mas- 

25 



194 QUADEGIUINA. 

CHAP. All which the king seemed to like well, and it was 
^--J^ applauded of his followers. All the while he sat by 
1621. the governor, he trembled for fear. In his person he 
22. is a very lusty man, in his best years, an able body, 
grave of countenance, and spare of speech ; in his 
attire little or nothins; differinff from the rest of his 
followers, only in a great chain of white bone beads 
about his neck ; and at it, behind his neck, hangs a 
little bag of tobacco, which he drank, ^ and gave us to 
drink. His face was painted with a sad red, like mur- 
rey, and oiled both head and face, that he looked 
greasily. All his followers likewise were in their 
faces, in part or in whole, painted, some black, some 
red, some yellow, and some white, some with crosses, 
and other antic works ; ^ some had skins on them, 
and some naked ; all strong, tall men in appearance. 
So after all was done, the governor conducted him 
to the brook, and there they embraced each other, and 
he departed ; we diligently keeping our hostages. We 
expected our messenger's coming ; but anon word was 
brought us that Quadequina was coming, and our mes- 
senger was stayed till his return ; who presently came, 
and a troop with him. So likewise we entertained 
him, and conveyed him to the place prepared. He 
was very fearful of our pieces, and made signs of dis- 
like, that they should be carried away; whereupon 

sasoit lived, but was afterwards, remain inviolable. It was accord- 
in 1675, broken by Pliilip, his sue- ingly ratified and confirmed by 
cessor." Am Biog. ii. 214. In the government. See Morton's 
Sept. 1639, Massasoit and his Memorial, p. 210. 
eldest son, Mooanam, afterwards ' See note ' on page 188. 
called Wamsutta, and in 1662 by ^ This description corresponds to 
the English named Alexander, the appearance of Black Hawk and 
came into the Court at Plymouth Keokuk, and the braves of the 
and desired that this ancient league Sacs and Foxes, on their visit to 
and confederacy might stand and Boston in 1837. 



ISAAC ALLERTON. 195 

commandment was given they should be laid away. chap. 
He was a very proper, tall young man, of a very mod- — -- 
est and seemly countenance, and he did kindly like of 1 621. 
our entertainment. So we conveyed him likewise, as 
we did the king ; but divers of their people stayed 
still. When he was returned, then they dismissed our 
messenger. Two of his people would have stayed all 
night ; but we would not sutler it. One thing I for- 
got ; the king had in his bosom, hanging in a string, a 
great long knife. He marvelled much at our trumpet, 
and some of his men would sound it as well as they 
could. Samoset and Squanto, they stayed all night 
with us ; and the king and all his men lay all night in 
the woods, not above half an Enghsh mile from us, 
and all their wives and women with them. They said 
that within eight or nine days they would come and 
set corn on the other side of the brook, and dwell there 
all summer ; which is hard by us. That night we kept 
good watch ; but there was no appearance of danger. 

The next morning, divers of their people came over Mar. 
to us, hoping to get some victuals, as we imagined. 
Some of them told us the king would have some of us 
come see him. Captain Standish and Isaac Alderton ^ 



' Generally spelt Allerton. He trade, and at lenpth left them and 
was the fifth signer of the Compact settled there. His male posterity 
on board the Mayflower. After the settled in Maryland. If they be 
death of his wife Mary, Feb. 25, extinct, Point Alderton, at the cn- 
1621, he married, in 1626, Fear, a trance of Boston harbour, which 
daughter of Elder Brewster. She took, his name, will probably pre- 
died in 1633, and he then married a serve it many ages." Judge Davis 
thiid wife, named Johanna. His adds, in his edition of Morton's 
son Isaac graduated at Harvard New England's Memorial, p. 394, 
College in 1650. Hutchinson, in ." Like the promontory of Palinurus, 
his History of Massachusetts, ii. it is respectfully regarded as the 
461, says "Isaac Allerton or Al- iiipmorial of an ancient worthy ; 
derton, tlie first assistant, was em- and the appellation, perpetuating 
ployed several times to negotiate the memory of a man of the great- 
matters in England relative to their est commercial enterprise in those 



196 THE FIRST LAWS ENACTED. 

CHAP, went venturously, who were welcomed of him after 
^^ — — their manner. He gave them three or four ground- 
16 2 1. nuts and some tobacco. We cannot yet conceive but 

Mar. ... . 

23. that he is willing to have peace with us ; for they have 
seen our people sometimes alone two or three in the 
woods at work and fowling, whenas they offered them 
no harm, as they might easily have done ; and espe- 
cially because he hath a potent adversary, the Narow- 
higansets, that are at war with him, against whom he 
thinks we may be some strength to him ; for our pieces 
are terrible unto them. This morning they stayed till 
ten or eleven of the clock ; and our governor bid them 
send the king's kettle, and filled it full of pease, which 
pleased them well ; and so they w^ent their way. 

Friday was a very fair day. Samoset and Squanto 
still remained with us. Squanto went at noon to fish 
for eels. At night he came home with as many as he 
could well lift in one hand ; which our people were 
glad of; they were fat and sweet. He trod them out ^ 
with his feet, and so caught them with his hands, 
without any other instrument. 

This day we proceeded on with our common busi- 
ness, from which we had been so often hindered by 
the salvages' coming ; and concluded both of military 

early times, is most fitly applied, daughter Mary, who married Tho- 
' Gaudet cognomine terra.'' ^'' — The mas Cushman, son of Robert, was 
accurate Hutchinson is for once in alive in 1698, the last survivor of 
an error. Allerton removed to the passengers in the Mayflower. 
New Haven in Connecticut, pre- See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvii. 213 
vious to the last of March, 1647, and 301, Professor Kingsley's His- 
and died there in 1659. We are torical Discourse, p. 92, and Mitch- 
indebted to the Rev. Leonard Ba- elTs Bridgevvater, p. 356. 
con, of New Haven, for the disco- * Of the mod ; probably at Eel 
very of this fact. His conjecture, river, so called from the abundance 
however, is unfounded that Alleiton of eels which are taken there, 
left no daughter. It appears from About 150 barrels are annually 
Hutchinson, ii. 456, compared with caught. See Thacher's Plymouth, 
Morton's Memorialj p. 381, that his p. 322. 



CARVER RE-ELECTED GOVERNOR. 



197 



orders and of some laws ^ and orders as we thought chap. 

X 

behooveful for our present estate and condition ; and 

did hkewise choose ^ our governor for this year, 1 6 2 1. 
which was Master John Carver, a man well approved 
amongst us.^ 

[March 24. Dies Elizabeth, the wife of Mr. Ed- Mar. 
ward Winslow. N. B. This month thirteen of our 
number die. And in three months past, dies half our 
company ; the greatest part in the depth of winter, 



' In 1636 a code of laws was 
made, with a preamble containing 
an account of the settlement of the 
Colony. This Code was revised in 
1658, and again in 1671, and print- 
ed with this title, " The Book of 
the General Laws of the Inhabit- 
ants of the Jurisdiction of New 
Plymouth." In 1685, a new digest 
of them was published. In 1836 
these several codes were collected 
and digested into one volume by 
William Brigham, Esq. Counsellor 
at Law, agreeably to a Resolve of 
the Legislatuie of Massachusetts. 
It serves to illustrate the condition 
of the Colony at different periods, 
the manners, wants, and senti- 
ments of our forefathers, the diffi- 
culties with which they struggled, 
and the remedies provided for their 
relief .See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxii. 
265, 270. 

Gov. Hutchinson, with unac- 
countable carelessness, has assert- 
ed, ii. 163, that "they never estab- 
lished any distinct code or body of 
laws ; " grounding his assertion on 
a passage in Hubbard's Hist, of N. 
England, which implies no such 
thing. The quotation, imperfectly 
given by Hutchinson, is correctly 
as follows: "The laws they in- 
tended to be governed by were the 
laws of Enoland, the which they 
were willing to be subject unto, 
though in a foreign land ; and have 
since that time continued in that 



mind for the general, adding only 
some particular municipal laws of 
their own, suitable to their consti- 
tution, in such cases where the 
coinmon laws and statutes of Eng- 
land could not well reach, or afford 
them help in emergent difficulties 
of the place ; possibly on the same 
ground that Pacuvius sometimes 
advised his neighbours of Capua 
not to cashier their old magistrates 
till they could agree upon better to 
place in their room. So did these 
choose to abide by the laws of Eng- 
land, till they could be provided of 
better." Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 
242 ; Mass Hist. Coll. xv. 62. 

^ " Or rather confirm." Bradford 
in Prince, p. 188. It will be recol- 
lected that Carver had been chosen 
governor on the 11th of November, 
the same day on which the Com- 
pact was signed. It was now the 
23d of March, and the new year 
beginning on the 25lh, according 
to the calendar then in use. Carver 
was reelected for the ensuing year. 
The question has sometimes been 
asked. Why was not Brewster cho- 
sen ? The answer is given by 
Hutchinson, ii. 460. " He was 
their ruling elder, which seems to 
have been the bar to his being their 
governor, civil and ecclesiastical 
office in the same person being 
then deemed incompatible." 

' Here the daily journal breaks 
off, and an interval of three months 



198 



MORTALITY AMONG THE COLONISTS. 



CHAP, wanting houses and other comforts, being infected 

with the scurvy and other diseases, which their long 

162 1. voyage and unaccommodate condition brought upon 

Mar. •' ^ . . tor 

them ; so as there die sometimes two or three a day. 
Of a hundred persons scarce fifty remain ; the hving 
scarce able to bury the dead ; the well not sufficient to 
tend the sick, there being, in their time of greatest dis- 
tress, but six or seven, who spare no pains to help them. 
Two of the seven were Mr. Brewster, their reverend 
elder, and Mr. Standish, their captain. The like dis- 
ease fell also among the sailors, so as almost half 
their company also die before they sail.^ But the 



occurs before the account of the 
expedition to Pokanoket, during 
which nothing is recorded. To fill 
up this chasm in some measure, I 
insert the following particulars, 
which Prince extracts from Gov. 
Bradford's History, and from his 
Register, in which he records some 
of the first deaths, marriages, and 
punishments at Plymouth. 

' The exact bill of mortality, as 
collected by Prince, is as follows. 



In December 
In January 
In February 
In March 



6 

8 

17 

13 



Total 44 

Of these were subscribers to 
the Compact, 

The wives of Bradford, Stand- 
ish, Allerton, and Winslow, 

Also, Edward Thomson, a ser- 
vant of Mr. White, Jasper 
Carver, a son of the go- 
vernor, and Solomon Mar- 
tin, son of Christopher, 

Other women, children and 
servants, whose names are 
not known. 



21 
4 



16 



44 



Before the arrival of the Fortune 
in Nov. six more died, including 
Carver and his wife, making the 
whole number of deaths 50, and 
leaving the tctal number of the sur- 
vivors 50. Of those not named 
among the survivors, being young 
men, women, children, and ser- 
vants, there were 31 ; amongst 
whom, as appears from the list of 
names in the division of the lands 
in 1623, were Joseph Rogers, 
probably a son of Thomas, Mary 
Chilton, probably a daughter of 
James, Henry Samson, and Humil- 
ity Cooper. See Baylies' Plymouth, 
i. 70 ; Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 207 ; 
Morton's Memorial, p. 376. 

Wood, in his New England's 
Prospect, ch. 2, says, " Whereas 
many died at the beginning of the 
plantations, it was not because the 
country was unhealthful, but be- 
cause their bodies were corrupted 
with sea-diet, which was naught, 
the beef and pork being tainted, 
their butter and cheese corrupted, 
their fish rotten, and the voyage 
long by reason of cross winds, so 
that winter approaching before they 
could get warm houses, and the 
searching sharpness of that purer 
climate creeping in at the crannies 
of their crazed bodies, caused death 



THE MAYFLOWER SAILS FOR ENGLAND. 



199 



spring advancing, it pleases God the mortality begins chap 
to cease, and the sick and lame recover ; which puts .^ — ^-^ 
new hfe into the people, though they had borne their igsl 
sad affliction with as much patience as any could do. 
/" The first offence since our arrival is of John Bil-\^ 
(lington, who came on board at London, and is this 
month convented before the whole company for his 
contempt of the Captain's lawful command with 
opprobrious speeches, for which he is adjudged to 
have his neck and heels tied together ; but upon 
humbling himself and craving pardon, and it being 
the first offence, he is forgiven.^ 

April 5. We despatch the ship with Captain Jones, 
who this day sails from New Plymouth, and May 6 
arrives in England.- 



April 
5. 



and sickness." Dudley, too, in his 
letter to the Countess of Lincoln, 
in Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 43, re- 
marks, " Touching the sickness and 
mortality which every first year 
hath seized upon us and those of 
Plymouth, (of which mortality it 
may be said of us almost as of the 
Egyptians, that there is not a house 
where there is not one dead, and in 
some houses many,) the natural 
causes seem to be, the want of 
warm lodging and good diet, to 
which Englishmen are habituated 
at home. Those of Plymouth, who 
landed in winter, died of scurvy, as 
did our poorer sort, whose housing 
and bedding kept them not suffi- 
ciently warm." 

Holmes, in his Annals, i. 1G8, 
says, " Tradition gives an affecting 
picture of the infant colony during 
this critical and distressing period. 
The dead were buried on the bank, 
at a little distance from the rock 
where the fathers landed ; and, lest 
the Indians should take advantage 
of the weak and wretched state of 
the English, the graves were lev- 



elled, and sown for the purpose of 
concealment. This information I 
received at Plymouth from the late 
Ephraim Spooner, a respectable 
inhabitant of that town, and deacon 
of the church, who accompanied me 
to the spot where those first inter- 
ments were made. Human bones 
have been washed out of the bank, 
within the memory of the present 
generation. Deacon Spooner, then 
upwards of 70 years of age, had 
his information from Mr. Thomas 
Faunce, who was a ruling elder in 
the first church in Plymouth, and 
was well acquainted with several of 
the first settlers. Elder Faunce 
knew the rock on wliich they first 
landed ; and hearing that it was 
covered in the erection of a wh".rf, 
was so affected, that he wept. His 
tears perhaps saved it from oblivion. 
He died Feb. 21, 1746, aged 99." 
See note ' on page 161. 

' See note ' on page 149. 

^ It is a circumstance worthy of 
notice, that notwithstanding the 
hardships, privations, and mortality 
among the Pilgrims, not one of 



200 



DEATH OF GOVERNOR CARVER. 



While we are busy about our seed, our governor, 
Mr. Carver, comes out of the field very sick, com- 
1^2 1. plains greatly of his head. Within a few hours his 

April n J 

senses fail, so as he speaks no more, and in a few 
days after dies, to our great lamentation and heavi- 
ness. His care and pains were so great for the com- 
mon good, as therewith, it is thought, he oppressed 
himself and shortened his days ; of whose loss we 
cannot sufficiently complain ; and his wife deceases 
about five or six weeks after. ^ 



them was induced to abandon the 
enterprise and return home in the 
Mayflower. The ship had been 
detained so long " by reason of the 
necessity and danger that lay on 
them, because so many died both of 
themselves and the ship's company 
likewise ; by which they became so 
few, as the master durst not put to 
sea until those that lived recovered 
of their sickness, and the winter 
over." Morton's Memorial, p. 67. 
^ " Before I pass on, I may not 
omit to take notice of the sad loss 
the church and this infant common- 
wealth sustained by the death of 
Mr. John Carver, who was one of 
the deacons of the church in Ley- 
den, but now had been and was 
their first governor. This worthy 
gentleman was one of singular 
piety, and rare for humility, which 
appeared, as otherwise, so by his 
great condescendency, whenas this 
miserable people were in great 
sickness. He shunned not to do 
very mean services for them, yea, 
the meanest of them. He bare a 
share likewise of their labor in his 
own person, according as their great 
necessity required. Who being one 
also of a considerable estate, spent 
the main part of it in this enterprise, 
and from first to last approved him- 
self not only as their agent in the 
first transacting of things, but also 
all along to the period of his life, to 



be a pious, faithful, and very bene- 
ficial instrument. He deceased in 
the month of April in the year 1G21, 
and is now reaping the fruit of his 
labor with the Lord." MS. Re- 
cords of Plym. Ch. vol. i. p. 27. 
See also Morton's Memorial, p. 68. 

It is supposed that Carver's death 
was occasioned by a stroke of the 
sun ; and yet, as Baylies observes, 
"it is not a little remarkable that 
such an effect should have been 
produced in this climate in the 
month of April." Morton says, 
" he was buried in the best man- 
ner they could, with as much so- 
lemnity as they were in a capacity 
to perform, with the discharge of 
some volleys of shot of all that bare 
arms." 

Nothing is known of Carver pre- 
vious to his appointment in 1617 
as one of the agents of the Church 
at Leyden. Nor is any thing 
known of his immediate descend- 
ants. It will be seen by the Com- 
pact, p. 121, that there were 8 per- 
sons in his family. He lost a son 
Dec. 6, and his daughter Elizabeth 
married John Howland. See note ^ 
on page 149. The name of Car- 
ver does not appear in the assign- 
ment of the lands in 1623, nor in 
the division of the cattle in 1627 ; 
nor does it occur at any subsequent 
time in the annals of the Colony. 
" His children attained no civil 



THE FIRST MARRIAGE AND DUEL. 201 

Soon after we choose Mr. William Bradford our chap. 

X. 

governor and Mr. Isaac Allerton his assistant, who ^-^J^ 
are by renewed elections continued together sundry 1621. 
years. 

May 12. The first marriage in this place is of Mr. May 
Edward Winslow to Mrs. Susanna White, widow of ^^" 
Mr. William White.' 

June 18. The second ofTence is the first duel June 

18 

fought in New England, upon a challenge at single 
combat with sword and dagger, between Edward 
Doty and Edward Leister, servants of Mr. Hopkins. 
Both being wounded, the one in the hand, the other 
in the thigh, they are adjudged by the whole com- 
pany to have their head and feet tied together, and 
so to lie for twenty-four hours, without meat or drink ; 
which is begun to be inflicted, but within an hour, 
because of their great pains, at their own and their 
master's humble request, upon promise of better car- 
riage, they are released by the governor.] 

honors ; they rose to no distinction ; house at the same time. Many of 
but less fortunate than the children the name are still living in various 
of the other governors, they re- parts of the Old Colony. The 
mained in obscurity, and were un- town of Carver, in Plymouth Coun- 
noticed by the people." William, ty, will help to perpetuate it. Com- 
the grandson (or nephew) of the pare Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 4.56, 
governor, died at Marshfield, Oct. with Mitchell's Hist, of Bridge- 
2, 1760, at the age of 102. Not water, pp, 129 and 362 ; and see 
long before his death, this grand- Baylies' Plymouth, i. 71, and Bel- 
son, with his son, his grandson, knap's Am. Biog. ii. 179 — 216. 
and great grandson, were all at ' Wm. White died Feb. 21, and 
work together without doors, and Edward Winslow's first wife, 
the great great grandson was in the March 24. 



26 



CHAPTER XI 



A JOURNEY TO PACKANOKICK, THE HABITATION OF THE GREAT 
KING MASSASOYT; AS ALSO OUR MESSAGE, THE ANSWER 
AND ENTERTAINMENT WE HAD OF HIM.i 

CHAP. It seemed good to the company, for many consider- 

> J^ ations, to send some amongst them to Massasoyt, the 

1621. greatest commander amongst the savages bordering 
upon us ; partly to know where to find them, if occasion 
served, as also to see their strength, discover the coun- 
try, prevent abuses in their disorderly coming unto us, 
make satisfaction for some conceived injuries to be 
done on our parts, and to continue the league of peace 
and friendship between them and us. For these and 
the like ends it pleased the governor to make choice of 
Steven Hopkins and Edward Winsloe to go unto him ; 
and having a fit opportunity, by reason of a savage 
called Tisquantum, that could speak English, coming 

' There can hardly be a doubt. The pecuHar mode in which cer- 

that the narrative of this expedition tain words are spelt corresponds 

was written by Winslow. He and with the manner in which they are 

Hopkins were the only persons en- spelt in Winslow's Good News 

gaged in it, and of course one of from New England. Thus the 

them must have written it. That name of their Indian interpreter is 

the author was Winslow, and not in both papers invariably called 

Hopkins, is rendered highly proba- Tisquantum, whilst Bradford writes 

ble by the circumstance that Hop- it Squanto. In both narratives too 

kins's name is mentioned first, we read Paomet instead of Pamet. 



EMBASSY TO MASSASOIT. 203 

unto US, with all expedition provided a horseman's chap. 

coat of red cotton, and laced with a slight lace, for a - -^ 

present, that both they and their message might be i62i. 
the more acceptable amongst them. 

The message was as follows : That forasmuch as 
his subjects came often and without fear upon all occa- 
sions amongst us, so we were now come unto him ; and 
in witness of the love and sfood-will the English bear 
unto him, the governor hath sent him a coat, desiring 
that the peace and amity that was between them and 
us might be continued ; not that we feared them, but 
because we intended not to injure any, desiring to live 
peaceably, and as with all men, so especially with 
them, our nearest neighbours. But whereas his people 
came very often, and very many together unto us, 
bringing for the most part their wives and children 
with them, they were welcome ; yet we being but 
strangers as yet at Patuxet, alias New Plymouth,' and 
not knowing how our corn might prosper, we could no 
longer give them such entertainment as we had done, 
and as we desired still to do. Yet if he would be 
pleased to come himself, or any special friend of his 
desired to see us, coming from him they should be 
welcome. And to the end we might knoAv them from 
others, our governor had sent him a copper chain ; de- 
siring if any messenger should come from him to us, we 
might know him by bringing it with him, and hearken 

' Capt. John Smith, in his map left in their native country ; and 
of New England, published ia for that they received many kind- 
1616, had given the name of Ply- ncsses from some Christians there." 
mouth to this place. Morton says Smith says its Indian name was 
in his Memorial, p. 56, " The Accomaclc, and calls it " an ex- 
name of Plymouth was so called, cellenl good harbour." The na- 
not only for the reason here named, tives also called it Apaum. See 
but also because Plymouth, in Old Mass. Hist. Coll. xxiii. 1, and 
England, was the last town they xxvi. 97, 119. 



204 THE DESIGN OF THE EMBASSY. 

CHAP, and give credit to his message accordingly ; also re- 
. — L- questing him that such as have skins should bring them 
1621. to us, and that he would hinder the multitude from 
oppressing us with them. And whereas, at our first 
arrival at Paomet,' called by us Cape Cod, we found 
there corn buried in the ground, and finding no inha- 
bitants, but some graves of dead new buried, took the 
corn, resolving, if ever we could hear of any that had 
right thereunto, to make satisfaction to the full for it ; 
yet since we understand the owners thereof were fled 
for fear of us, our desire was either to pay them 
with the like quantity of corn, English meal, or any 
other commodities we had, to pleasure them withal ; 
requesting him that some one of his men might signify 
so much unto them, and we would content him for his 
pains. ^ And last of all, our governor requested one 
favor of him, which was that he would exchange some 
of their corn for seed with us, that we might make 
trial which best agreed with the soil where we live. 
With these presents and message we set forward the 
June 10th June,^ about nine o'clock in the morning, our 
July guide resolving that night to rest at Namaschet,^ a town 
■ under Massasoyt, and conceived by us to be very near, 
because the inhabitants flocked so thick upon every 
slight occasion amongst us ; but we found it to be some 



' See note ^ on page 125, and with the rest of the Journal, I eon- 
note ' on page 202. elude that on Monday, July 2d, 
* See note ' on page 134. they ajjreed to send, but set not out 
^ " June 10th being Lord's Day, till the next morning." Prince, 
it is very unlikely that they set out Ann. 191. Morton, in his Memo- 
then, and is also inconsistent with rial, p. 69, says it was July 2. 
the rest of the Journal ; whereas ^ Namaschet, or Namasket ; that 
July 2d is Monday, when Governor part of Middleborough, which the 
Bradford says, ' We sent Mr. Ed- English first began to settle. See 
ward Winslow and Mr. Steven Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 148. Capt. 
Hopkins to see our new friend Dermer was at this place in 1619. 
Massasoit ; ' though, to comport See note ' on page 190. 



THE MESSENGERS REACH MIDDLEBOROUGH. 205 

fifteen English miles. On the way we found some chap. 

ten or twelve men, women, and children, which had . J^ 

pestered us till we were weary of them, perceiving i6 2i. 
tiiat (as the manner of them all is) where victual is 3. 
easilest to be got, there they live, especially in the 
summer ; by reason whereof, our bay affording many 
lobsters, they resort every spring-tide thither ; and 
now returned with us to Namaschet. Thither we 
came about three o'clock after noon, the inhabitants 
entertaining us with joy, in the best manner they 
could, giving us a kind of bread called by them mai- 
zium,^ and the spawn of shads, which then they got 
in abundance, insomuch as they gave us spoons to 
eat them. With these they boiled musty acorns ; but 
of the shads we eat heartily. After this they desired 
one of our men to shoot at a crow, complaining what 
damage they sustained in their corn by them ; who 
shooting some fourscore ^ oflf and killing, they much 
admired at it, as other shots on other occasions. 

After this, Tisquantum told us we should hardly in 
one day reach Packanokick, moving us to go some 
eight miles further, where we should find more store 
and better victuals than there. Beino- willing; to has- 
ten our journey, we went and came thither at sunset- 
ting, where we found many of the Namascheucks 
(they so calling the men of Namaschet) fishing upon 
a wear ^ which they had made on a river which be- 
longed to them, where they caught abundance of bass. 
These welcomed us also, gave us of their fish, and we 

* Made of maize, or Indian corn, adjoining Bridgwater, is a noted 

See note ^ on page 131. place, which was formerly called 

^ Paces or yards, understood. the Old Indian Wear. Though 

^ At or near a village now called other wears have been erected on 

Titicut, on Taunton river, in the Taunton river, yet this is probably 

northwest part of Middleborough, the place intended. F. 



206 THEY FORD TAUNTON RIVER. 

CHAP them of our victuals, not doubting but we should have 

XI. . 

enough where'er we came. There we lodg-ed in the 

16 2 1. open fields, for houses they had none, though they spent 
the most of the summer there. The head of this river 
is reported to be not far from the place of our abode. ^ 
Upon it are and have been many towns, it being a 
good length. The ground is very good on both sides, 
it being for the most part cleared. Thousands of men 
have lived there, which died in a great plague ^ not 
long since ; and pity it was and is to see so many 
goodly fields, and so well seated, without men to dress 
and manure the same. Upon this river dwelleth Mas- 
sasoyt. It cometh into the sea at the Narrohigganset 
bay, where the Frenchmen so much use. . A ship may 
go many miles up it, as the salvages report, and a 
shallop to the head of it ; but so far as we saw, we 
are sure a shallop may.^ But to return to our journey. 
Jtiiy The next morning we brake our fast, took our leave, 
and departed ; being then accompanied with some six 
salvages. Having gone about six miles by the river 
side, at a known shoal place, ^ it being low water, they 
spake to us to put off our breeches, for we must wade 
through. Here let me not forget the valor and courage 
of some of the salvages on the opposite side of the 
river ; for there were remaining alive only two men, 
both aged, especially the one, being above threescore. 
These two, espying a company of men entering the 
river, ran very swiftly, and low in the grass, to meet 

' The Winnatuokset, one of the * About six miles below Old In- 

tributaries of Taunton river, has its dian Wear is a noted wading place, 

source in Carver, seven miles from The opposite shore of Taunton river 

Plymouth. is in Raynham. F. — Baylies, says, 

^ See note ^ on page 183. i. 75, it is " near the new forge on 

^ The river is navigable for sloops Taunton river, about three miles 

as far as Taunton. from the Green. 



DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNTRY. 207 

US at the bank ; where, with shrill voices and great chap. 
courage, standing charged upon us with their bows, ^^-.^ 
they demanded what we were, supposing us to be i62i. 
enemies, and thinking to take advantage on us in the 4. 
water. But seeing we were friends, they welcomed 
us with such food as they had, and we bestowed a 
small bracelet of beads on them. Thus far we are 
sure the tide ebbs and flows. 

Having here again refreshed ourselves, we pro- 
ceeded in our journey, the weather being very hot 
for travel ; yet the country so well watered, that a 
man could scarce be dry, but he should have a spring 
at hand to cool his thirst, beside small rivers in abun- 
dance. But .the salvages will not wilhngly drink but 
at a spring-head. When we came to any small brook, 
where no bridge was, two of them desired to carry 
us through of their own accords ; also, fearing we 
were or would be weary, offered to carry our pieces ; 
also, if we would lay off" any of our clothes, we should 
have them carried ; and as the one of them had found 
more special kindness from one of the messengers, 
and the other salvage from the other, so they showed 
their thankfulness accordingly in affording us all help 
and furtherance in the journey. 

As we passed along, we observed that there were 
few places by the river but had been inhabited ; by 
reason whereof much ground was clear, save of weeds, 
which grew higher than our heads. There is much 
good timber, both oak, walnut tree, fir, beech, and 
exceeding great chestnut trees. The country, in re- 
spect of the lying of it, is both champaign and hilly, 
like many places in England. In some places it is 
very rocky, both above ground and in it ; and though 



208 THEY ARRIVE AT BARRINGTON, R. I. 

CHAP, the country be wild and overgrown with woods, yet 
-—v^ the trees stand not thick, but a man may well ride a 
1621. horse amongst them.^ 

July , ^ 

4. Passing on at length, one of the company, an In- 
dian, espied a man, and told the rest of it. We asked 
them if they feared any. They told us that if they 
were Narrohigganset men, they would not trust them. 
Whereat we called for our pieces, and bid them not 
to fear ; for though they were twenty, we two alone 
would not care for them. But they hailing him, he 
proved a friend, and had only two women with him. 
Their baskets were empty ; but they fetched water 
in their bottles, so that we drank with them and 
departed. After we met another man, with other 
two women, which had been at rendezvous by the 
salt water ; and their baskets were full of roasted crab 
fishes and other dried shell fish, of which they gave 
us ; and we eat and drank with them, and gave each 
of the women a string of beads, and departed. 

After we came to a town of Massasoyt's, where we 
eat oysters and other fish. From thence we went 
to Packanokick ; ^ but Massasoyt was not at home. 



' See note ' on page 124. course on Rhode Island, says, that 

^ " This was a general name for " Sowams is the neck since called 

the northern shore of Narraganset Phebe's Neck, in Barringion ; " but 

Bay, between Providence and Taun- intimates in a note that " perhaps 

ton rivers, and comprehending the Sowams is properly the name of the 

present townships of Bristol, War- river, where the two Swanzey rivers 

ren, and Barrington, in the State of meet and run together for near a 

Rhode Island, and Swanzey, in mile, when they empty themselves 

Massachusetts. Its northern ex- in the Narraganset Bay, or of a 

tent is unknown. The principal small island, where these two rivers 

seats of Massasoit were at Sowams meet, at the bottom of New Mea- 

and Kikemuit. The former is a dow Neck, so called." See Rhode 

neck of land formed by the conflu- Island Hist. Coll. iv. 84. 

ence of Barrington and Palmer's Morton says, p. 69, that " they 

rivers ; the latter is Mount Hope." found his (Massasoit's) place to be 

Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 221. about forty miles from New Ply- 

Callender, in his Historical Dis- mouth." 



CONFERENCE WITH MASSASOIT. 209 

There we stayed, he being sent for. When news was chap. 

brought of his coming, our guide Tisquantum re '-^ 

quested that at our meeting we would discharge our ^f ^^* 
pieces. But one of us going about to charge his 4. 
piece, the women and children, through fear to see him 
take up his piece, ran away, and could not be pacified 
till he laid it down again ; who afterward were better 
informed by our interpreter. Massasoyt being come, 
we discharged our pieces and saluted him ; who, after 
their manner, kindly welcomed us, and took us into 
his house, and set us down by him ; where, having 
delivered our foresaid message and presents, and 
having put the coat on his back and the chain about 
his neck, he was not a little proud to behold himself, 
and his men also to see their king so bravely attired. 

For answer to our message, he told us we were wel- 
come, and he would gladly continue that peace and 
friendship which was between him and us ; and, for 
his men, they should no more pester us as they had 
done ; also, that he would send to Paomet, and would 
help us with corn for seed, according to our request. 

This being done, his men gathered near to him, to 
whom he turned himself and made a great speech ; 
they sometimes interposing, and, as it were, confirm- 
ing and applauding him in that he said. The meaning 
whereof was, as far as we could learn, thus : Was not 
he, Massasoyt, commander of the country about them ? 
Was not such a town his, and the people of it ? And 
should they not bring their skins unto us ? To which 
they answered, they were his, and would be at peace 
with us, and bring their skins to us. After this man- 
ner he named at least thirty places, and their answer 

27 



210 A NIGHT AT POKANOKET. 

CHAP- was as aforesaid to every one ; so that as it was 

.^^..-L. delightful, it was tedious unto us. 

16 21. This being ended, he hghted tobacco for us, and fell 
to discoursing of England and of the King's Majesty, 
marvelHng that he would live without a wife.^ Also he 
talked of the Frenchmen, bidding us not to suffer them 
to come to Narrohigganset, for it was King James's 
country, and he also was King James's man. Late it 
grew, but victuals he offered none ; for indeed he had 
not any, being he came so newly home. So we desired 
to go to rest. He laid us on the bed with himself and 
his wife, they at the one end and we at the other, it 
being only planks laid a foot from the ground and a 
thin mat upon them.^ Two more of his chief men, for 
want of room, pressed by and upon us ; so that we 
were worse weary of our lodging than of our journey. 
July The next day, being Thursday, many of their sachims, 
or petty governors, came to see us, and many of their 
men also. There they went to their manner of games 
for skins and knives. There we challenged them to 
shoot with them for skins, but they durst not ; only 
they desired to see one of us shoot at a mark, who 

' Anne of Denmark, the wife of says, " Their lodging is made in 

James I. of England, died on the three places of the house about the 

3d of March, 1619, aged 45. See fire. They lie upon planks, com- 

Hume's Hist, of England, ch. xlix. monly about a foot or eighteen 

' "In their wigwams," says inches above the ground, raised 

Gookin, "they make a kind of upon rails that are borne up upon 

couch or mattress, firm and strong, forks. They lay mats under them, 

raised about a foot high from the and coats of deer's skins, otters', 

earth ; first covered with boards beavers', racoons', and of bears' 

that they split out of trees, and up- hides, all which they have dressed 

on the boards they spread mats gen- and converted into good leather, 

erally, and sometimes bear skins with the hair on, for their coverings; 

and deer skins. These are large and in this manner they lie as 

enough for three or four persons to warm as they desire." See Mass. 

lodge upon ; for their mattresses Hist. Coll. i. 150, and New Eng- 

are 6 or 8 feet broad." Morton lish Canaan, b. i. ch. 4. 



5. 



WANT OP FOOD. 211 

shooting with hail-shot, they wondered to see the chap. 
mark so full of holes. .— -L. 

About one o'clock Massasoyt brought two fishes i62i. 
that he had shot ; they were like bream, but three 
times so big, and better meat.^ These being boiled, 
there were at least forty looked for share in them ; 
the most eat of them. This meal only we had in two 
nights and a day ; and had not one of us bought a 
partridge, we had taken our journey fasting. Very 
importunate he was to have us stay with them longer. 
But we desired to keep the Sabbath at home ; and 
feared we should either be light-headed for want of 
sleep, for what with bad lodging, the savages' barba- 
rous singing, (for they use to sing themselves asleep,) 
lice and fleas within doors, and mosquitoes without, 
we could hardly sleep all the time of our being there ; 
we much fearing that if we should stay any longer, 
we should not be able to recover home for want of 
strength. So that on the Friday morning, before July 
sunrising, we took our leave and departed, Massasoyt 
being both grieved and ashamed that he could no 
better entertain us ; and retaining Tisquantum to 
send from place to place to procure truck for us, 
and appointing another, called Tokamahamon, in his 
place, whom we had found faithful before and after 
upon all occasions. 

At this town of Massasoyt's, where we before eat, 
we were again refreshed with a little fish, and bought 
about a handful of meal of their parched corn,^ which 
was very precious at that time of the year, and a 
small string of dried shell-fish, as big as oysters.^ The 

^ Probably the fish called tataug. ^ See note ^ on page 187. 
Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 288. ^ These were probably clams. 



212 A NIGHT AT TITICUT. 

CHAP, latter we gave to the six savages that accompanied 

us, keeping the meal for ourselves. When we drank, 

1 6 2 1. ^e eat each a spoonful of it with a pipe of tobacco, 
instead of other victuals ; and of this also we could 
not but give them so long as it lasted. Five miles 
they led us to a house out of the way in hope of vict- 
uals ; but we found nobody there, and so were but 
worse able to return home. That night we reached 
to the wear ^ where we lay before ; but the Namas- 
cheucks were returned, so that we had no hope of 
any thing there. One of the savages had shot a shad 
in the water, and a small squirrel, as big as a rat, 
called a neuxis ; the one half of either he gave us, 
and after went to the wear to fish. From hence we 
wrote to Plymouth, and sent Tokamahamon before to 
Namasket, willing him from thence to send another, 
that he might meet us with Namasket. Two men 
now only remained with us ; and it pleased God to 
give them good store of fish, so that we were well 
refreshed. After supper we went to rest, and they to 
fishing again. More they gat, and fell to eating 
afresh, and retained sufficient ready roast for all our 
breakfasts. 
July About two o'clock in the morning, arose a great 
storm of wind, rain, lightning, and thunder, in such 
violent manner that we could not keep in our fire ; and 
had the savages not roasted fish when we were asleep, 
we had set forward fasting ; for the rain still continued 
with great violence, even the whole day through, till 
we came within two miles of home. Being wet and 
weary, at length we came to Namaschet. There we 

' See note ' on page 205. 



THE MESSENGERS REACH HOME. 213 

refreshed ourselves, giving gifts to all such as had chap. 
showed us any kindness. Amongst others, one of the . — — 
six that came with us from Packanokick, having before ^ ^ ? i- 

^ July 

this on the way unkindly forsaken us, marvelled we 7. 
gave him nothing, and told us what he had done for 
us. We also told him of some discourtesies he offered 
us, whereby he deserved nothing. Yet we gave him 
a small trifle ; whereupon he offered us tobacco. But 
the house being full of people, we told them he stole 
some by the way, and if it were of that, we would not 
take it; for we would not receive that which was 
stolen, upon any terms ; if we did, our God would be 
angry with us, and destroy us. This abashed him, 
and gave the rest great content. But, at our depart- 
ure, he would needs carry him ^ on his back through 
a river whom he had formerly in some sort abused. 
Fain they would have had us to lodge there all night, 
and wondered we would set forth again in such 
weather. But, God be praised, we came safe home 
that night, though wet, weary, and surbated.^ 

1 Undoubtedly the writer himself, and reached Pokanoket on Wed- 

Winslow. nesday, spent Thursday there, left 

^ Surbated, with galled feet. Friday morning before sunrise, and 

They had been absent five days, arrived at Plymouth Saturday eve- 

They started Tuesday morning, ning. 



CHAPTER XII. 



A VOYAGE MADE BY TEN OF OUR MEN TO THE KINGDOM 
OP NAUSET, TO SEEK A BOY' THAT HAD LOST HIMSELF 
IN THE WOODS; WITH SUCH ACCIDENTS AS BEFELL US IN 
THAT VOYAGE. 



CHAP. 

XII. 



The 11th of June ^ we set forth, the weather being 
very fair. But ere we had been long at sea, there arose 
a storm of wind and rain, with much hghtning and thun- 
der, insomuch that a spout arose not far from us. But, 
God be praised, it dured not long, and we put in that 
night for harbour at a place called Cummaquid,^ where 
we had some hope to find the boy. Two savages 
were in the boat with us. The one was Tisquantum, 
our interpreter ; the other Tokamahamon, a special 



^ The name of this boy was John 
Billington, according to Bradford, 
in Prince, p. 192. He was the 
brother of Francis, who discovered 
Billington Sea, and the son of John, 
the first culprit. See note * on page 
149, and note ^ on page 172. Mas- 
sasoit had sent word he was at 
Nauset. See Prince, p. 192. 

* " This date being inconsistent 
with several hints in the foregoing 
and following stories, I keep to 
Governor Bradford's original man- 
uscript, and place it between the 
end of July and the 13th of Au- 
gust." Prince, p. 192. 



^ Barnstable harbour ; which is 
formed by a neck of land, about 
half a mile wide, called Sandy 
Neck, which projects from Sand- 
wich on the north shore, and runs 
east almost the length of the town. 
The harbour is about a mile wide, 
and four miles long. The tide 
rises in it from ten to fourteen feet. 
It has a bar running off northeast 
from the neck several miles, which 
prevents the entrance of large ships. 
Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 12. See 
note ^ on page 159. 



BARNSTABLE HARBOUR. 215 

friend. It being night before we came in, we anchored chap. 

in the midst of the bay, where we were dry at a low 

water. In the morning we espied savages seeking 1621. 
lobsters, and sent our two interpreters to speak with ^ay. 
them, the channel being between them ; where they 
told them what we were, and for what we were come, 
willing them not at all to fear us, for we would not 
hurt them. Their answer was, that the boy was well, 
but he was at Nauset ; yet since we were there, they 
desired us to come ashore, and eat with them ; which, 
as soon as our boat floated, we did, and went six ashore, 
having four pledges for them in the boat. They 
brought us to their sachim, or governor, whom they call 
lyanough,^ a man not exceeding twenty-six years of 
age, but very personable, gentle, courteous, and fair 
conditioned, indeed not hke a savage, save for his 
attire. His entertainment was answerable to his 
parts, and his cheer plentiful and various. 

One thing was very grievous unto us at this place. 
There was an old woman, whom we judged to be no 
less than a hundred years old, which came to see us, 
because she never saw Enghsh ; yet could not behold 
us without breaking forth into great passion, weeping 
and crying excessively. We demanding the reason of 
it, they tol^us she had three sons, who, when Master 
Hunt ^ was in these parts, went aboard his ship to 
trade with him, and he carried them captives into 
Spain, (for Tisquantum at that time was carried away 
also,) by which means she was deprived of the comfort 
of her children in her old asfe. We told them we 



' Sometimes called lyanough of ble and Yarmouth harbours. See 

Cummaquid, and sometimes lya- Prince, p. 193 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. 

nough of Mattakiest, which seems i. 197, and iii. 15. F. 

to be the country between Barnsta- * See pages 186 and 190. 



216 THE EXPEDITION REACH EASTHAM. 

CHAP, were sorry that any Englishman should give them that 

offence, that Hunt was a bad man, and that all the 

162 1. English that heard of it condemned him for the same; 
but for us, we would not offer them any such injury, 
though it would gain us all the skins in the country. 
So we gave her some small triffes, which somewhat 
appeased her. 
2d After dinner we took boat for Nauset, lyanough 
*^' and two of his men accompanying us. Ere we came 
to Nauset,^ the day and tide were almost spent, inso- 
much as we could not go in with our shallop ; ^ but the 
sachim or governor of Cummaquid went ashore, and his 
men with him. We also sent Tisquantum to tell As- 
pinet,^ the sachim of Nauset, wherefore we came. The 
savages here came very thick amongst us, and were 
earnest with us to bring in our boat. But we neither 
well could, nor yet desired to do it, because we had 
less cause to trust them, being they only had formerly 
made an assault upon us in the same place, ^ in time of 

' The territory to which the Eng- subjection to Massasoit. There 

lish in 1651 gave the name of East- seem to have been two cantons or 

ham, and the northern part of which sachemdoms of the Cape Indians, 

still retains the Indian name. The One extended from Eel river in 

three light-houses, recently erected Plymouth, to the south shore of the 

in that town are called the Nauset Cape, and comprehended what are 

Lights. The principal seats of the now called the Mashpee Indians, 

Nauset Indians were at Namskeket, and then extended -upon the Cape 

within the limits of Orleans, and to the eastern part of Barnstable, 

about the cove, which divides this and as far westward as Wood's 

township from Orleans. Captain Hole ; and divers petty sachems or 

John Smith mentions twice " the sagamores were comprehended in 

isle Nawset," or " Nausit." See this division, of which Mashpee 

Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. IfiO, xxvi. was one. The eastern part of the 

108, 119, and Plym. Col. Laws, Cape, from Nobscusset, or Yar- 

p. 94. mouth, made another sachemdom, 

^ The water is very shoal at the capital of which was Nauset, 

Nauset, or Eastham. See note * or Eastham. Of these petty tribes 

on page 152. the Nauset Indians appear to have 

' " The Indians upon Cape Cod, been the most important." Hutch- 

although not considered a part of inson's Mass. i. 459, and Mass. Hist, 

the Wamponoags, yet were sup- Coll. viii. 159. 
posed to be under some kind of * See page 156. 



THE BOY RECOVERED. 217 

our winter discovery for habitation. And indeed it chap. 

XII. 

was no marvel they did so ; for howsoever, through - — -^ 
snow or otherwise, we saw no houses, yet we were in i62i. 
the midst of them. 

When our boat was aground, they came very thick ; 
but we stood therein upon our guard, not suffering 
any to enter except two, the one being of Manamoick,^ 
and one of those whose corn we had formerly found. 
We promised him restitution, and desired him either 
to come to Patuxet for satisfaction, or else we would 
bring them so much corn again. He promised to 
come. We used him very kindly for the present. 
Some few skins we gat there, but not many. 

After sunset, Aspinet came with a great train, and 
brought the boy with him, one bearing him through 
the water.^ He had not less than a hundred with him ; 
the half whereof came to the shallop side unarmed 
with him ; the other stood aloof with their bows and 
arrows. There he delivered us the boy, behung with 
beads, and made peace with us ; ^ we bestowing a 
knife on him, and likewise on another that first enter- 
tained the boy and brought him thither. So they 
departed from us. 

Here we understood that the Narrohiggansets had 
spoiled some of Massasoyt's men, and taken him. 
This struck some fear in us, because the colony was 
so weakly guarded, the strength thereof being abroad."* 

' Chatham, the southern extre- ' Bradford adds, " We give them 

mity of Cape Cod. full satisfaction for the corn we 

''"He had wandered five days, had formerly found in their coun- 

lived on berries, then light of an In- try." Prince, p. 193. See note' 

dian plantation, twenty miles south on page 134. 

of us, called Manomet, (Sandwich,) * There were ten men in this 

and they conveyed him to the peo- expedition. At the same time, ac- 

ple who first assaulted us." Brad- cording to the dates of this and the 

ford, in Prince, p. 192. previous paper, Winslow and Hop- 

28 



218 RETURN TO BARNSTABLE AND HOME. 

CHAP. But we set forth with resolution to make the best 

XII. 

haste home we could ; yet the wind being contrary, 

16 2 1. having scarce any fresh water left, and at least six- 
teen leagues ^ home, we put in again for the shore. 
There we met again with lyanough, the sachim of 
Cummaquid, and the most of his town, both men, 
women and children with him. He, being still will- 
ing to gratify us, took a runlet,^ and led our men in 
the dark a great way for water, but could find none 
good ; yet brought such as there was on his neck with 
them. In the mean time the women joined hand in 
hand, singing and dancing before the shallop, the men 
also showing all the kindness they could, lyanough 
himself taking a bracelet from about his neck and 
hanging it upon one of us. 

Again we set out, but to small purpose ; for we 

gat but little homeward. Our water also was very 

,^^ brackish, and not to be drunk. The next morning 

day. ' , . ^ 

lyanough espied us again, and ran after us. We, 
being resolved to go to Cummaquid again to water, 
took him into the shallop, whose entertainment was 
not inferior unto the former. 

The soil at Nauset and here is alike, even and 
sandy, not so good for corn as where we are. Ships 
may safely ride in either harbour. In tne summer 
they abound with fish. Being now watered, we put 
forth again, and by God's providence came safely 
home that night. 

kins were absent on their expedition ' The distance from Eastham to 

to Pokanoket, leaving only seven Plymouth is not more than twelve 

men at the Plantation, the whole leagues. F, 

number surviving at this time being * A small barrel, 
nineteen. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

A JOURNEY TO THE KINGDOM OP NAMASCHET, IN DEFENCE 
OF THE GREAT KING MASSASOYT AGAINST THE NARRO- 
HIGGANSETS, AND TO REVENGE THE SUPPOSED DEATH 
OF OUR INTERPRETER, TISaUANTUM. 

At our return from Nauset we found it true that chap. 

XIII 

Massasoyt was put from his country by the Narrohig- L 

gansets.^ Word also was brought unto us that Cou- i62 i. 
batant,- a petty sachim or governor under Massasoyt, "^" 
whom they ever feared to be too conversant with the 
Narrohiggansets, was at Namaschet ; who sought to 
draw the hearts of Massasoyt's subjects from him ; 
speaking also disdainfully of us, storming at the peace 
between Nauset, Cummaquid and us, and at Tisquan- 
tum, the worker of it ; also at Tokamahamon and one 
Hobbamock, two Indians, our allies,^ one of which he 
w^ould treacherously have murdered a little before, be- 
ing a special and trusty man of Massasoyt's. Toka- 
mahamon went to him, but the other two would not ; 

' Gov. Bradford says nothing of ^ In the original "or Lemes," to 

this, noi of Massasoit's being either which no meaning can be attached, 

seized or invaded by the Narragan- It is manifestly an error of the press, 

setts. Prince, p. 193. and I have given what I consider 

'^ Gov. Bradford plainly writes the true reading. See note ^ on 

him Corbitant. Prince, p. 194. page 174. 



220 THE EXPEDITION REACH NAMASKET. 

CHAP, yet put their lives in their hands, privately went to see 

^ if they could hear of their king, and lodging at Nam- 

16 21. aschet were discovered to Coubatant, who set a guard 
to beset the house, and took Tisquantum ; for he had 
said if he were dead, the English had lost their tongue. 
Hobbamock, seeing that Tisquantum was taken, and 
Coubatant held a knife at his breast, being a strong 
and stout man, brake from them and came to New 
Plymouth, full of fear and sorrow for Tisquantum, 
whom he thought to be slain. 
Aug. Upon this news the company assembled together, 
and resolved on the morrow to send ten men armed 
to Namaschet, and Hobbamock for their guide, to 
revenge the supposed death of Tisquantum on Couba- 
tant, our bitter enemy, and to retain Nepeof,^ another 
sachim or governor, who was of this confederacy, till 
we heard what was become of our friend Massasoyt. 
14. On the morrow we set out ten ^ men, armed, who 
took their journey as aforesaid ; but the day proved 
very wet. When we supposed we were within three 
or four miles of Namaschet, we went out of the way, 
and stayed there till night ; because we would not be 
discovered. There we consulted what to do ; and 
thinking best to beset the house at midnight, each 
was appointed his task by the Captain,^ all men en- 
couraging one another to the utmost of their power. 
By night our guide lost his way, which much dis- 
couraged our men, being we were wet, and weary of 
our arms. But one^ of our men, having been before 
at Namaschet, brought us into the way again. 

' This is tlie only time the name ish with 14 men." Prince, p. 194. 

of this chief occurs in the annals ^ Standish. 

of the Colony. * Either Winslow or Hopkins, 

* Bradford says, " Captain Stand- who stopped at Namasket in going 



THEY BESET THE HOUSE AT MIDNIGHT. 221 

Before we came to the town, we sat down and ate chap. 

XIII. 

such as our knapsacks afforded. That being done, we 

threw them aside, and all such things as midit hinder ipsi. 

» o _ Aug. 

US, and so went on and beset the house, according to i4^ 
our last resolution. Those that entered demanded if 
Coubatant were not there ; but fear had bereft the 
savages of speech. We charged them not to stir ; for 
if Coubatant were not there, we would not meddle 
with them. If he were, we came principally for him, 
to be avenged on him for the supposed death of Tis- 
quantum, and other matters ; but, howsoever, we 
would not at all hurt their women or children. Not- 
withstanding, some of them pressed out at a private 
door and escaped, but with some wounds. At length, 
perceiving our principal ends, they told us Coubatant 
was returned with all his train, and that Tisquantum 
was yet living and in the town ; offering some tobacco, 
other such as they had to eat. In this hurly-burly we 
discharged two pieces at random, which much terrified 
all the inhabitants, except Tisquantum and Tokama- 
hamon ; who, though they knew not our end in com- 
ing, yet assured them of our honesty, that we would 
not hurt them. Those boys that were in the house, 
seeing our care of women, often cried Neen sqiiaes ! ^ 
that is to say, I am a woman ; ^ the women also hang- 
ing upon Hobbamock, calling him toiuam, that is, 

and returning from Pokanoket, in liams's Key to the native language 

July. If it was Winslow, he may of New England, ch. 5 ; Wood's 

reasonably be considered the writer Nomenclatur, at the end of his New 

of this narrative. England's Prospect ; and Gallatin's 

' This is correct Indian in the Indian Vocabularies, in Coll. Am. 

Massachusetts and Narragansett Antiq. Soc. ii. 308, 352. 
dialects. See Eliot's Indian Gram- * Rather, I am a girl ; squaes be- 

mar, in INIass. Hist. Coll. xix. 253 ; ing a diminutive, formed by adding 

Cotton's Vocabulary of the IMassa- es to sqva. See the Apostle Eliot's 

chusetts language, in Mass. Ilist. Indian Grammar, in Mass. Plist. 

Coll. xxii. 156, 178 : Roger Wil- Coll. xix. 258. 



15. 



222 COUBATANT AND HIS PARTY ESCAPE. 

CHAP, friend.^ But, to be short, we kept them we had, and 

made them make a fire, that we might see to search 

162 1. ti^e house. In the mean time, Hobbamock gat on the 
top of the house, and called Tisquantum and Tokama- 
hamon, which came unto us accompanied with others, 
some armed, and others naked. Those that had bows 
and arrows, we took them away, promising them again 
when it was day. The house we took, for our better 
safeguard, but released those we had taken, manifest- 
ing whom we came for and wherefore. 
A-ug. On the next morning, we marched into the midst 
of the town, and went to the house of Tisquantum to 
breakfast. Thither came all whose hearts were up- 
right towards us ; but all Coubatant's faction were fled 
away. There, in the midst of them, we manifested 
again our intendment, assuring them, that although 
Coubatant had now escaped us, yet there was no place 
should secure him and his from us, if he continued his 
threatening us, and provoking others against us, who 
had kindly entertained him, and never intended evil 
towards him till he now so justly deserved it. More- 
over, if Massasoyt did not return in safety from Nar- 
rohigganset, or if hereafter he should make any insur- 
rection against him, or ofi'er violence to Tisquantum, 
Hobbamock, or any of Massasoyt's subjects, we would 
revenge it upon him, to the overthrow of him and his. 
As for those [who] were wounded, we were sorry for 
it, though themselves procured it in not staying in the 
house, at our command ; yet if they would return 
home with us, our surgeon ^ should heal them. 

' The most common word for tor ; Roger Williams's Key, ch. 1 , 

friend, in the Massachusetts and and Gallatin, in Coll. Am. Aiitiq. 

Narragansett dialects M'as netop or Soc. ii.321. 

netomp. See Cotton, in Mass. Hist. ^ Their surgeon and physician was 

Coll. xxii. 165 ; Wood's Nomencl a- Mr. Samuel Fuller, the eighth 



THE EXPEDITION RETURN TO PLYMOUTH. 



At this offer, one man and a woman that were chap. 

wounded went home with us ; Tisquantum and many 

other known friends accompanying us, and offering i ^ 2 1. 
all help that might be by carriage of any thing we 15, 
had, to ease us. So that by God's good providence 
we safely returned home the morrow night after we 
set forth. 



signer of the Compact. In 1628, 
■when the scurvy and a malignant 
distemper broke out among the first 
settlers at Salem, "Mr. Endicot, 
understanding that there was one 
at Plymouth that had skill in such 
diseases, sent thither for him ; at 
whose request he was sent unto 
them." He was there again for the 
same purpose in May, 1629, after 
the arrival of Higginson's company. 
We find him also at Dorchester, 
in June 1630, at the request of Mr. 
Warham, " to let twenty of these 
people blood ; " again at Salem, 
in July, and at Charlestovvn, in 
August of the same year, after 
the arrival of Winthrop's colony, 
whence he writes, " The sad news 
here is that many are sick, and 
many are dead. I here but lose 
time, and long to be at home. I can 
do them no good, for I want drugs, 
and things fitting to work with." 
He died in 1633, of an infectious 
fever. In the MS. Records of Ply- 



mouth Church, vol. i. p. 42, it is 
stated that " when the church came 
away out of Holland, they brought 
with them one deacon, Mr. Samuel 
Fuller, who officiated amongst them 
until his death. He was a good 
man, and full of the holy spirit." 
Morton says, that " he did much 
good in his place, being not only 
useful in his faculty, but otherwise, 
as he was a godly man, and served 
Christ in the office of a deacon in 
the church for many years, and 
forward to do good in his place, 
and was much missed after God 
removed him out of this world." 
His widow, Bridget, who came in 
the Anne, in 1623, and his son 
Samuel gave to the Plymouth 
chuich the lot of ground on which 
the parsonage now stands. See 
Morton's Memorial, pp. 143 and 
173 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 66, 74— 
76, xiii. 186 ; and Prince's Annals, 
pp. 253 and 259. 



CHAPTER XIV. 



A RELATION OF OUR VOYAGE TO THE MASSACHUSETTS,! 
AND WHAT HAPPENED THERE. 



CHAP 
XIV. 



It seemed good to the company in general, that 
though the Massachusets had often threatened us, (as 
162 1. we were mformed,) yet we should go amongst them, 
partly to see the country, partly to make peace with 
them, and partly to procure their truck. For these 
ends the governors chose ten men, fit for the purpose, 
and sent Tisquantum and two other salvages to hring 
us to speech with the people and interpret for us. 

We set out about midnight, the tide then serving for 
us. We supposing it to be nearer than it is, thought 
to be there the next morning betimes ; but it proved 
well near twenty leagues ^ from New Plymouth. We 



Sept 

18. 



* The territory and tribe probably 
took their name from the Bhie 
Hills in Milton, which were orisrin- 
ally called Massachusetts Mount. 
Smith speaks of them as " the high 
mountain of Massachusit." Cot- 
ton, in his Vocat)ulary of the Mas- 
sachusetts language, gives the fol- 
lowing definition : " Massa-chusett 
— a hill in the form of an arrow's 
head." Roger Williams says, " I 
had learnt that the Massachusetts 



was called so from the Blue Hills, 
a little island thereabout (in Nar- 
ragansett Bay) ; and Connonicus's 
father and ancestors living in those 
southern parts, transferred and 
brought their authority and name 
into those northern parts." See 
Mass. Hist. Coll. vii. 75, xix. 1 ; 
xxvi. 120 ; R. I. Hist. Coll. iv. 208 ; 
and Hutchinson's Mass. i. 460. 

" The distance from Plymouth to 
Boston by water is about 40 miles. 



t il 



THE FIRST LANDING IN BOSTON. 225 

came into the bottom of the bay: ^ but beings late, we chap. 

XIV 

anchored and lay in the shallop, not having seen any L 

of the people. The next morning we put in for the 1621. 
shore. There we found many lobsters, that had been 'gol^* 
gathered together by the salvages, wliich we made 
ready under a cliff.^ The Captain ^ set two sentinels 
behind the cliff, to the landward, to secure the shal- 
lop, and taking a guide with him and four of our com- 
pany, went to seek the inhabitants ; where they met a 
woman coming for her lobsters. They told her of 
them, and contented her for them. She told them 
where the people were. Tisquantum went to them ; 
the rest returned, having direction which way to bring 
the shallop to them. 

The sachim or governor of this place is called Obba- 
tinewat ; and though he lives in the bottom of the 
Massachuset Bay,"* yet he is under Massasoyt. He 
used us very kindly. He ^told us he durst not then 
remain in any settled place for fear of the Tarentines.^ 
Also the squa sachim,* or Massachusets queen, was an 
enemy to him. 

' By the bay is meant Boston ton. Thus Gov. Winthrop speaks 

harbour. It extends from Nantas- of going from Salem to Massachu- 

ket to Boston, and spreads from setls. See Savage'sWintfirop, i. 27. 

Chelsea to IIinij;ham, containing * The Tarrateens or Tarrciiteens 

about 75 square miles. See Snow's resided on the Kennebec and the 

History of Boston, p. 113. other rivers in Maine, and the 

* Supposed to be Copp's hill, at country east of it. There wa.s great 
the north end of Boston. At the enmity between them and tiie In- 
first settlement of the town, in dians of Massachusetts Bay, who, 
1630, this hill, rising to the height although they had (brmerly been 
of about fifty feet above the sea, a great people, yet were now so 
presented on its northwest brow an reduced that, upon alarms, they 
abrupt decliviiy, long after known would fly to the Kiifflish houses as 
as Copp's bill steeps. See Snow"s to asylums, where the Tarreuteens 
History of Boston, p. 105. durst not pursue them, llutchin- 

' Standish. son's Mass. i. 28, 1.50. 

* By Massachusetts Bay was ° I suppose the widow of Nane- 
formerly understood only the inner pashemet, mentioned on the next 
bay, from Nahant to Point Alder- page. 

29 



226 THE PILGRIMS IN QUINCY. 

CHAP. We told him of divers sachims that had acknowledo-ed 
XIV. ^. ■ . 

■ — — themselves to be King James's men,^ and if he also 

162 1. would submit himself, we would be his safeguard from 
his enemies ; which he did, and went along with us to 
bring us to the squa sachim. Again we crossed the 
bay, which is very large, and hath at least fifty islands 
in it ; ^ but the certain number is not known to the 
inhabitants. Night it was before we came to that side 
of the bay where this people were. On shore the 
salvages went, but found nobody. That night also 
we rid at anchor aboard the shallop. 

Sept. Oi^ the morrow we went ashore,^ all but two men, 
^^' and marched in arms up in the country. Having gone 
three miles we came to a place where corn had been 
newly gathered, a house pulled down, and the people 
gone. A mile from hence, Nanepashemet, their king, 
in his life-time had lived. His house was not like 
others, but a scaffold was largely built, with poles and 
planks, some six foot from [the] ground, and the house 
upon that, being situated on the top of a hill.'* 

' Of course he could not be, as many isles, all planted with corn, 

Prince supposes, the Obbatinnua groves, mulberries, and salvage 

who, with eight other sachems, on gardens." See Mass. Hist. Coll. 

the I3th of the same month, seven iii. 295, and xxvi. 118, 

days before, had signed a paper, ^ They probably landed at Squan- 

professing their submission to King tum, in Quincy, which may have 

James ; unless his name was affix- been so called by them at this time 

ed subsequently to that date. See after their inter|)reter Tisquantum, 

Morton's Memorial, p. 67, and who was one of the party. See 

Prince's Annals, p. 196. note on page 191, and Mass. Hist. 

^ The number of islands in Bos- Coll. ix. 164. 
ton liarbour is not overstated, al- ■* Perhaps Milton Hill, or some 
though several of them, such as one of the Blue Hills. " At Mas- 
Bird Island and Nick's Mate, have sachusett:;, near the mouth of 
been washed away since this Jour- Charles river, there used to be a 
nal was written. A list of them is general rendezvous of Indians, 
contained in Snow's Boston, p. 114. That circle, wiiich now inakes the 
Smith, in his Description of New harbours of Boston and Charles- 
England, says, " The country of town, round by Maiden, Chelsea, 
the Massachusets is the paradise Nantasket, Hingham, Weymouth, 
of all those parts ; for here are Braintrce, and Dorchester, was the 



THE PILGRIMS IN MILTON. 227 

Not far from hence, in a bottom, we came to a fort, chap. 

XIV. 

built by their deceased king ; the manner thus. There « -^ 

were poles, some thirty or forty feet long, stuck in the i62i. 
ground, as thick as they could be set one by another ; 21.' 
and with these they enclosed a ring some forty or fifty 
foot over ; ^ a trench, breast high, was digged on each 
side ; one way there was to go into it with a bridge. 
In the midst of this palisado stood the frame of a 
house, wherein, being dead, he lay buried.^ 

About a mile from hence, we came to such another, 
but seated on the top of a hill. Here Nanepashemet 
was killed,^ none dwelling in it since the time of his 
death. At this place we stayed, and sent two salvages 
to look [for] the inhabitants, and to inform them of our 
ends in coming, that they might not be fearful of us. 
Within a mile of this place they found the women of 
the place together, with their corn on heaps, whither we 
supposed them to be fled for fear of us ; and the more, 
because in divers places they had newly pulled down 
their houses, and for haste in one place had left some 
of their corn covered with a mat, and nobody with it. 

With much fear they entertained us at first ; but see- 
ing our gentle carriage towards them, they took heart 
and entertained us in the best manner they could, 

capital of a great sachem, much See also Gookin, in Mass. Hist. 

reverenced by all the plantations of Coll. i. 148. 

Indians round about, and to him ' This corresponds exactly with 

belonged Naponset, (Milton,) Pun- the engraving of the Pequot Fort 

kapog, (Stoughton,) Wessagusset, in Underbill's Newes from Ameri- 

(VVey mouth,) and several places on ca, printed in London in 1638, and 

Charles river, where the natives reprinted in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 

were seated. The tradition is, 23. 

that this sachem had his principal ^ See page 154. 

seat upon a small hill or rising ^ Nanepashemet is supposed to 

upland, in the midst of a body of have been killed in 1619, and his 

salt marsh in the township of Dor- widow, the squa sachim, continued 

Chester, near to a place called Squan- in the government. See Lewis's 

turn." Hutchinson's Mass. i. 460. Hist, of Lynn, p. 16. 



228 THEY DISCOVER MYSTIC RIVER. 

CHAP, boilino- cod and such other things as they had for us. 
XIV. . . 

V— ^ At length, with much sending for, came one of their 

162 1. men, shaking and trembhng for fear. But when he 

21. saw we intended them no hurt, but came to truck, he 

promised us his skins also. Of him we inquired for 

their queen ; but it seemed she was far from thence ; ^ 

at least we could not see her. 

Here Tisquantum would have had us rifle the sal- 
vage women, and taken their skins and all such things 
as might be serviceable for us ; for, said he, they are a 
bad people, and have oft threatened you. But our 
answer was. Were they never so bad, we would not 
wrong them, or give them any just occasion against us. 
For their words, we little weighed them ; but if they 
once attempted any thing against us, then we would 
deal far worse than he desired. 

Having well spent the day, we returned to the shal- 
lop, almost all the women accompanying us to truck, 
who sold their coats from their backs, and tied boughs 
about them, but with great shamefacedness, for in- 
deed they are more modest than some of our English 
women are. We promised them to come again to 
them, and they us to keep their skins. 

Within this bay the salvages say there are two riv- 
ers ; ^ the one whereof we saw, having a fair entrance, 
but we had no time to discover it. Better harbours 
for shipping cannot be than here are. At the entrance 
of the bay are many rocks ; ^ and in all likelihood good 

* The residence of the squa sa- Shatfuck's Hist, of Concord, p. 2, 

chim of Massachusetts is variously and Drake's Book of the Indians, b. 

conjectured to have been at Con- ii. p. 40. 

cord, and in the neighbourhood of " The Mystic and the Charles, 

the Wachusett mountain. There the former of which they saw. 

seems, however, no sufficient rea- ^ The Graves and the Brewsters 

son for placing it so remote. See are the principal rocks at the en- 



THEY RETURN TO PLYMOUTH. 



229 



fishing-ground.^ Many, yea most of the islands have chap. 
been inhabited, some being cleared from end to end. . — ^ 
But the people are all dead,^ or removed. i62i. 

Our victual growing scarce, the wind coming fair, 
and having a light moon, we set out at evening, and 
through the goodness of God came safely home before Sept. 
noon the day following.^ 



trance of Boston bay. It is sup- 
posed that in this or some subse- 
quent voyage the three Brevvsters 
were named in honor of their ven- 
erable elder, and Point Alderton, 
the head-land of Nantasket, after 
Isaac AUerton. See note on page 
195. 

^ The neighbourhood of these 
rocks is excellent fishing-ground. 

* They had been swept off by the 
pestilence mentioned on page 184. 

" Governor Bradford adds, " with 
a considerable quantity of beaver, 
and a good report of the place, 
wishing we had been seated there." 
Prince, p. 198. 



They were absent on this expe- 
dition four days. Winslow was 
probably one of the party, and 
wrote this account. 

" All the summer no want. 
While some were trading, others 
were fishing cod, bass, &c. We 
now gather in our harvest ; and as 
cold weather advances, come in 
store of water fowl, wherewith this 
place abounds, though afterwards 
they by degrees decrease ; as also 
abundance of wild turkeys, with 
venison, &c. Fit our houses against 
winter, are in health, and have all 
things in plenty." Bradford, in 
Prince, p. 198. 



CHAPTER XV. 

A LETTER SENT FROM NEW ENGLAND TO A FRIEND IN THESE 
PARTS, SETTING FORTH A BRIEF AND TRUE DECLARATION 
OF THE WORTH OF THAT PLANTATION; AS ALSO CERTAIN 
USEFUL DIRECTIONS FOR SUCH AS INTEND A VOYAGE INTO 
THOSE PARTS. 

CHAP. Loving and Old Friend/ 

XV. 

Although I received no letter from you by this 
ship,^ yet forasmuch as 1 know you expect the per- 
formance of my promise, which was, to write unto 
you truly and faithfully of all things, I have therefore 
at this time sent unto you accordingly, referring you 
for further satisfaction to our more large Relations.' 

You shall understand that in this little time that a 
few of us have been here, we have built seven dwell- 
ing-houses ^ and four for the use of the plantation, and 
have made preparation for divers others. We set the 
last spring some twenty acres of Indian corn,^ and 

* This letter I think was addressed help, showing us how to set, fish, 
to George Morton. See note on dress, and tend it." Bradford, in 
page 113. Prince, p. 190. The Indians' sea- 

^ The Fortune, in which this let- son for planting the maize was 

ter and the preceding Journal were " when the leaves of the white oak 

sent to England. are as big as the ear of a mouse." 

^ The preceding narrative. See Belknap's Hist, of New Hamp- 

■* See note ^ on page 173. shire, iii. 70. 

* " Wherein Squanto is a great 



THE FIRST THANKSGIVING. 231 

sowed some six acres of barley and pease ; and ac- chap. 
cording to the manner of the Indians, we manured 
our ground with herrings, or rather shads,' which we 
have in great abundance, and take with great ease 
at our doors. Our corn did prove well ; and, God be 
praised, we had a good increase of Indian corn, and 
our barley indifferent good, but our pease not worth 
the gathering, for we feared they were too late sown. 
They came up very well, and blossomed ; but the sun 
parched them in the blossom. 

Our harvest being gotten in, our governor^ sent 
four men on fowling, that so we might, after a special 
manner, rejoice together after we had gathered the 
fruit of our labors.^ They four in one day killed as 
much fowl as, with a little help beside, served the 
company almost a week. At which time, amongst 
other recreations, we exercised our arms, many of the 
Indians coming amongst us, and among the rest their 
greatest king, Massasoyt, with some ninety men, 
whom for three days we entertained and feasted ; and 
they went out and killed five deer,^ which they 
brought to the plantation, and bestowed on our gov- 
ernor, and upon the captain and others. And 
although it be not always so plentiful as it was at this 
time with us, yet by the goodness of God we are so 

' Or rather aleivives. Morton, in and an acre thus dressed will pro- 

his New English Canaan, b, ii. ch. duce and yield so much corn as 

7, says, "There is a fish, by some three acres without fish." The 

called shads, by some allizes, that Indians used to put two or three 

at the spring of the year pass up fishes into every corn-hill, 

the rivers to spawn in the ponds ; * Bradford. 

and are taken in such multitudes in ^ This was the first Thanksgiv- 

every river that hath a pond at the ing, the harvest festival of New 

end, that the inhabitants dung their England. On this occasion they 

ground with them. You may see no doubt feasted on the wild turkey 

in one township a hundred acres as well as venison. See note ^ on 

together set with these fish, every page 229. 

acre taking a thousand of them ; * See note * on page 175. 




THE INDIANS WELL-DISPOSED. 

CHAP, far from want, that we often wish you partakers ot 
our plenty.^ 

We have found the Indians very faithful in their 
covenant of peace with us, very loving, and ready to 
pleasure us. We often go to them, and they come to 
us. Some of us have been fifty miles ^ by land in the 
country with them, the occasions and relations whereof 
you shall understand by our general and more full dec- 
laration of such things as are worth the noting. Yea, 
it hath pleased God so to possess the Indians with a 
fear of us and love unto us, that not only the greatest 
king amongst them, called Massasoyt, but also all the 
princes and peoples round about us, have either made 
suit unto us, or been glad of any occasion to make 
peace with us ; so that seven of them at once have 
sent their messengers to us to .that end.^ Yea, an isle 
at sea,"* which we never saw, hath also, together with 
the former, yielded willingly to be under the protection 
and subject to our sovereign lord King James. So 
that there is now great peace amongst the Indians 

' Tliis representation was rather Ohqvamelmd , Chiklcatahah , 

too encouraging, as will be seen Cawnacome, Quadaqurna, 

hereafter. Olibatinnua, Hultmoiden, 

^ Winslow himself had been to Nattawahtmt, Apannoiv.^^ 

Pokanoket, a distance of forty Caunbatant, 
miles. See page 208. 

^ Morton has preserved in his Cawnacome was the sachem of 

Memorial, p. 67, the following do- Manomet, or Sandwich, Caunba- 

cument. tant of Mattapuyst, or Swanzey, 

and Chikkatabak, of Neponset. 

" September 13, anno Dom. 1621. Quadequina was the brother of 

"Know all men by these presents, Massasoit, and Apannow was pro- 

that we, whose names are under- bably Aspinet, the sachem of Nau- 

written, do acknowledge ourselves set. Obbatinua is supposed to have 

to be the loyal subjects of King been the same as Obbatinewat, the 

James, king of Great Britain, sachem of Sliavvmut, or Boston. 

France, and Ireland, Defender of But see note on page 225. 

the Faith, &c. In witness where- '' Capawack, or Nope, Martha's 

of, and as a testimonial of the Vineyard. See Bradford, in Prince, 

same, we have subscribed our p. 195, and Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 

names or marks, as followeth : 89. 



THE CLIMATE OF NEW ENGLAND. 233 

themselves, which was not formerly, neither would chap. 

have been but for us ; and we, for our parts, walk as 

peaceably and safely in the wood as in the highways ^^^^• 
in England. We entertain them familiarly in our ii. 
houses, and they as friendly bestowing their venison 
on us. They are a people without any religion or 
knowledge of any God,^ yet very trusty, quick of ap- 
prehension, ripe-witted, just. The men and women 
go naked, only a skin about their middles. 

For the temper of the air here, it agreeth well with 
that in England ; and if there be any difference at all, 
this is somevvhat hotter in summer. Some think it to 
be colder in winter ; but I cannot out of experience so 
say. The air is very clear, and not foggy, as hath been 
reported. I never in my life remember a more season- 
able year than we have here enjoyed ; and if we have 
once but kine,- horses, and sheep, I make no question 
but men might live as contented here as in any part of 
the world. For fish and fowl, we have great abundance. 
Fresh cod in the summer is but coarse meat with us. 
Our bay is full of lobsters^ all the summer, and affordeth 
variety of other fish. In September we can take a hogs- 
head of eels in a night, with small labor, and can dig 
them out of their beds all the winter.'' We have mus- 
cles and othus ^ at our doors. Oysters we have none 



' The. writer of this letter, Ed- * The writer himself was the 
ward Winslow, afterwards correct- first to briii£j over cattle to the plan- 
ed this statement in his Good News tation, in lfi24 — a bull and three 
from New Enjiland. " Whereas," heifers. See Prince, p. 225. 
he says, " myself and others in for- ^ See note ^ on page 164, and 
mer letters, (which came to the press also page 205. 
against my will and knowledge,) * See note ' on page 196. 
wrote that the Indians abont us are * This I think a typographical 
a people without any religion, or error for othrr — the word shell- 
knowiedge of any (lod, therein I JUh being accidentally omitted ; or 
erred, though we could then gather perhaps the word in the MS. was 
no better." clams. 

30 



234 THE PRODUCTIONS OF THE COUNTRY. 

CHAP, near, but we can have them brought bvthe Indians when 

XV. . . . ■— . 
1- we win. All the spring-time the earth sendeth forth na- 

1621. turallv verv ^ood sallet herbs. Here are crrapes,' white 

Dec. - . o Q r ' 

11. and red, and very sweet and strong also ; strawberries, 
gooseberries, raspas,- &c.; plums^ of three sorts, white,^ 
black, and red, being almost as good as a damson ; 
abundance of roses, white, red and damask ; single, but 
very sweet indeed. The country wanteth only indus- 
trious men to employ ; for it would grieve your hearts 
if, as I, you had seen so many miles together by goodly 
rivers uninhabited ; ^ and withal, to consider those parts 
of the world wherein you live to be even greatly bur- 
thened with abundance of people. These things I 
thought good to let you understand, being the truth of 
things as near as I could experimentally take know- 
ledge of, and that you might on our behalf give God 
thanks, who hath dealt so favorably with us. 

Our supply of men from you came the 9th of No- 
vember, 1621, putting in at Cape Cod, some eight or 
ten leamies from us.*^ The Indians that dwell there- 



' See note ' on page 165. month ere she sails for Enjjland." 

- Raspas, raspberries. Bradford and Sniith,inPrince, p. 198. 

^ See note *on page 16.5, Tlie Fortune brousrht a letter for 

* In the original with — an error Mr. Carver from Mr. Weston, dated 
of the press. London, July 6, wherein he writes, 

* Winslow had observed this de- '• We (the adventurers) have pro- 
solation on the banks of Taunton cured you a charter, the best we 
river. See page 206. could, better than your former, and 

* The Fortune, a small vessel of with less limitation." Judge Da- 
55 tons, brought over Robert Gush- vis, in a note on Morton's Memo- 
man and 35 persons, a part of rial, p. 73, says, " This intimation 
whom no doubt were the 20 that refers to a patent from the Presi- 
put back in the Speedwell. See dent and Council of New England 
note ' on page 99. The Fortune to John Pierce and his associates, 
sailed from London the beginning which was in trust for the compa- 
of July, but could not clear the ny. It was probably brought in 
channel till the end of August, this ship, and was a few years 
She found all the colonists whom since found among the old papers 
the Mayflower had left in April, in the Land Office at Boston, by 
" lusty and in good health, except WilIiamSmith,Esq.oneof the Land 
six who had died ; and she stays a Committee. It bears the seals and 



ARRIVAL OF THE SECOND SHIP. 



235 



about were they who were owners of the corn which chap. 

XV. 

we found in caves, for which we have given them full 
content,^ and are in great league with them. They 
sent us word there was a ship near unto them, but 
thought it to be a Frenchman ; and indeed for our- 
selves we expected not a friend so soon. But when 
we perceived that she made for our bay, the governor 
commanded a great piece to be shot off, to call home 
such as were abroad at work. Whereupon every 
man, yea boy, that could handle a gun, were ready, 
with full resolution that, if she were an enemy, we 
would stand in our just defence, not fearing them. 
But God provided better for us than we supposed. 
These came all in health, not any being sick by the 
way, otherwise than by sea-sickness, and so continue 
at this time, by the blessing of God.^ The good-wife 



signatures of the Duke of Lenox, 
the Marquis of Hamilton, the Earl 
of Warwick, and of Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges. There is another signa- 
ture so obscurely written, as to be 
illegible. It does not appear what 
use was made of this patent by the 
Plymouth planters ; it was, not 
long afterwards, superseded by the 
second patent, surreptitiously ob- 
tained by Pierce, for his own bene- 
fit, and which, after his misfortunes, 
was assigned to the adventurers." 
Judge Davis gives an abstract of 
this patent in his Appendix, p. 362. 
I have sought for the original in 
vain in the archives of the State. 
It was never printed ; and it is to 
be feared is now lost. The original 
of the third patent, granted in IG29 
to William ISradford and his asso- 
ciates, is preserved in the oifice of 
the Register of Deeds at Plymouth. 
It is on parchment, signed by the 
Earl of Warwick, and the seal of 
the Plymouth Company, four inches 
in diameter, is appended to it. It 
« is prefixed to the printed Laws of 



Plymouth Colony, p. 21 — 26. See 
Memorial, p. 95 — 97, and Prince, 
pp. 204, 217. 

' See page 217. 

- The following is an alphabeti- 
cal list of the persons who came 
over in the Fortune. 



John A'lams, 
William Bassilc, 
William Beale, 
Edward Bompasse, 
.lonalhan Brewster, 
Clement Brigges, 
John Cannon, 
William Conor, 
lloljert Cushman, 
Tliomas Cushman, 
Stephen Dean, 
Philip De La Xove, 
Thomas Flavell ' 

and son, 
Widow Foord, 



Robert Hickes, 
William Hilton, 
Bennet Morgan, 
Thomas Morton, 
Austin Nicolas, 
William Palmer, 
William Pitt, 
Thomas Prence, 
Moses Simonson, 
Hugh Slaiie, 
James Steward, 
William Tench, 
John Winslow, 
William Wright. 



Jonathan Brewster was a son of 
Elder Brewster; Thomas Cushman 
was a son of Robert ; John Wins- 
low was a brother of Edward. 
Thomas Prence (or Prince) was 
afterwards governor of the colony. 



236 THE FORTUNE'S RETURN CARGO. 

CHAP. Ford was delivered of a son the first night she landed, 
and both of them are very well. 

When it pleaseth God we are settled and fitted for 
the fishing business and other trading, I doubt not 
but by the blessing of God the gain will give content 
to all. In the mean time, that we have gotten we 
have sent by this ship ; ^ and though it be not much, 
yet it will witness for us that we have not been idle, 
considering; the smallness of our number all this sum- 
mer. We hope the merchants will accept of it, and 
be encouraged to furnish us with things needful for 
further employment, which will also encourage us to 
put forth ourselves to the uttermost. 

Now because I expect your coming unto us,^ with 
other of our friends, whose company we much desire, 
I thought good to advertise you of a few things need- 
ful. Be careful to have a very good bread-room to put 
your biscuits in. Let your cask for beer and water be 
iron-bound, for the first tire, if not more. Let not your 

De La Noye (or Delano) was, ac- Frencli, carried into France, kept 
cordinfj to Winslow, in his Brief there fifteen days, and robbed of all 
Narration, " born of French pa- she had worth takings ; then the 
rents," and Simonson (or Sim- people and ship are released, and 
mons) was a " ciiild of one that get to London Feb. 17." Bradford, 
was in communion with the Dutch in Prince, p. 199. Smith, in his 
church at Leyden." The widow New England's Trials, printed in 
Foord brought three children, Wil- 1622, says she was laden with three 
liam, Martha, and John. For a hogsheads of beaver skins, clap- 
further account of some of these, board, wainscot, walnut, and some 
and the other early settlers, see sassafras. 

Farmer's Genealogical Register, " Upon her departure, the gov- 
Mitchell's Family Register, ap- ernor and his assistant dispose the 
pended to his Hist, of Bridgewater, late comers into several families, 
and Deane's Family Sketches, in find their provisions will now scarce 
his Hist, of Scituate. hold out six months at half allow- 
' " The Fortune sails Dec. 13, ance, and therefore put them to it, 
laden with two hogsheads of beaver which they bear patiently." Brad- 
and other skins, and good clap- ford, in Prince, p. 199. 
boards as full as she can hold; the * George Morton, to whom I 
freight estimated near £500. But suppose this letter was written, 
in her voyage, as she draws near came out in the next ship, the 
the English coast, is seized by the Anne. 



THINGS NEEDFUL FOR THE COLONY. 237 

meat be dry-salted : none can better do it than the chap. 

. XV. 

sailors. Let your meal be so hard trod in your cask L 

that you shall need an adz or hatchet to work it out i62i. 
with. Trust not too much on us for corn at this time, ij^* 
for by reason of this last company that came, depend- 
ing wholly upon us, we shall have little enough till 
harvest. Be careful to come by some of your meal to 
spend by the way ; it will much refresh you. Build 
your cabins as open as you can, and bring good store 
of clothes and bedding with you. Bring every man a 
musket or fowling-piece. Let your piece be long in 
the barrel, and fear not the weight of it, for most of 
our shooting is from stands. Bring juice of lemons, 
and take it fasting ; it is of good use. For hot waters, 
aniseed water is the best; but use it sparingly. If 
you bring any thing for comfort in the country, butter 
or sallet oil, or both, is very good. Our Indian corn, 
even the coarsest, maketh as pleasant meat as rice ; 
therefore spare that, unless to spend by the way. 
Bring paper and linseed oil for your windows,^ with 

^ Oiled paper to keep out the Even in the time of Henry VIII. 
snow-storms of a New England they were considered a luxury, and 
winter ! This serves to give us yeomen and farmers were perfectly 
some idea of the exposures and contented with windows ot' lattice, 
hardships of the first colonists. It In the days of Queen Elizabeth 
is an indication of progress in do- they were unknown except in a 
mestic comfort when we find Hig- few lordly mansions, and in them 
ginson in 1629 writing from Salem they were regarded as movable 
to his friends in England, " Be furniture. When the dukes of 
sure to furnish yourselves with Northumberland left Alnwick cas- 
glass for windows." See Hutchin- tie to come to London for the win- 
son's Collection of Papers, p. 50, ter, the few glass windows, which 

Glass windows were first intro- formed one of the luxuries of the 

duced into England in 1180. They castle, were carefully taken out 

were so rare in the reign of Edward and laid away, perhaps carried to 

III. that Chaucer, in describing London to adorn the city residence, 

his chamber, mentions particularly See Anderson's Hist, of Commerce, 

that i. 90, ed. 17G1 ; Ellis's Specimens 

of the early English Poets, i. 221, 

" with glass ^'^^ ' Hallam's Middle Ages, iii. 

«" Were all the windows well y-giazed." 426, (ed. 1837); Northumberland 



238 



POWDER AND SHOT. 



CHAP, cotton yarn for your lamps. Let your shot be most 
V— .--1 for big fowls, and bring store of powder and shot. I 
16 2 1. forbear further to write for the present, hoping to see 
i^' you by the next return. So I take my leave, com- 
mending you to the Lord for a safe conduct unto us, 
resting in him, 

Your loving friend, 

E. W.^ 

Plymouth, in New England, this \lth of December, 1621. 



Household Book, Preface, p. 16 ; ^ Edward Winslow, of whom 
E. Everett's Address before the some account will be given here- 
Mere. Lib. Assoc, p. 19. after. 




THE WINSLOW CHAIR. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

REASONS AND CONSIDERATIONS TOUCHING THE LAWFUL- 
NESS OF REMOVING OUT OF ENGLAND IJNTO 
THE PARTS OF AMERICA. 

Forasmuch as many exceptions are daily made chap. 
against the going into and inhabiting of foreign desert ^^-..^ 
places, to the hindrances of plantations abroad, and 162 1. 
the increase of distractions at home ; it is not amiss ^amb^e!' 
that some which have been ear-witnesses of the ex- 
ceptions made, and are cither agents or abettors of 
such removals and plantations, do seek to give content 
to the world, in all things that possibly they can. 

And although the most of the opposites are such as 
either dream of raising their fortunes here to that than 
which there is nothing more unlike, or such as affect- 
ing their home-born country so vehemently, as that 
they had rather with all their friends, beg, yea, starve 
in it, than undergo a little difficulty in seeking 
abroad ; yet are there some who, out of doubt in 
tenderness of conscience, and fear to offend God by 
running before they are called, are straitened and do 
straiten others from going to foreign plantations. 

For whose cause especially I have been drawn, out 
gf my good affection to them, to publish some reasons 



I 



240 THE LAWFULNESS OF REMOVING 

CHAP. that might give them content and satisfaction, and 

XVI. & te _ ' 

also stay and stop the wilful and witty caviller ; and 

1 G 2 L herein I trust I shall not be blamed of any godly wise, 
though through my slender judgment I should miss 
the mark, and not strike the nail on the head, con- 
sidering it is the first attempt that hath been made 
(that I know of) to defend those enterprises. Reason 
would, therefore, that if any man of deeper reach and 
better judgment see further or otherwise, that he 
rather instruct me than deride me. 
cau- And being studious for brevity, we must first con- 

tious. ~ •' ' 

Gen.xii. sider, that whereas God of old did call and summon 
XXXV. ]. our fathers by predictions, dreams, visions, and certain 

ii.'igl' illuminations, to go from their countries, places and 
habitations, to reside and dwell here or there, and to 

Psalm wander up and down from city to city, and land to 

cv. ]3. ^ . . . •' •' 

land, according to his will and pleasure ; now there is 
no such calling to be expected for any matter whatso- 
ever, neither must any so much as imagine that there 

i."^'i>. will now be any such thing. God did once so train 
up his people, but now he doth not, but speaks in 
another manner, and so we must apply ourselves to 
God's present dealing, and not to his wonted dealing ; 

Josh, and as the miracle of giving manna ceased, when the 

V. 12. _ too •> ^ 

fruits of the land became plenty, so God having such a 
plentiful storehouse of directions in his holy word, 
there must not now any extraordinary revelations be 
expected. But now the ordinary examples and pre- 
cepts of the Scriptures, reasonably and rightly under- 
stood and applied, must be the voice and word, that 
must call us, press us, and direct us in every action. 
^^?i"g Neither is there any land or possession now, lilvo 
unto the possession which the Jews had in Canaan, 



FROM ENGLAND TO AMERICA. 241 

being legally holy and appropriated unto a holy people, chap. 

the seed of Abraham, in which they dwelt securely, ^ 

and had their days prolonged, it being by an imme- ig2 1. 
diate voice said, that he (the Lord) gave it them as a 
land of rest after their \veary travels, and a type of 
eternal rest in heaven. But now there is no land of 
that sanctimony, no land so appropriated, none typical ; 
much less any that can be said to be given of God to 
any nation, as was Canaan, which they and their seed 
must dwell in, till God sendeth upon them sword or 
captivity. But now we are all, in all places, strangers 
and pilgrims, travellers and sojourners, most properly, 
having no dwelling but in this earthern tabernacle ; 'fX's-' 
our dwelling is but a wandering, and our abiding but 
as a fleeting, and in a word our home is nowhere but 
in tlie heavens,^ in that house not made with hands, 
whose maker and builder is God, and to which all 
ascend that love the coming of our Lord Jesus. 

Though then there may be reasons to persuade a 
man to live in this or that land, yet there cannot be 
the same reasons which the Jews had ; but now, as 
natural, civil and religious bands tie men, so they 
must be bound, and as good reasons for things terrene 
and heavenly appear, so they must be led. 

And so here falleth in our question, how a man o''J^"='- 
that is here born and bred, and hath lived some years, 
may remove himself into another country. 

I answer, a man must not respect only to live, and Ans. i. 
do good to himself, but he should see where he can ^'''=»' 
live to do most good to others ; for, as one saith, " He S 
whose living is but for himself, it is time he were dead." 

' So were the Jews, but yet their were more large than ours. — Au- 
temporal blessings and inheritances ihor's Note. 

31 



persons 

y 



242 REASONS FOR EMIGRATING 

CHAP. Some men there are who of necessity must here live, 
^— v^ as being tied to duties either to church, common- 
162 1. wealth, household, kindred, &:c. ; but others, and that 
many, who do no good in none of those, nor can do 
none, as being not able, or not in favor, or as want- 
ing opportunity, and live as outcasts — nobodies, eye- 
sores, eating but for themselves, teaching but them- 
selves, and doing good to none, either in soul or body, 
and so pass over days, years and months, yea, so live 
and so die. Now such should lift up their eyes and 
see whether there be not some other place and coun- 
s^^why try to which they may go to do good, and have use 
remove, towards others of that knowledge, wisdom, humanity, 
reason, strength, skill, faculty, Sec. which God hath 
given them for the service of others and his own glory. 
But not to pass the bounds of modesty so far as to 
name any, though I confess I know many, who sit 
Luke here still with their talent in a napkin, havini^ notable 

xis. 20. r ' => 

endowments both of body and mind, and might do 
great good if they were in some places, which here do 
none, nor can do none, and yet through fleshly fear, 
niceness, straitness of heart, &:c. sit still and look on, 
and will not hazard a drachm of health, nor a day of 
pleasure, nor an hour of rest to further the knowledge 

Reas. 1. and salvation of the sons of Adam in that new world, 
where a drop of the knowledge of Christ is most pre- 
cious, which is here not set by. Now what shall we 
say to such a profession of Christ, to which is joined 
no more denial of a man's self .^ 

Object. But some will say, What right have I to go live in 
the heathens' country ? 

Answ. Letting pass the ancient discoveries, contracts and 
agreements which our Englishmen have long since 



FROM ENGLAND TO AMERICA. 243 

made in those parts, together with the acknowledg- chap 

. . ^ . . ° XVI. 

ment of the histories and chronicles of other nations, — 

who profess the land of America from the Cape de 1621. 
Florida unto the Bay of Canada ^ (which is south and 
north three hundred leagues and upwards, and east 
and west further than yet hath been discovered) is 
proper to the king of England, yet letting that pass, 
lest I be thought to meddle further than it concerns 
me, or further than I have discerning, I will mention 
such things as are within my reach, knowledge, sight 
and practice, since I have travailed in these affairs. 

And first, seeing we daily pray for the conversion Reas. 2. 
of the heathens, we must consider whether there be 
not some ordinary means and course for us to take to 
convert them, or whether prayer for them be only 
referred to God's extraordinary work from heaven. 
Now it seemeth unto me that we ought also to en- 
deavour and use the means to convert them ; and the 
means cannot be used unless we go to them, or they 
come to us. To us they cannot come, our land is 
full ; to them we may go, their land is empty. 

This then is sufficient reason to prove our going Reas. 3. 
thither to live, lawful. Their land is spacious and 
void, and there are few, and do but run over the grass, 
as do also the foxes and wild beasts. They are not 
industrious, neither have art, science, skill or faculty 
to use either the land or the commodities of it ; but 
all spoils, rots, and is marred for want of manuring, 
gathering, ordering, &:c. As the ancient patriarchs, 
therefore, removed from straiter places into more 

' Jacques Cartier, of St. Malo, Montreal. Florida was discovered 
in France, discovered the great by Juan Ponce de Leon, a Span- 
river of Canada in August, 1534, iard, in 1512. See Holmes's An- 
and in 1535 sailed up as far as nals of America, i. 31 and 65, 



244 REASONS FOR EMIGRATING 

CHAP, roomy, where the land lay idle and waste, and none 

'- used it, though there dwelt inhabitants by them, as 

162 1. Gen. xiii. 6, 11, 12, and xxxiv. 21, and xh. 20, so is 
it lawful now to take a land which none useth, and 
make use of it. 
Keas. 4. ^j^^j c^g j|- jg g^ commou land, or unused and undress- 
ed country, so we have it by common consent, compo- 
sition and agreement ; ^ which agreement is double. 
First, the imperial governor, Massasoit, whose circuits, 
in likehhood, are larger than England and Scotland, 
hath acknowledged the King's Majesty of England to 
be his master and commander, and that once in my 
hearing, yea, and in writing, under his hand, to Cap- 
tain Standish, both he and many other kings which 
are under him, as Pamet, Nauset, Cummaquid, Nar- 
rowhiggonset, Namaschet, &c., with divers others 
that dwell about the bays of Patuxet and Massachu- 
set.^ Neither hath this been accomplished by threats 
and blows, or shaking of sword and sound of trumpet ; 
for as our faculty that way is small, and our strength 
less, so our warring with them is after another man- 
ner, namely, by friendly usage, love, peace, honest 
and just carriages, good counsel, &lc., that so we and 
they may not only live in peace in that land, and 
^f\^A' ^^^ yield subjection to an earthly prince, but that as 
xivui. 3. voluntaries they may be persuaded at length to em- 
brace the Prince of Peace, Christ Jesus, and rest in 
peace with him forever. 

Secondly, this composition is also more particular 
and applicatory, as touching ourselves there inhabiting. 

* This is to be considered as '^ See pages 193 and 232. 
respecting New England, and the 
territories about the plantation. — 
Auihor^s Note. 



FROM ENGLAND TO AMERICA. 245 

The emperor, by a joint consent, hath promised and chap. 
appointed us to Uve at peace where we will in all his .^--,.^ 
dominions, taking what place we will, and as much 1621. 
land as we wilV and bringing as many people as we 
will ; and that for these two causes. First, because we 
are the servants of James, king of England, whose the 
land (as he confesseth) is. Secondly, because he hath 
found us just, honest, kind and peaceable, and so loves 
our company. Yea, and that in these things there is 
no dissimulation on his part, nor fear of breach (except 
our security engender in them some unthought of 
treachery, or our uncivility provoke them to anger) is 
most plain in other Relations,"* which show that the 
things they did were more out of love than out of fear. 
It being then, first, a vast and empty chaos ; secondly, 
acknowledged the right of our sovereign king ; thirdly, 
by a peaceable composition in part possessed of divers 
of his loving subjects, I see not who can doubt or call 
in question the lawfulnesss of inhabiting or dwelling 
there ; but that it may be as lawful for such as are not 
tied upon some special occasion here, to five there as 
well as here. Yea, and as the enterprise is weighty 
and difficult, so the honor is more worthy, to plant a 
rude wilderness, to enlarge the honor and fame of our 

' In the "Warrantable Grounds English New Plymouth. All which 

and Proceedings of the first Asso- lands being void of inhabitants, 

ciates of New Plymouth, in their we, the said John Carver, William 

laying the first foundation of this Bradford, Edward Winslow, Wil- 

Government, in their making of liam Brewster, Isaac Allerton, and 

laws, and disposing of the lands the rest of our associates, entering 

within the same," prefixed to the into a league of peace with Massa- 

Code of Laws printed in 1G85, it is soit, since called Woosamequin, 

stated that " by the favor of the prince or sachem of those parts. 

Almighty they began the colony in he, the said Massasoit, freely gave 

New England (there being then them all the lands adjacent, to them 

no other within the said continent) and their heirs for ever." 

at a place called by the natives * lie refers to the preceding 

Apaum, alias Patuxct, but by the Journal. 



246 REASONS FOR EMIGRATING 

CHAP, dread sovereign, but chiefly to display the efficacy 

L. and power of the Gospel, both in zealous preaching, 

1621. professing, and wise walking under it, before the 
faces of these poor blind infidels. 

As for such as object the tediousness of the voyage 
thither, the danger of pirates' robbery, of the savages' 
xx^i!"i"3. treachery, &c., these are but lions in the way ; and it 
were well for such men if they were in heaven. For 
who can show them a place in this world where in- 
xfix'ls. iquity shall not compass them at the heels, and where 
^%/'- they shall have a day without grief, or a lease of life 
for a moment ? And who can tell, but God, what 
dangers may lie at our doors, even in our native coun- 
try, or what plots may be abroad, or when God will 
vi'TI. cause our sun to go down at noon-day, and, in the 
midst of our peace and security, lay upon us some 
lasting scourge for our so long neglect and contempt 
of his most glorious Gospel ? 
Object. But we have here great peace, plenty of the Gos- 
pel, and many sweet delights and variety of comforts. 
Answ. True, indeed ; and far be it from us to deny and 
2 c^'v"- diminish the least of these mercies. But have we ren- 

xxxu. 

^^' dered unto God thankful obedience for this long peace, 
whilst other peoples have been at wars ? Have we not 
rather murmured, repined, and fallen at jars amongst 
ourselves, whilst our peace hath lasted with foreign 
power ? Was there ever more suits in law, more envy, 
^*j'.^"g contempt and reproach than nowadays ? Abraham 
and Lot departed asunder when there fell a breach 
betwixt them, which was occasioned by the straitness 
of the land ; and surely I am persuaded, that howso- 
ever the frailties of men are principal in all conten- 
tions, yet the straitness of the place is such, as each 



10. 



FROM ENGLAND TO AMERICA. 247 

man is fain to pluck his means, as it were, out of his chap. 

neighbour's throat, there is such pressing and oppress 

ing in town and country, about farms, trades, traffick, 1621. 
&c. ; so as a man can hardly any where set up a trade, 
but he shall pull down two of his neighbours. 

The towns abound with young tradesmen, and the 
hospitals are full of the ancient ; the country is replen- 
ished with new farmers, and the almshouses are filled 
with old laborers. Many there are who get their 
living with bearing burdens ; but more are fain to 
burden the land with their whole bodies. Multitudes 
get their means of life by prating, and so do numbers 
more by begging. Neither come these straits upon 
men always through intemperance, ill husbandry, in- 
discretion, &:c., as some think ; but even the most 
wise, sober, and discreet men go often to the wall, 
when they have done their best ; wherein, as God's 
providence swayeth all, so it is easy to see that the 
straitness of the place, having in it so many strait 
hearts, cannot but produce such effects more and 
more ; so as every indifferent minded man should be 
ready to say with father Abraham, " Take thou the 
right hand, and I will take the left : " let us not thus 
oppress, straiten, and afflict one another ; but seeing 
there is a spacious land, the way to which is through 
the sea, we will end this difference in a day. 

That I speak nothing about the bitter contention 
that hath been about religion, by writing, disputing, 
and inveighing earnestly one against another, the heat 
of which zeal, if it were turned against the rude bar- 
barism of the heathens, it might do more good in a 
day, than it hath done here in many years. Neither 
of the little love to the Gospel, and profit which is 



248 REASONS FOR EMIGRATING 

CHAP, made by the preachers in most places, which might 

-^ .-i. easily drive the zealous to the heathens ; who, no 

162 1. doubt, if they had but a drop of that knowledge which 
here flieth about the streets, would be filled with ex- 
ceeding great joy and gladness, as that they would 
even pluck the kingdom of heaven by violence, and 
take it, as it were, by force. 
The^iast 'Y\\Q greatest let that is yet behind is the sweet fel- 
lowship of friends, and the satiety of bodily delights. 
But can there be two nearer friends almost than 
Abraham and Lot, or than Paul and Barnabas ? And 
yet, upon as little occasions as we have here, they 
departed asunder, two of them being patriarchs of the 
church of old, the other the apostles of the church 
which is new ; and their covenants were such as it 
seemeth might bind as much as any covenant between 
men at this day ; and yet to avoid greater inconve- 
niences, they departed asunder. 

Neither must men take so much thought for the 
flesh, as not to be pleased except they can pamper 
their bodies with variety of dainties. Nature is con- 
tent with little, and health is much endangered by 
mixtures upon the stomach. The delights of the palate 
Sf ^^ often inflame the vital parts ; as the tongue setteth 
a-fire the whole body. Secondly, varieties here are 
not common to all, but many good men are glad to 
snap at a crust. The rent-taker lives on sweet mor- 
sels, but the rent-payer eats a dry crust often with 
watery eyes ; and it is nothing to say what some one 
of a hundred hath, but what the bulk, body and com- 
monalty hath ; which I warrant you is short enough. 
And they also which now live so sweetly, hardly 
will their children attain to that privilege ; but some 



FROM ENGLAND TO AMERICA. 249 

circumventor or other will outstrip them, and make chap. 

. XVI 

them sit in the dust, to which men are brought in one , .^ 

age, but cannot get out of it again in seven genera- i6 2i. 
tions. 

To conclude, without all partiality, the present con- 
sumption which groweth upon us here, whilst the land 
groaneth under so many close-fisted and unmerciful 
men, being compared with the easiness, plainness and 
plentifulness in living in those remote places, may 
quickly persuade any man to a liking of this course, 
and to practise a removal ; which being done by hon- 
est, godly and industrious men, they shall there be 
right heartily welcome ; but for other of dissolute and 
profane life, their rooms are better than their compa- 
nies. For if here, where the Gospel hath been so 
long and plentifully taught, they are yet frequent in 
such vices as the heathen would shame to speak of, 
what will they be when there is less restraint in word 
and deed ? My only suit to all men is, that whether 
they live there or here, they would learn to use this 
world as they used it not, keeping faith and a good 
conscience, both with God and men, that when the 
day of account shall come, they may come forth as 
good and fruitful servants, and freely be received, and 
enter into the joy of their Master. R. C.^ 

> Robert Cushman. It will be Mayflower." In a letter to Gover- 

recollected that he was twice sent nor Bradford, dated Decennber 2*2, 

from Leyden to England as the 1624, he writes, " I hope the next 

agent of the Pilgrims, and embark- ships to come to you;" but he 

eti in the Speedwell, in IG20, but was prevented by death Governor 

was obliged to put back. He came Bradford speaks of liim as "our 

over in the Fortune, and returned ancient friend, Mr. Cushman, who 

in her, as the adventurers had ap- was our right hand with the ad- 

poinled, to give them information of venturers, and for divers years 

the state of^the colony. In 1(>23, a managed all our business with 

lot of land was assigned him with them." He brought his sou Thomas 

those " which came first over in the with him in the Fortune, whom he 

32 



250 CONDITION AND PRODUCTS OF THE COLONY. 



CHAP. M Letter from New Plymouth. 

XVI. 

162 1. Loving Cousin, 

Nov. 

At our arrival at New Plymouth, in New England, 
we found all our friends and planters in good health, 
though they were left sick and weak, with very small 
means ; the Indians round about us peaceable and 
friendly ; the country very pleasant and temperate, 
yielding naturally, of itself, great store of fruits, as 
vines of divers sorts, in great abundance. There is 
likewise walnuts, chestnuts, small nuts and plums, 
with much variety of flowers, roots and herbs, no less 
pleasant than wholesome and profitable. No place 
hath more gooseberries and strawberries, nor better. 
Timber of all sorts you have in England doth cover 
the land, that affords beasts of divers sorts, and great 
flocks of turkeys, quails, pigeons and partridges ; many 
great lakes abounding with fish, fowls, beavers, and ot- 
ters. The sea affords us great plenty of all excellent 
sorts of sea-fish, as the rivers and isles doth variety of 
wild fowl of most useful sorts. Mines we find, to our 
thinking ; but neither the goodness nor quality we 
know. Better grain cannot be than the Indian corn, 
if we will plant it upon as good ground as a man need 
desire. We are all freeholders; the rent-day doth not 

entrusted to the care of Governor lived to the age of 83. Descend- 

Bradford, and who, after the death ants of this honorable name are 

of Brewster, was chosen, in 1649, numerous in the Old Colony. See 

rulingelder of the Plymouth church, Morton's Memorial, pp. 128, 376; 

in which office he continued till he Prince, p. 238 ; Mass. Hist, Coll. 

died in 1691, aged 84. He married iii, 35 ; Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 

Mary, daughter of Isaac Allerton, 267; Mitchell's History of Bridge- 

and his son Isaac, born in 1649, was water, p. 372. 
the first minister of Plympton, and 



CHARACTER OF THE COLONISTS. 251 

trouble us : and all those good blessings we have, of chap. 

... . XVI. 

which and what we list in their seasons for taking. 
Our company are, for most part, very religious, hon- 
est people ; the word of God sincerely taught us every 
Sabbath ; so that 1 know not any thing a contented 
mind can here want. I desire your friendly care to 
send my wife and children ^ to me, where I wish all 
the friends 1 have in England ; and so I rest 
Your loving kinsman, 

William Hilton.^] 

' His wife and two children came of 1623, at Dover, the settlement of 

in the next ship, the Anne, which New Hampshire. Farmer says, 

arrived at Plymouth in the summer " He was at Newbury about 1648, 

of 1623. See Prince, p. 220, and and at Charlestown, Mass. in 16G5 ; 

Morton, p. 379. and here I suppose he died in 1675, 

' 1 insert this letter, because it as there is the inventory of William 

was written by one of the passen- Hilton taken that year in the Pro- 

gers in the Fortune. Tt was first bate Records." See Belknap's 

printed in 1622, in Smith's New New Hampshire, p. 4, (Farmer's 

England's Trials. The writer and ed.) ; Prince, p. 215 ; Savage's 

his brother Edward, fishmongers of Winthrop, i. 97 ; Holmes's An- 

London, commenced, in the spring nals, i. 183. 



II 



CUSHMAN'S DISCOURSE. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

OF THE STATE OF THE COLONY, AND THE NEED OF PUBLIC 
SPIRIT IN THE COLONISTS.! 



New England, so called not only fto avoid novel- chap. 

. ... XVII. 

ties) because Captain Smith hath so entitled it in his '. 

Description, but because of the resemblance that is in 1 6 2 1. 

. . . . . Dec. 

it of England, the native soil of Englishmen ; it being 
muchwhat the same for heat and cold in summer and 
winter, it being champaign ground, but not high moun- 
tains ; somewhat like the soil in Kent and Essex, full 
of dales and meadow ground, full of rivers and sweet 
springs, as England is. But principally, so far as we 



1 In the course of Robert Cush- 
man's short residence of a month at 
Plymouth he delivered a discourse 
to the colonists on the Sin and 
Danger of Self-Love, from 1 Cor. 
X. 2-1, " Let no man seek his own, 
but every man another's wealth ; " 
which was printed at London in 
1622, but without his name. In 
a tract printed at London in 1644, 
entitled "A Brief Narration of 
some Church Courses in New Eng- 
land," I find the following allusion 
to this discourse ; " There is a 
book printed, called A Sermon 
preached at Plymouth, in New 
England, which, as I am certified, 
was made there by a comber of 
wool." 



Dr. Belknap remarks, that "this 
discourse may be considered as a 
specimen of the prophesyings of the 
brethren. The occasion was sin- 
gular ; the exhortations and re- 
proofs are not less so, but were 
adapted to the existing state of the 
colony." Judge Davis says that 
" the late Isaac Lothrop, of Ply- 
mouth, often mentioned an intima- 
tion, received from an aged relative, 
as to the spot where this sermon 
was delivered. It was at the com- 
mon house of the Plantation, which 
is understood to have been erected 
on the southerly side of the bank, 
where the town brook meets the 
harbour. Mr. Lothrop died in 1808, 
aged seventy-three. Not many 



256 DESCRIPTION OF NEW ENGLAND. 

CHAP, can yet find, it is an island/ and near about the quantity 

'^ of England, being cut out from the main land in Ameri- 

1621. ca, as England is from the main of Europe, by a great 
arm of the sea,^ which entereth in forty degrees, and 
runneth up northwest and by west, and goeth out 
either into the South Sea, or else into the Bay of 
Canada. The certainty whereof, and secrets of which, 
we have not yet so found as that, as eye-witnesses, 
we can make narration thereof ; but if God give time 
and means, we shall ere long discover both the extent 
of that river, together with the secrets thereof; and 
also try what territories, habitations, or commodities 
may be found, either in it, or about it. 

It pertaineth not to my purpose to speak any thing 
either in praise or dispraise of the country. So it is, by 
God's providence, that a few of us are there planted to 
our content and have with great charge and difficulty 
attained quiet and competent dwellings there. And 
thus much I will say for the satisfaction of such as 
have any thought of going thither to inhabit ; that for 
men which have a large heart, and look after great 
riches, ease, pleasures, dainties, and jollity in this 
world, (except they will live by other men's sweat, or 
have great riches,) I would not advise them to come 
there, for as yet the country will affiDrd no such mat- 



years before his death he had the England, together with all well- 
satisfaction of being called to view willers and well-wishers thereunto, 
sundry tools and implements which grace and peace, &c." The Epistle 
were dug up at that spot, and which is here printed entire, and all that 
he carefully preserved." See note* is of any general or historical inter- 
on page 173 ; Belknap's Am. Biog. est in the discourse, 
ii. 274 ; and Morton's Memorial, ' It will be seen hereafter that 
p. 74. Winslow too, on the authority of 

Prefixed to the discourse is an the natives, calls it an island. 

" Epistle Dedicatory, to his loving * Hudson's river, 
friends, the adventurers for New 



EMIGRATION SPREADS CHRISTIANITY. 257 

ters. But if there be any who are content to lay out chap. 

XVII 

their estates, spend their time, labors and endeavours, '- 

for the benefit of them that shall come after, and in i62i. 

Dec. 

desire to further the Gospel among those poor hea- 
thens, quietly contenting themselves with such hard- 
ship and difficulties, as by God's providence shall fall 
upon them, being yet young, and in their strength, 
such men I would advise and encourage to go, for 
their ends cannot fail them. 

And if it should please God to punish his people in 
the Christian countries of Europe, for their coldness, 
carnality, wanton abuse of the Gospel, contention, 
&;c., either by Turkish slavery, or by popish tyranny, 
(which God forbid,) yet if the time be come, or shall 
come (as who knoweth .^) when Satan shall be let loose 
to cast out his floods against them, here is a way Yf'il"' 
opened for such as have wings to fly into this wilder- 
ness ; and as by the dispersion of the Jewish church 
through persecution, the Lord brought in the fulness ao'^h" 
of the Gentiles, so who knoweth, whether now by 
tyranny and affliction, which he suflereth to come upon 
them, he will not by little and little chase them even 
amongst the heathens, that so a light may rise up in i-uke 
the dark, and the kingdom of heaven be taken from 
them which now have it, and given to a people that xi'j'"43. 
shall brinsf forth the fruit of it .^ This I leave to the 
judgment of the godly wise, being neither prophet nor aihos 
son of a prophet. But considering God's dealing of 2 Kin 
old, and seeing the name of Christian to be very 
great, but the true nature thereof almost quite lost in 
all degrees and sects, I cannot think but that there is 
some judgment not far off", and that God will shortly, ^\^^^'^- 
even of stones, raise up children unto Abraham. 
33 



xvii. 23. 



258 THE INDIANS FRIENDLY. 

CHAP. And whoso riffhtlv considereth what manner of en- 



trance, abiding, and proceedings we have had among 

162 1. these poor heathens since we came hither, will easily 

Dec. . ^ 

think that God hath some great work to do towards 
them. 

They were wont to be the most cruel and treach- 
erous people in all these parts, even like lions ; but to 
us they have been like lambs, so kind, so submissive, 
and trusty, as a man may truly say, many Christians 
are not so kind nor sincere. 

They were very much wasted of late, by reason of 
a great mortality ^ that fell amongst them three years 
since ; which, together with their own civil dissensions 
and bloody wars, hath so wasted them, as I think the 
twentieth person is scarce left alive ; and those that 
are left, have their courage much abated, and their 
countenance is dejected, and they seem as a people 
affriorhted. And though when we first came into the 
country, we were few, and many of us were sick, and 
many died by reason of the cold and wet, it being the 
depth of winter, and we having no houses nor shelter, 
yet when there was not six able persons among us, 
and that they came daily to us by hundreds, with their 
sachems or kings, and might in one hour have made a 
dispatch of us, yet such a fear was upon them, as that 
they never offered us the least injury in word or deed. 
And by reason of one Tisquanto,^ that lives amongst 
us, that can speak English, we have daily commerce 
with their kings, and can know what is done or 
intended towards us among the savages ; also we can^ 
acquaint them with our courses and purposes, both 
human and religious. And the greatest commander of 

* See note ^ on page 183. * See note ^ on page 190. 



THE INDIANS WELL TREATED. 259 

the country, called Massasoit,^ cometh often to visit chap. 
us, though he lives fifty miles from us, often sends us _^-^ 
presents, he having with many other of their governors i62i. 
promised, yea, subscribed obedience to our Sovereign 
Lord King James, and for his cause to spend both 
strength and life.^ And we, for our parts, through 
God's grace, have with that equity, justice, and com- 
passion carried ourselves towards them, as that they 
have received much favor, help, and aid from us, but 
never the least injury or wrong by us.^ We found 
the place where we live empty, the people being all 
dead and gone away,^ and none living near by eight 
or ten miles ; and though in the time of some hard- 
ship, we found, travelling abroad, some eight bushels 
of corn hid up in a cave, and knew no owners of it, 
yet afterwards hearing of the owners of it, we gave 
them (in their estimation) double the value of it.^ 
Our care also hath been to maintain peace amongst 
them, and have always set ourselves against such of 
them as used any rebellion or treachery against their 
governors ; and not only threatened such, but in some 
sort paid them their due deserts. And when any of 

' See page 191. avoid the least scruple of intrusion. 

^ See pages 193 and 232. Particularly publish that no wrong 

^ They offer us to dwell where or injury he offered to the natives." 

we will. — Cushman's Note. And in 1676, it was as truly as 

The first planters of Plymouth proudly said by Governor Josiah 
and Massachusetts invariably pur- Winslow, of Plymouth, " I think I 
chased of the natives the lands on can clearly say, that before these 
which they settled, for considera- present troubles broke out, tbe 
lions which were deemed at the English did not possess one foot of 
time fully equivalent. They fol- land in this Colony but what was 
lowed literally the iiistruclions giv- fairly obtained by honest purchase 
en by the governor of the New p]ng- of the Indian proprietors." See 
land Company to Gov. Endicott, in Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 266 ; Haz- 
1629: " If any of the salvages pre- ard's State Papers, i. 263; Hub- 
tend right of inheritance to all or bard's Indian Wars, p. 13, (ed. 
any part of the lands granted in our 1677.) 

patent, we pray you endeavour to * See pages 184 and 206. 
purchase their title, that we may * See page 217. 



260 THE PILGRIMS TRUE TO THEIR PRINCIPLES. 

CHAP, them are in want, as often they are in the winter, 

\ when their corn is done, we supply them to our 

1621. power, and have them in our houses eating and drink- 

Dgc 

ing, and warming themselves ; which thing, though it 
be something a trouble to us, yet because they should 
see and take knowledge of our labors, orders and 
diligence, both for this life and a better, we are 
content to bear it; and we find in many of them, 
especially of the younger sort, such a tractable dispo- 
sition, both to religion and humanity, as that if we had 
means to apparel them, and wholly to retain them 
with us, (as their desire is,) they would doubtless in 
time prove serviceable to God and man ; and if ever 
God send us means, we will bring up hundreds of 
their children both to labor and learning. 

But leaving to speak of them till a further occasion 
be offered, if any shall marvel at the publishing of this 
treatise in England, seeing there is no want of good 
books, but rather want of men to use good books, let 
them know, that the especial end is, that we may keep 
those motives in memory for ourselves and those that 
shall come after, to be a remedy against self-love, the 
bane of all societies ; and that we also might testify to 
our Christian countrymen, who judge diversely of us, 
that though we be in a heathen country, yet the grace 
of Christ is not quenched in us, but we still hold and 
teach the same points of faith, mortification, and sanc- 
tification, which we have heard and learned, in a most 
ample and large manner, in our own country. If any 
shall think it too rude and unlearned for this curious 
age, let them know, that to paint out the Gospel in 
plain and flat English, amongst a company of plain 
Englishmen, (as we are,) is the best and most profita- 



THE DESIGN OF THE PLANTATION. 261 

ble teaching ; and we will study plainness, not cu- chap. 

riosity, neither in things human nor heavenly. If any 1 

error or unsoundness be in it, (as who knoweth .^) I62i. 

.... . . Dec. 

impute it to that frail man which indited it, which 
professeth to know nothing as he ought to know it. 
I have not set down my name, partly because I seek 
no name, and principally because I would have nothing 
esteemed by names ; for I see a number of evils to 
arise through names, when the persons are either fa- 
mous or infamous, and God and man is often injured. 
If any good or profit arise to thee in the receiving of 
it, give God the praise and esteem me as a son of 
Adam, subject to all such frailties as other men are. 

And you, my loving friends, the adventurers to this 
Plantation, as your care has been, first to settle religion^ 
here, before either profit or popularity, so I pray you, 
go on to do it much more, and be careful to send godly 
men, though they want some of that worldly policy 
which this world hath in her own generation ; and so, 
though you lose, the Lord shall gain. I rejoice greatly 
in your free and ready minds to your powers, yea, and 
beyond your powers to further this work, that you thus 
honor God with your riches ; and I trust you shall be 
repay ed again double and treble in this world, yea, 
and the memory of this action shall never die. But 

' " The great and known end of his Majesty's dominions, might, 
the first comers, in the year of owr with the liherly of a good con- 
Lord 1630, leaving their dear na- science, enjoy the pure sciiptural 
tive country and all that was dear worship of God, without the mix- 
to them there, transporting them- ture of human inventions and im- 
selves over the vast ocean into this positions; and that their cliildren 
remote waste wilderness, and there- after them might walk in the holy 
in willingly conflicting with dan- ways of the Lord." See General 
gers, losses, hardships and distress- Fundamentals, prefixed to the Laws 
es, sore and not a few, was, that of IS'ew Plymouth, published in 
without olTcnce, they, under the 1672, and reprinted in Brigham's 
protection of their native prince, edition, p. 242. 
together with the enlargement of 



262 ENCOURAGEMENT TO THE ADVENTURERS. 

CHAP, above all, adding unto this, as 1 trust you do, like free- 

ness in all other God's services, both at home and 

162 1. abroad, you shall find reward with God, ten thousand- 
fold surpassing all that you do or think. Be not, there- 
fore, discouraged, for no labor is lost nor money spent, 
which is bestowed for God. Your ends were good, 
your success is good, and your profit is coming, even 
in this life, and in the life to come much more. And 
what shall I say now ? A word to men of understand- 
ing sufficeth. Pardon, I pray you, my boldness, read 
over the ensuing treatise, and judge wisely of the poor 
weakling ; and the Lord, the God of sea and land, 
stretch out his arm of protection to you and us, and 
over all our lawful and good enterprises, either this, 
or any other way. 

Plymouth^ in New England^ Decemher 12, 1621. 



There is a generation, which think to have more in 
this world, than Adam's felicity in innocency, being 
born, as they think, to take their pleasures and their 
ease. Let the roof of the house drop through, they 
stir not ; let the field be overgrown with weeds, they 
care not ; they must not foul their hand, nor wet their 
foot. It's enough for them to say. Go you, not. Let 
us go, though never so much need. Such idle drones 
are intolerable in a settled commonwealth, much more 
in a commonwealth which is but as it were in the 
bud. Of what earth, I pray thee, art thou made ? Of 
any better than the other of the sons of Adam ? 
And canst thou see other of thy brethren toil their 
hearts out, and thou sit idle at home, or takest thy 
pleasure abroad ? 



THE SIN AND DANGER OP SELF-LOVE. 263 

It is reported that there are many men gone to that chap. 

other plantation in Virginia, which, whilst they lived 

in England, seemed very religious, zealous, and con- ^^^^' 
scionable ; and have now lost even the sap of grace, 
and edge to all goodness ; and are become mere 
worldings. This testimony I believe to be partly true, 
and amongst many causes of it, this self-love is not 
the least. It is indeed a matter of some commenda- 
tions for a man to remove himself out of a thronged 
place into a wide wilderness ; to take in hand so long 
and dangerous a journey, to be an instrument to carry 
the Gospel and humanity among the brutish heathen ; 
but there may be many goodly shows and glosses, 
and yet a pad in the straw. Men may make a great 
appearance of respect unto God, and yet but dissem- 
ble with him, having their own lusts carrying them ; 
and, out of doubt, men that have taken in hand hither 
to come, out of discontentment, in regard to their 
estates in England, and aiming at great matters here, 
affecting it to be gentlemen, landed men, or hoping 
for office, place, dignity, or fleshly liberty. Let the 
show be what it will, the substance is naught ; and 
that bird of self-love which was hatched at home, if it 
be not looked to, will eat out the life of all grace and 
goodness ; and though men have escaped the danger 
of the sea, and that cruel mortality, which swept away 
so many of our loving friends and brethren, yet except 
they purge out this self-love, a worse mischief is pre- 
pared for them. And who knowcth whether God in 
mercy have delivered those just men which here de- 
parted, from the evils to come, and from unreasonable 
men, in whom there neither was, nor is, any comfort, 
but grief, sorrow, affliction, and misery, till they cast 
out this spawn of self-love ? 



264 THE DUTY OP SELF-SACRIFICE. 

CHAP. Now, brethren, I pray you, remember yourselves, 

and know that you are not in a retired, monastical 

1621. course, but have given your names and promises one 
to another, and covenanted here to cleave together in 
the service of God and the Kino-. What then must 
you do ? May you live as retired hermits, and look 
after nobody ? Nay, you must seek still the wealth of 
one another, and inquire, as David, How liveth such a 
man ? How is he clad ? How is he fed ? He is my 
brother, my associate ; we ventured our lives together 
here, and had a hard brunt of it ; and we are in league 
together. Is his labor harder than mine ? Surely I 
will ease him. Hath he no bed to lie on ? Why, I 
have two ; I'll lend him one. Hath he no apparel ? 
Why, I have two suits ; I'll give him one of them. 
Eats he coarse fare, bread and water, and I have bet- 
ter ? Why, surely we will part stakes. He is as good 
a man as I, and we are bound each to other ; so that 
his wants must be my wants, his sorrows my sorrows, 
his sickness my sickness, and his welfare my welfare ; 
for I am as he is. And such a sweet sympathy were 
excellent, comfortable, yea, heavenly, and is the only 
maker and conserver of churches and commonwealths ; 
and where this is wanting, ruin comes on quickly. 

It wonderfully encourageth men in their duties, 
when they see the burthen equally borne ; but when 
some withdraw themselves, and retire to their own 
particular ease, pleasure, or profit, what heart can men 
have to go on in their business ? When men are come 
together to lift some weighty piece of timber, or vessel, 
if one stand still and do not lift, shall not the rest be 
weakened and disheartened ? Will not a few idle 
drones spoil the whole stock of laborious bees ? So 



THE IMPORTANCE OF PUBLIC SPIRIT. 265 

one idle belly, one murmurer, one complainer, one chap. 

self-lover, will weaken and dishearten a whole colony. 1. 

Great matters have been brought to pass, where men 1 6 2 1. 
have cheerfully, as with one heart, hand and shoulder, 
gone about it, both in wars, buildings and plantations ; 
but where every man seeks himself, all cometh to 
nothing. 

The country is yet raw ; the land untilled ; the cities 
not builded ; the cattle not settled. We are compassed 
about with a helpless and idle people, the natives of 
the country, which cannot, in any comely or comfort- 
able manner, help themselves, much less us. We also 
have been very chargeable to many of our loving 
friends, which helped us hither, and now again supplied 
us ; so that before w^e think of gathering riches, we 
must even in conscience think of requiting their 
charge, love, and labor ; and cursed be that profit and 
gain which ainieth not at this. Besides, how many of 
our dear friends did here die at our first entrance ; 
many of them, no doubt, for want of good lodging, 
shelter, and comfortable things ; and many more may 
go after them quickly, if care be not taken. Is this 
then a time for men to begin to seek themselves ? Paul 
saith, that men in the last days shall be lovers of them- 2 Tim. 

' _ ^ iii. 2. 

selves ; but it is here yet but the first days, and, as it 
were, the dawning of this new world. It is now 
therefore no time for men to look to get riches, brave 
clothes, dainty fare ; but to look to present necessities. 
It is now no time to pamper the flesh, live at ease, 
snatch, catch, scrape, and pill, and hoard up ; but 
rather to open the doors, the chests, and vessels, and 
say, Brother, neighbour, friend, what want ye ? any 
thing that I have? Make bold with it; it is yours to 
34 



266 THE GENERAL GOOD TO BE REGARDED. 

CHAP, command, to do you ffood, to comfort and cherish 

XVII 

', you ; and glad I am that 1 have it for you. 

16 21. Let there be no prodigal person to come forth and say, 
Give me the portion of lands and goods that appertam- 

*^- ^~' eth to me, and let me shift for myself^ It is yet too 
soon to put men to their shifts. Israel was seven years 
in Canaan before the land was divided unto tribes, 
much longer before it was divided unto families ; and 
why wouldest thou have thy particular portion, but be- 
cause thou thinkest to live better than thy neighbour, 
and scornest to live so meanly as he ? But who, I pray 
thee, brought this particularizing first into the world ? 
Did not Satan, who was not content to keep that equal 
state with his fellows, but would set his throne above 
the stars ? Did not he also entice man to despise his 
general felicity and happiness, and go try particular 
knowledge of good and evil ? And nothing in this 
world doth more resemble heavenly happiness, than for 
men to live as one, being of one heart and one soul ; 
neither any thing more resembles hellish horror, than 
for every man to shift for himself ; for if it be a good 
mind and practice, thus to affect particulars, mine and 
tliine^ then it should be best also for God to provide 
one heaven for thee, and another for thy neighbour. 

Objection. But some will say. If all men will do 
their endeavours, as I do, I could be content with this 

* Throughout this paragraph merit, and were clamorous for a 

there is a manifest reference to the partition of the lands, and the in- 

copartnership into which they had stitution of separate property. It 

been obliged to enter with the was the design of Mr. Cushman to 

merchant adventurers, by which exhort them to be faithful to their 

all the property and profits of the engagement, to cherish a public spi- 

Plantatioii for seven years were to rit, and to seek the general and 

be held as a joint stock, not to be ultimate good of the Colony, rather 

divided till the expiration of that than their personal and immediate 

time. The colonists had already interest. See the conditions on 

become impatient of this arrange- page 81, and note ' on page 84. 



THE NEED OF MUTUAL HELP. 267 

generality ; but many are idle and slothful, and eat cpiap. 

up others' labors, and therefore it is best to part, and '. 

then every man may do his pleasure. 1 6 2 l 

If others be idle and thou diligent, thy fellowship, 
provocation, and example may well help to cure that 
malady in them, being together ; but being asunder, 
shall they not be more idle, and shall not gentry and 
beggary be quickly the glorious ensigns of your com- 
monwealth ? 

Be not too hasty to say men are idle and slothful. 
All men have not strength, skill, faculty, spirit, and 
courage to work alike. It is thy glory and credit, 
that canst do so well, and his shame and reproach, 
that can do no better ; and are not these sufficient 
rewards to you both ? 

If any be idle apparently, you have a law and gov- 
ernors to execute the same, and to follow that rule of 
the Apostle, to keep back their bread, and let them 
not eat. Go not therefore whispering to charge men 
with idleness ; but go to the governor and prove them 
idle, and thou shalt see them have their deserts. 

And as you are a body together, so hang not toge- 
ther by skins and gymocks, but labor to be jointed 
together and knit by flesh and sinews. Away with 
envy at the good of others, and rejoice in his good, 
and sorrow for his evil. Let his joy be thy joy, and 
his sorrow thy sorrow. Let his sickness be thy sick- 
ness, his hunger thy hunger, his poverty thy poverty ; 
and if you profess friendship, be friends in adversity, 
for then a friend is known and tried, and not before. 

Lay away all thought of former things and forget 
them, and think upon the things that are. Look not 
gapingly one upon other, pleading your goodness, your 
birth, your life you hved, your means you had and 



268 EXHORTATION TO PEACE AND UNION. 

CHAP, might have had. Here you are by God's providence 

>^ -1 under difficulties ; be thankful to God it is no worse, 

1621. and take it in good part that which is, and hft not up 
yourselves because of former privileges. Consider 
therefore what you are now, and where you are. Say 
not, I could have lived thus and thus ; but say. Thus 
and thus I must live ; for God and natural necessity 
requireth, if your difficulties be great, you had need to 
cleave the faster together, and comfort and cheer up one 
another, laboring to make each other's burden hghter. 
There is no grief so tedious as a churlish compan- 
ion ; and nothing makes sorrows easy more than 
cheerful associates. Bear ye therefore one another's 
burthen, and be not a burthen one to another. Avoid 
all factions, frowardness, singularity, and withdrawings, 
and cleave fast to the Lord and one to another contin- 
ually ; so shall you be a notable precedent to these 
poor heathens, whose eyes are upon you, and who very 
brutishly and cruelly do daily eat and consume one an- 
other, through their emulations, wars and contentions. 
Be you, therefore, ashamed of it, and win them to 
peace, both with yourselves and one another, by your 
peaceable examples, which will preach louder to them 
than if you could cry in their barbarous language. 
So also shall you be an encouragement to many of 
your Christian friends in your native country, to come 
to you, when they hear of your peace, love and kind- 
ness that is amongst you. But, above all, it shall go 
well with your souls, when that God of peace and unity 
shall come to visit you with death, as he hath done 
many of your associates ; you being found of him, not 
in murmurings, discontent, and jars, but in brotherly 
love and peace, may be translated from this wander- 
ing wilderness unto that joyful and heavenly Canaan. 



WINSLOW'S RELATION. 



" Good Newes frobi New England : or a true Relation of 
things very remarkable at the Plantation of Plimoth in New- 
England. 

Shewing the wondrous providence and goodness of God, in their 
preservation and continuance, being delivered from many appa- 
rent deaths and dangers. 

Together with a Relation of such religious and civill Lawes and 
Customes, as are in practise amongst the Indians, adjoyning to 
them at this day. As also what Commodities are there to be 
raysed for the maintenance of that and other Plantations in the 
said Country. 

Written by E. W. who hath borne a part in the fore-named trou- 
bles, and there lived since their first Arrival!. 

Whereunto is added by him a briefe Relation of a credible intel- 
ligence of the present Estate of Virginia. 

London. Printed by /. D. for William Bladen and lolin Bella- 
mie, and are to be sold at their Shops, at the Bible in Paul's 
Church-yard, and at the three Golden Lyons in Corn-hill, neere 
the Royall Exchange. 1624." pp. 66, sm. 4to. 



To all ivell-ivillers and furtherers of Plantations in 
New England, especially to such as ever have or 
desire to assist the people of Plymouth in their just 
proceedings, grace and peace be midtiplied. 



Right Honorable and Worshipful Gentlemen, 
or whatsoever, 

Since it hath pleased God to stir you up to be 
instruments of his glory in so honorable an enterprise 
as the enlarging of his Majesty's dominions by planting 
his loyal subjects in so healthful and hopeful a country 
as New-England is, where the church of God being 
seated in sincerity, there is no less hope of convincing 
the heathen of their evil ways, and converting them to 
the true knowledge and worship of the living God, and 
so consequently the salvation of their souls by the me- 
rits of Jesus Christ, than elsewhere, though it be much 
talked on and lightly or lamely prosecuted, — I there- 
fore think it but my duty to offer the view of our pro- 
ceedings to your worthy considerations, having to that 
end composed them together thus briefly, as you see ; 
wherein, to your great encouragement, you may behold 
the good providence of God working with you in our 
preservation from so many dangerous plots and treach- 
eries as have been intended against us, as also in giving 



272 THE EPISTLE DEDlGATORf. 

his blessing so powerfully upon the weak means we 
had, enabling us with health and ability beyond expec- 
tation in our greatest scarcities, and possessing the 
hearts of the salvages with astonishment and fear of 
us ; whereas if God had let them loose, they might 
easily have swallowed us up, scarce being a handful in 
comparison of those forces they might have gathered 
together against us ; which now, by God's blessing, 
will be more hard and difficult, in regard our number 
of men is increased, our town better fortified, and our 
store better victualled. Blessed therefore be his 
name, that hath done so great things for us and hath 
wrought so great a change amongst us. 

Accept, I pray you, my weak endeavours, pardon 
my unskilfulness, and bear with my plainness in the 
things I have handled. Be not discouraged by our 
former necessities, but rather encouraged with us, hop- 
ing that as God hath wrought with us in our beginning 
of this worthy work, undertaken in his name and fear, 
so he will by us accomplish the same to his glory and 
our comfort, if we neglect not the means. I confess it 
hath not been much less chargeable to some of you ' 
than hard and difficult to us, that have endured the 
brunt of the battle, and yet small profits returned. 
Only, by God's mercy, we are safely seated, housed, 
and fortified, by which means a great step is made 
unto gain, and a more direct course taken for the 
same, than if at first we had rashly and covetously 
fallen upon it. 

Indeed three things are the overthrow and bane, as 
I may term it, of plantations. 

' The merchant adventurers. See pages 67 and 78. 



THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY. 273 

1. The vain expectation of present profit, which 
too commonly taketh a principal seat in the heart and 
aflection, though God's glory, &c. is preferred before 
it in the mouth with protestation. 

2. Ambition in their governors and commanders, 
seeking only to make themselves great, and slaves of all 
that are under them, to maintain a transitory base honor 
in themselves, which God oft punisheth with contempt. 

3. The carelessness of those that send over supplies 
of men unto them, not caring how they be qualified ; 
so that ofttimes they are rather the image of men en- 
dued with bestial, yea, diabolical affections, than the 
image of God, endued with reason, understanding, and 
holiness. I praise God I speak not these things expe- 
rimentally, by way of complaint of our own condition, 
but having great cause on the contrary part to be thank- 
ful to God for his mercies towards us ; but rather, if 
there be any too desirous of gain, to entreat them to 
moderate their affections, and consider that no man 
expecteth fruit before the tree be grown ; advising all 
men, that as they tender their own welfare, so to make 
choice of such to manage and govern their aflfairs, as 
are approved not to be seekers of themselves, but the 
common good of all for whom they are employed ; 
and beseeching such as have the care of transporting 
men for the supply and furnishing of plantations, to be 
truly careful in sending such as may further and not 
hinder so good an action. There is no godly, honest 
man but will be helpful in his kind, and adorn his pro- 
fession with an upright life and conversation ; which 
doctrine of manners ^ ought first to be preached by 

' This sentiment shows how little ticism, which has often been allet^ed 
obnoxious the first settlers of New against them by persons alike igno- 
England were to the charge of fana- rant of their spirit and their history, 

35 



274 



THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY. 



giving good example to the poor savage heathens 
amongst whom they hve. On the contrary part, what 
great offence hath been given by many profane men, 
who being but seeming Christians, have made Christ 
and Christianity stink in the nostrils of the poor infidels, 
and so laid a stumbling-block before them. But woe 
be to them by whom such offences come. 

These things I offer to your Christian considera- 
tions, beseeching you to make a good construction of 
my simple meaning, and take in good part this ensu- 
ing Relation, dedicating myself and it evermore unto 
your service ; beseeching God to crown our Christian 
and faithful endeavours with his blessings temporal 
and eternal. 

Yours in this service, 

Ever to be commanded, 

E. W.» 



* Edward Winslow was, ac- 
cording? to Hutchinson, " of a very 
reputable family and of a very ac- 
tive genius" — "a gentleman of 
the best family of any of the Ply- 
mouth planters, his father, Edward 
Winslow, Esq., being a person of 
some figure at Droitwich, in Wor- 
cestershire," a town seven miles 
from Worcester, celebrated for its 
salt springs. Edward was the 
eldest of eight children, and was 
born at Droitwich Oct. 19, 1595, as 
appears from the following extract 
from the records of St. Peter's 
church in that place : " 1595, Oct. 
20, baptized Edward, son of Ed- 
ward Winslow, born the previous 
Friday," which was the 19th. His 
mother's name was Magdalen ; her 
surname is unknown ; she was 
married Nov, 3, 1594. He was 
not one of the original band of Pil- 
grims who escaped to Holland in 
1608, but being on his travels, fell 
in with them at Leyden, in 1617, 



as we learn from his Brief Narra- 
tion, where he speaks of " living 
three years under Mr. Robinson's 
ministry before we began the work 
of plantation in New England." 
His name stands the third among 
the signers of the Compact on board 
the Mayflower ; and his family 
consisted at that time of his wife, 
Elizabeth, George Soule, and two 
others, perhaps his children, Ed- 
ward and John, who died young. 
As has already been seen, and will 
hereafter appear, he was one of the 
most energetic and trusted men in 
the Colony. He went to England 
in 1623, 1624, 1635 and 1646, as 
agent of the Plymouth or Massa- 
chusetts colonies ; and in 1633 he 
was chosen governor, to which 
office he was reelected in 1636 and 
1644. He did not return to New 
England after 1646. In 1655 he 
was sent by Cromwell as one of 
three commissioners to superintend 
the expedition against the Spanish 



EDWARD WINSLOW. 



275 



possessions in the West Indies, and 
died at sea, near Hispaniola, on the 
8th of May of that year, in his 60th 
year. An interesting letter, writ- 
ten by him at Barbadoes, March 
16, and addressed to Secretary 
Thnrloe, is preserved in Thurloe's 
State Papers, iii. 250. Three letters 
of his to Gov. Winthrop; one to the 
Commissioners of the United Colo- 
nies, and another to Thurloe from 
Barbadoes, March 30, are contained 
in Hutchinson's Collection of Pa- 
pers, pp. 60, 110, 153, 228, 268. 

In 1637 he obtained a grant of a 
valuable tract of land at Green's 
harbour, now Marshfield, to which 
he {.'ave the name of Careswell. 
This estate conlinued in the family 
till a few years since, when it came 
into possession of Daniel Webster, 
the late Secretary of State. 

Edward Winslow's son, (2) Josiah, 
born at Plyinouth in 1628, was gov- 
ernor of the Colony, from 1673 to 
his death in 1680, and commanded 
the New-England forces in Philip's 
war. (3) Isaac, his only surviving 
son, sustained the (^hief civil and 
military offices in the county of Ply- 
mouth after its incorporation with 
Massachusetts, and was President 
of the Provincial Council. He died 
in 1738, aged 68. (4) John, his 
son, was a captain in the expedition 
against Cuba in 1740, a colonel at 
Louisburgh in 1744, and afterwards 
a major-general in the British ser- 
vice. He died in 1774, aged 71. 
His son, (5) Isaac, was a physician 
in Marshfield, and died in 1819, 
aged SO. His only son, (6) John, 
was an attorney, and died in 1822, 
aged 48. His only surviving son, 
(7) Isaac, and the last surviving 
male descendant of Gov. Edward, 
of the name of Winslow, born in 
1813, resides in Boston, and pos- 
sesses original portraits of these his 
illustrious ancestors. See Mass. 
Hist. Coll. xxvii. 286. 

Edward Winslow had four bro- 
thers, all of whom came over to 



New England. Their names were, 
John, born in April, 1597; Kenelm, 
born, April 29, 1599 ; Gilbert, born 
in Oct. 1600 ; and Josiah, born in 
Feb. 1605. — John came in the 
Fortune in 1621, married Mary 
Chilton, who came in the May- 
flower, and removed to Boston, 
in 1655, where he died in 1674, 
aged 77. He left a numerous pos- 
terity, one of whom is Isaac Wins- 
low, Esq., of Roxbury, formerly a 
merchant in Boston. — Gilbert came 
in the Mayflower, and soon left the 
Colony, and it is thought went to 
Portsmouth, N. II. and died before 
1660. — Kenelm and Josiah arrived 
at Plymouth before 1632, and both 
settled at Marshfield. The former 
died whilst on a visit at Salem in 
l'i72, aged 73, and the latter in 
1674, aged 69. — Edward Wins- 
low's sisters were Eleanor, born 
in April, 1598, Elizabeth, horn in 
March, 1601, and Magdalen, born 
Dec. 26, 1604. Elizabeth died in 
Jan. 1604, and neither of the other 
two ever came to New England. 

For the copy of the record of St. 
Peter's Church, Droitwich, contain- 
ing the births and ba[)tisms of Ed- 
ward Winslow and his sisters and 
brothers, e\ceptin<r Josiah. I am 
indebted to Isaac Winslow, Esq., of 
Roxbury, whose son, Isaac, of New 
York, visited that place for this 
purpose in Aug. 1839. I am also 
indebted to Mr. Isaac Winslow, of 
Boston, for the loan of the family 
bible of the Winslows, containing 
on one oi its covers an ancient re- 
gister, corresponding nearly with 
the Droitwich records, with the ad- 
dition of the birth and baptism of 
Josiah, the youngest child. See 
Hutchinson's Mass. i. 187, ii. 457 — 
460; Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 281 
— 309; Mitcliell's Bridgewater, p. 

387 — 390; Deane's Scituate, p. 

388 — 390 ; Thacher's Plymouth, p. 
90 — 103, 139— 144 ; Morton's Me- 
morial, pp. 178,235,259—261,382. 
415 ; Hazard's Hist. Coll. i. 326. 



TO THE READER. 



Good Reader, 

When I first penned this Discourse, I intended it 
chiefly for the satisfaction of my private friends ; but 
since that time have been persuaded to pubhsh the 
same. And the rather, because of a disorderly colony ^ 
that are dispersed, and most of them returned, to the 
great prejudice and damage of him ^ that set them 
forth ; who, as they were a stain to Old England that 
bred them, in respect of their lives and manners 
amongst the Indians, so, it is to be feared, will be no less 
to New England, in their vile and clamorous reports, 
because she would not foster them in their desired 
idle courses. I would not be understood to think there 
were no well deserving persons amongst them ; for 
of mine knowledge it was a grief to some that they 
were so yoked ; whose deserts, as they were then 
suitable to their honest protestations, so 1 desire still 
may be in respect of their just and true Relations. 

Peradventure thou wilt rather marvel that I deal so 



• At Wessagusset, or Weymouth, ^ Thomas Weston. See note' 
of which an ample account will be on page 78. 
found in the ensuing Narrative. 



THE PREFACE. 277 

plainly, than any way doubt of the truth of this my 
Relation ; yea, it may be, tax me therewith, as seem- 
ing rather to discourage men than any way to further 
so noble an action. If any honest mind be discour- 
aged, I am sorry. Sure I am I have given no just 
cause ; and am so far from being discouraged myself, 
as I purpose to return forthwith.' And for other light 
and vain persons, if they stumble hereat, I have my 
desire, accounting it better for them and us that they 
keep where they are, as being unfit and unable to 
perform so great a task. 

Some faults have escaped because 1 could not 
attend on the press,^ which I pray thee correct, as 
thou findest, and I shall account it as a favor unto me. 

Thine, 

E. W. 

' Winslow returned in the ship ' This serves to confirm the 

Charity, in March, 1624. He had statement of numerous typographi- 

been absent six months, having cal errors in the previous Narrative, 

sailed from Plymouth in the Anne, See note on page 113, and note ' 

on the 10th of Sept. previous. See on page 174. 
Bradford, in Prince, p. 221, 225. 



L 



A BRIEF RELATION OF A CREDIBLE INTELLIGENCE OF THE 
PRESENT ESTATE OF VIRGINIA. 

At the earnest entreaty of some of my much re- 
spected friends, I have added to the former Discourse a 
Relation of such things as were credibly reported at 
Plymouth, in New England, in September last past, 
concerning the present estate of Virginia. And because 
men may doubt how we should have intelligence of 
their affairs, being we are so far distant, I will there- 
fore satisfy the doubtful therein. Captain Francis 
West ^ beinor in New England about the latter end of 
May past, sailed from thence to Virginia, and returned 
in August. In September the same ship and company 
being discharged by him at Damarin's Cove,^ came to 
New Plymouth, where, upon our earnest inquiry after 
the state of Virginia since that bloody slaughter com- 
mitted by the Indians upon our friends and country- 
men,^ the whole ship's company agreed in this, viz. 

' West had a commission as ad- in Prince, p. 218, and in Morton, 

miral of New England, to restrain p. 97. 

such ships as came to fish and trade * The Damariscove islands, five 
without license from the New or six in numher, lying west by- 
England Council ; but finding the north from Monhegan, were early 
fishermen stubborn fellows, and too resorted to and occupied as fishing- 
strong for him, he sails for Virginia; stages. See Williamson's Maine, 
and their owners complaining to i. 56. 

Parliament, procured an order that ^ On the 22d of March, 1622, at 

fishing should be free. Bradford, mid-day, the Indians, by a precon- 



THE CONDITION OP VIRGINIA. 279 

that upon all occasions they chased the Indians to and 
fro, insomuch as they sued daily unto the English for 
peace, who for the present would not admit of any ; 
that Sir George Early,^ &c. was at that present em- 
ployed upon service against them ; that amongst 
many others, Opachancano,^ the chief emperor, was 
supposed to be slain ; his son also was killed at the 
same time. And though, by reason of these fore- 
named broils in the fore part of the year, the English 
had undergone great want of food, yet, through God's 
mercy, there never was more show of plenty, having 
as much and as good corn on the ground as ever they 
had. Neither was the hopes of their tobacco crop 
inferior to that of their corn ; so that the planters were 
never more full of encouragement ; which I pray God 
long to continue, and so to direct both them and us, 
as his glory may be the principal aim and end of all 
our actions, and that for his mercy's sake. Amen. 

certed plan, fell upon the English ^ Yeaidley. See note • on p. 

settlements in Virginia, and mas- 70. 

sacred 347 persons. A war of ex- " Opechancanough, as the name 

termination immediately ensued, is commonly spelt. 

See Smith's Virginia, ii. 64 — 79, 

and Stith, p. 208—213. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

OF THEIR BEING MENACED BY THE NARRAGANSETTS, AND 
THEIR SECOND VOYAGE TO THE MASSACHUSETTS. 

CHAP. The good ship called the Fortune, which, in the 
^^l^Li month of November, 1621, (blessed be God,) brought 
16 22. us a new supply of thirty-five persons, was not long 
departed our coast, ere the great people of Nanohig- 
ganset,^ which are reported to be many thousands 
strong, began to breathe forth many threats against 
us, notwithstanding their desired and obtained peace 
with us in the foregoing summer ; insomuch as the 
common talk of our neighbour Indians on all sides was 
of the preparation they made to come against us. In 
reason a man would think they should have now more 
cause to fear us than before our supply came. But 



' The Narrag-ansetls were a nu- traveller would meet with a dozen 

merous and powerful tribe that oc- Indian towns in twenty miles, 

cupied nearly the whole of the They were a martial and formida- 

present territory of the State of ble race, and were frequently at 

Rhode Island, including the islands war with the Pokanokets on the 

in Narragansett Bay. They had east, the Pequots on the west, and 

escaped the pestilence which had the Massachusetts on the north, 

depopulated other parts of New See Gookin in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 

England, and their population at 147 ; Callender in R. I. Hist. Coll. 

this time was estimated at thirty iv. 123 ; Potter's Early History of 

thousand, of whom five thousand Narragansett, ibid. iii. 1, and 

were warriors. Roger Williams Hutchinson's Mass- i. 457. 
says they were so populous that a 



A MESSENGER FROM CANONICUS. 



281 



1622. 
Jan. 



though none of them were present, yet understanding chap. 

by others that they neither brought arms, nor other ' 

provisions with them, but wholly relied on us, it occa- 
sioned them to slight and brave us with so many threats 
as they did.^ At length came one of them to us, who 
was sent by Conanacus,^ their chief sachim or king, 
accompanied with one Tokamahamon, a friendly In- 
dian.° This messenger inquired for Tisquantum, our 
interpreter, who not being at home, seemed rather to 
be glad than sorry, and leaving for him a bundle of 
new arrows, lapped in a rattlesnake's skin, desired to 
depart with all expedition. But our governors not 
knowing what to make of this strange carriage, and 
comparing it with that we had formerly heard, com- 
mitted him to the custody of Captain Standish, hoping 
now to know some certainty of that we so often heard, 
either by his own relation to us, or to Tisquantum, at 



' " Since the death of so many or obtained ; for I never gat any 
Indians, they thought to lord it thing of Connonicus but by gift.'" 



over the rest, conceive we are a 
bar in their way, and see Massa- 
soit already take shelter under our 
wings." Bradford's Hist, quoted 
by Prince, p. 200. See pages 217 
and 219, previous. 



In 1G36 the Massachusetts Colony 
sent to him " a solemn embas- 
sage," who " observed in the sa- 
chem much state, great command 
over his men, and marvellous wis- 
dom in his answers." Edward 



Canonicus, the great sachem Johnson, who probably accompa- 



of the Narragansetts, though hos- 
tile to the Plymouth colonists, 
probably on account of their league 
with his enemy, Massasoit, show- 
ed himself friendly to the first set- 
tlers of Rhode Island, who planted 
themselves within his territory. 
Roger Williams says that " when 
the hearts of my countrymen and 
friends failed me, the Most High 
stirred up the barbarous heart of 
Connonicus to love me as his son 
to the last gasp. Were it not for 
the favor that God gave me with 
him, none of these parts, no, not 
Rhode Island had been purchased 

36 



nied the ambassadors, has given in 
his " Wonderworking Providence," 
h. ii. ch. vi. a very minute account of 
their reception and entertainment. 
He says that " Canonicus was very 
discreet in his answers." He died 
June 4th, 1047, according to Win- 
throp, " a very old man." See his 
Life in Thatcher's Indian Biogra- 
phy, i. 177 — 209, and in Drake's 
Book of the Indians, b. ii. 54 — 57. 
See also Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 215. 
229, xiv. 42—44, xvii. 75, 76 ; Sav- 
age's Winthrop, i. 192, ii. 308. 
^ See pages 211, 214, 219. 



282 THE MESSENGER INTERROGATED. 

CHAP his return, desiring myself, having special familiarity 

'. with the other forenamed Indian, to see if I could 

i() 2 2. learn any thing from him; whose answer was spar- 
ingly to this effect, that he could not certainly tell us, 
but thought they were enemies to us. 

That night Captain Standish gave me and another ^ 
charge of him, and gave us order to use him kindly, 
and that he should not want any thing he desired, and 
to take all occasions to talk and inquire of the reasons 
of those reports we heard, and withal to signify 
that upon his true relation he should be sure of his 
own freedom. At first, fear so possessed him that he 
could scarce say any thing ; but in the end became 
more familiar, and told us that the messenger which 
his master sent in summer to treat of peace, at his 
return persuaded him rather to war ; and to the end 
he might provoke him thereunto, (as appeared to him 
by our reports,) detained many of the things [which] 
were sent him by our Governor, scorning the meanness 
of them both in respect of what himself had formerly 
sent, and also of the greatness of his own person ; so 
that he much blamed the former messenger, saying, that 
upon the knowledge of this his false carriage, it would 
cost him his life, but assured us that upon his relation 
of our speech then with him to his master, he would 
be friends with us. Of this we informed the Governor 
and his Assistant^ and Captain Standish, who, after 
consultation, considered him howsoever but in the state 
of a messenger ; and it being as well against the law 
of arms amongst them as us in Europe to lay violent 



^ Probably Stephen Hopkins. ^ Isaac Allerton. See note on 
See note * on page 126, and pages page 195, and page 201. 
181, 185, and 202. 



HE BRINGS A DEFIANCE FROM CANONICUS. 283 

hands on any such, set him at hberty ; the Governor chap. 
giving him order to certify his master that he had — -^ 
heard of liis large and many threatenings, at which he 162 2, 
was much offended ; daring him in those respects to 
the utmost, if he would not be reconciled to live 
peaceably, as other his neighbours ; manifesting withal 
(as ever) his desire of peace, but his fearless resolu- 
tion, if he could not so live amongst them. After 
which he caused meat to be offered him ; but he 
refused to eat, making all speed to return, and giving 
many thanks for his liberty, but requesting the other 
Indian again to return. The weather being violent, 
he used many words to persuade him to stay longer, 
but could not. Whereupon he left him, and said he 
was with his friends, and would not take a journey in 
such extremity. 

After this, when Tisquantum returned, and the 
arrows were delivered, and the manner of the mes- 
senger's carriage related, he signified to the Governor 
that to send the rattlesnake's skin in that manner 
imported enmity, and that it was no better than a 
challenge.^ Hereupon, after some deliberation, the 
Governor stuffed the skin with powder and shot, and 
sent it back, returning no less defiance to Conanacus, 
assuring him if he had shipping now present, thereby 
to send his men to Nanohigganset, (the place of his 
abode,) they should not need to come so far by land 
to us ; yet withal showing that they should never come 

' "There is a remarkable coin- of dedarin? war by the Aracaunian 

cidence in the form of tiiis chal- Indians of South America, was by 

lenfje with that of tlie challenge sending from town to town an ar- 

given by lhe Scythian prince to row clenched in a dead man's 

Darius. Five arrows made a part hand."' Holmes, Annals, i. 177. 

of the present sent by his herald See Rollin, Anc. Hist. b. vi. s. 4; 

to the Persian king. The manner and Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 69. 



284 THE TOWN IMPALED. 

CHAP, unwelcome or unlooked for. This message was sent 

XVIII. . . . . 

by an Indian, and delivered in such sort, as it was no 

1622. small terror to this savage king; insomuch as he 
would not once touch the powder and shot, or suffer 
it to stay in his house or country. Whereupon the 
messenger refusing it, another took it up ; and having 
been posted from place to place a long time, at length 
came whole back again. 
Feb. In the mean time, knowing our own weakness, not- 
withstanding our high words and lofty looks towards 
them, and still lying open to all casualty, having as 
yet (under God) no other defence than our arms, we 
thought it most needful to impale our town ; which 
with all expedition we accomplished in the month of 
February, and some few days, taking in the top of the 
hill under which our town is seated ; making four bul- 
warks or jetties without the ordinary circuit of the 
pale, from whence we could defend the whole town ; 
in three whereof are gates,^ and the fourth in time to 
be. This being done, Captain Standish divided our 
strength into four squadrons or companies, appointing 
whom he thought most fit to have command of each ; 
and, at a general muster or training,- appointed each 
his place, gave each his company, giving them charge, 
upon every alarm, to resort to their leaders to their 
appointed place, and, in his absence, to be command- 
ed and directed by them. That done according to 
his order, each drew his company to his appointed 
place for defence, and there together discharged their 
muskets. After which they brought their new com- 

' Bradford adds, " Which are * This was the first general 

locked every night; a watch and muster in New England, and the 

ward kept in the day," Prince, embryo of our present militia sys- 

p. 200. tem. 



AN ATTACK OF THE INDIANS APPREHENDED. 285 

manders to their houses, where ac^ain they graced chap. 

O J !=> XVIII. 

them with their shot, and so departed. .-^~ 

Fearing, also, lest the enemy at any time should 1622. 
take any advantage by firing our houses. Captain 
Standish appointed a certain company, that whenso- 
ever they saw or heard fire to be cried in the town, 
should only betake themselves to their arms, and 
should enclose the house or place so endangered, and 
stand aloof on their guard, with their backs towards 
the fire, to prevent treachery, if any were in that kind 
intended. If the fire were in any of the houses of 
this guard, they were then freed from it ; but not 
otherwise, without special command. 

Long before this time we promised the people of Mar. 
Massachusets, in the beginning of March to come 
unto them, and trade for their furs ; which being then 
come, we began to make preparation for that voyage. 
In the mean time, an Indian, called Hobbamock, who 
still hved in the town, told us that he feared the 
IMassachusets or Massachuseucks (for so they called 
the people of that place,) w^ere joined in confederacy 
with the Nanohigganeucks, or people of Nanohig- 
ganset, and that they therefore would take this oppor- 
tunity to cut off Captain Standish and his company 
abroad ; but, howsoever, in the mean time, it was to 
be feared that the Nanohigganeucks would assault the 
town at home ; giving many reasons for his jealousy, 
as also that Tisquantum was in the confederacy, who, 
we should find, would use many persuasions to draw 
us from our shallops to the Indians' houses, for their 
better advantage. To confirm this his jealousy, he 
told us of many secret passages that passed between 
him and others, having their meetings ordinarily 



L 



286 A COUNCIL HELD. 

CHAP, abroad, in the woods : but if at home, howsoever, he 

xviir. 

was exchided from their secrecy ; saying it was the 

162 2. manner of the Indians, when they meant plainly, to 
deal openly ; but in this his practice there was no 
show of honesty. 

Hereupon the Governor, together with his Assist- 
ant and Captain Standish, called together such as by 
them were thought most meet for advice in so weighty 
a business ; who, after consideration hereof, came to 
this resolution ; that as hitherto, upon all occasions 
between them and us, we had ever manifested un- 
daunted courage and resolution, so it would not now 
stand with our safety to mew up ourselves in our new- 
enclosed town ; partly because our store was almost 
empty, and therefore must seek out for our daily food, 
without which we could not long subsist ; but espe- 
cially for that thereby they would see us dismayed, 
and be encouraged to prosecute their malicious pur- 
poses with more eagerness than ever they intended. 
Whereas, on the contrary, by the blessing of God, 
our fearless carriage might be a means to discourage 
and weaken their proceedings. And therefore thought 
best to proceed in our trading voyage, making this 
use of that we heard, to go the better provided, and 
use tiie more carefulness both at home and abroad, 
leaving the event to the disposing of the Almighty ; 
whose providence, as it had hitherto been over us for 
good, so we had now no cause (save our sins) to 
despair of his mercy in our preservation and continu- 
ance, where we desired rather to be instruments of 
good to the heathens about us than to give them the 
least measure of just offence. 

All things being now in readiness, the forenamed 



A DISCIIARGK OF CANNON. 287 

Captain, with ten men, accompanied with Tisquantum chap. 

and Hobbamock, set forwards for the Massachusets. -' 

But we ' had no sooner turned the point of the harbour, 1 6 22. 
called the Gurnet's Nose,^ (where, being becalmed, we 
let fall our grapnel to set things to right and prepare 
to row,) but there came an Indian of Tisquantum's 
family running to certain of our people that were from 
home with all eagerness, having his face wounded, 
and the blood still fresh on the same, calling to them 
to repair home, oft looking behind him, as if some others 
had him in chase ; saying that at Namaschet^ (a town 
some fifteen miles from us,) there were many of the 
Nanohiggansets, Massassowat^ our supposed friend, 
and Conbatant,^ our feared enemy, with many others, 
with a resolution to take advantage on the present 
opportunity to assault the town in the Captain's ab- 
sence ; affirming that he received the wound in his 
face for speaking in our behalf, and by sleight escaped ; 
looking oft backward, as if he suspected them to be at 
hand. This he affirmed again to the Governor ; where- 



' This indicates that the writer several places on the coast of Eng^- 

himseir, Winslow, was one of the land ; in the Channel we believe 

parly. there are at least two." Connected 

* So early was the name of Gur- with the Gurnet by a narrow neck, 
net given to this remarkable fea- and contiguous to Clark's island, is 
ture of Plymouth harbour. It is a another headland, called Saquish, 
peninsula or promontory, connect- containing ten or fourteen acres, 
ed witli Marshfield by a beach See note " on page 1G4, Mass. Hist, 
about six miles long, called Salt- Coll. xiii. 182, 204, and Thacher"s 
house beach. It contains about Plymoutli, p. 330. 
twenty-seven acres of excellent ^ See note * on page 204. 
soil. On its southern extremity, ^ The sachem of the Wampa- 
or nose, are two light-houses. It noags. See note* on page 191. 
probably received its name from It will be observed that Winslow 
some headland known to the Pil- spells many of the Indian words 
grims in the mother country. The differently from Bradford in the pre- 
late Samuel Davis, of Plymouth, ceding Journal, 
the accurate topographer, and faith- * The same as Coubatant or Cor- 
ful chronicler of the Old Colony, bitant. See note ' on page 219. 
says, " Gurnet is the name of 



288 THE TOWN ALARMED. 

CHAP, upon he ffave command that three pieces of ordnance 

XVill. A C5 1 

V— — should be made ready and discharged, to the end that 
1622. if we were not out of hearing, we might return there- 
at ; which we no sooner heard, but we repaired home- 
ward with all convenient speed, arming ourselves, and 
makinsf all in readiness to fight. When we entered 
the harbour, we saw the town likewise on their guard, 
whither we hasted with all convenient speed. The 
news being made known unto us, Hobbamock said 
flatly that it was false, assuring us of Massassowat's 
faithfulness. Howsoever, he presumed he would never 
have undertaken any such act without his privity, him- 
self being a pinse,^ that is, one of his chiefest cham- 
pions or men of valor ; it being the manner amongst 
them not to undertake such enterprises without the 
advice and furtherance of men of that rank. To this 
the Governor answered, he should be sorry that any 
just and necessary occasions of war should arise be- 
tween him and any [of] the savages, but especially 
Massassowat ; not that he feared him more than the 
rest, but because his love more exceeded towards him 
than any. Whereunto Hobbamock replied, there 
was no cause wherefore he should distrust him, and 
therefore should do well to continue his affections. 

But to the end things might be made more manifest, 
the Governor caused Hobbamock to send his wife with 
all privacy to Puckanokick, the chief place of Massas- 
sowat's residence, (pretending other occasions,) there 
to inform herself, and so us, of the right state of things. 
When she came thither, and saw all things quiet, and 
that no such matter was or had been intended, [she] 
told Massassowat what had happened at Plymouth, (by 

' What is now called a brave. 



TISdUANTUM'S DOUBLE-DEALING. 289 

them called Patuxet : ^) which, when he understood, chap. 

xvin. 
he was much offended at the carriage of Tisquantum, 

returning many thanks to the Governor for his good ^.^^.^• 
thoughts of him, and assuring him that, according to 
their first Articles of Peace,^ he would send word and 
give warning when any such business was towards. 

Thus by degrees we began to discover Tisquantum, 
whose ends were only to make himself great in the 
eyes of his countrymen, by means of his nearness and 
favor with us ; not caring who fell, so he stood. In 
the general, his course was to persuade them he could 
lead us to peace or war at his pleasure, and would oft 
threaten the Indians, sending them word in a private 
manner we were intended shortly to kill them, that 
thereby he might get gifts to himself, to work their 
peace ; insomuch as they had him in greater esteem 
than many of their sachims ; yea, they themselves 
sought to him, who promised them peace in respect of 
us, yea, and protection also, so as they would resort to 
him ; so that whereas divers were wont to rely on 
Massassowat for protection, and resort to his abode, 
now they began to leave him and seek after Tisquan- 
tum. Now, though he could not make good these his 
large promises, especially because of the continued 
peace between Massassowat and us, he therefore raised 
this false alarm ; hoping, whilst things were hot in the 
heat of blood, to provoke us to march into his country 
against him, whereby he hoped to kindle such a flame 
as would not easily be quenched ; and hoping if that 
block were once removed, there were no other be- 
tween him and honor, which he loved as his life, and 

* See page 183, and note on page * See the Articles on page 193. 
245. 

37 



290 SECOND VISIT TO BOSTON HARBOUR. 

CHAP, preferred before his peace. For these and the hke 

xviii. ^ 

abuses the Governor sharply reproved him ; yet was 

1^2.^- he so necessary and profitable an instrument, as at 
that time we could not miss him. But when we 
understood his dealings, we certified all the Indians of 
our ignorance and innocency therein ; assuring them, 
till they begun with us, they should have no cause to 
fear ; and if any hereafter should raise any such re- 
ports, they should punish them as liars and seekers of 
their and our disturbance ; which gave the Indians 
good satisfaction on all sides. 

After this we proceeded in our voyage to the Mas- 
sachusets ; where we had good store of trade, ^ and 
(blessed be God) returned in safety, though driven 
from before our town in great danger and extremity 
of weather. 

At our return we found Massassowat at the Planta- 
tion ; who made his seeming just apology for all former 
matters of accusation, being much offended and en- 
raged against Tisquantum ; whom the Governor paci- 
fied as much as he could for the present. But not long 
after his departure, he sent a messenger to the Gov- 
ernor, entreating him to give way to the death of Tis- 
quantum, who had so much abused him. But the 
Governor answered, although he had deserved to die, 
both in respect of him and us, yet for our sakes he 
desired he would spare him ; and the rather, because 
without him he knew not well how to understand him- 
self or any other the Indians.^ With this answer the 
messenger returned, but came again not long after, 
accompanied with divers others, demanding him from ^ 

' We should like to have known ^ See note ^ on page 183. 
more about this second voyage to ^ On the part of. 
Boston harbour. See page 224. 



MASSASOIT DEMANDS TISQUANTUM. 291 

Massassowat, their master, as being one of his subjects, chap. 
whom, by our first Articles of Peace, we could not ^^^~^~^ 
retain. Yet because he would not willingly do it with- 1622. 

May. 

out the Governor's approbation, offered him many bea- 
vers' skins for his consent thereto, saying that, according 
to their manner, their sachim had sent his own knife, 
and them therewith, to cut off his head and hands, and 
bring them to him. To which the Governor answered, 
It was not the manner of the English to sell men's 
lives at a price, but when they had deserved justly to 
die, to give them their reward ; and therefore refused 
their beavers as a gift ; but sent for Tisquantum, who, 
though he knew their intent, yet offered not to fly, but 
came and accused Hobbamock as the author and work- 
er of his overthrow, yielding himself to the Governor 
to be sent or not according as he thought meet. But 
at the instant when our Governor was ready to deliver 
him into the hands of his executioners, a boat was 
seen at sea to cross before our town, and fall behind 
a headland^ not far off. Whereupon, having heard 
many rumors of the French, and not knowing whether 
there were any combination between the savages and 
them, the Governor told the Indians he would first 
know what boat that was ere he would dehver them 
into their custody. But being mad with rage, and 
impatient at delay, they departed in great heat. 

Here let me not omit one notable, though wicked 
practice of this Tisquantum ; who, to the end he 
might possess his countrymen with the greater fear of 
us, and so consequently of himself, told them we had 

' This headland is Hither Man- mark in Barnstable bay, being visi- 

omet Point, forming the southern ble fiom all points of its circling 

boundary of Plymouth bay. Man- shore, from Sandwich to Province- 

omet is the most prominent land- town. See note * on page 148. 



292 SCARCITY OF PROVISIONS. 

CHAP, the plague buried in our store-house : which, at our 

pleasure, we could send forth to what place or people 

16 22. vve would, and destroy them therewith, though we 
stirred not from home. Being, upon the forenamed 
brabbles,^ sent for by the Governor to this place, 
where Hobbamock was and some other of us, the 
ground being broke in the midst of the house, where- 
under certain barrels of powder were buried, though 
unknown to him, Hobbamock asked him what it 
meant. To whom he readily answered. That was the 
place wherein the plague was buried, whereof he 
formerly told him and others. After this Hobba- 
mock asked one of our people, whether such a thing 
were, and whether we had such command of it ; who 
answered. No ; but the God of the English had it in 
store, and could send it at his pleasure to the destruc- 
tion of his and our enemies. 

This was, as I take it, about the end of May, ] 622 ; 
at which time our store of victuals was wholly spent, 
having lived long before with a bare and short allow- 
ance. The reason was, that supply of men, before 
mentioned,^ which came so unprovided, not landing 
so much as a barrel of bread or meal for their whole 
company, but contrariwise received from us for their 
ship's store homeward. Neither were the setters 
forth thereof altogether to be blamed therein, but 
rather certain amongst ourselves, who were too 
prodigal in their writing and reporting of that plenty 
we enjoyed.^ But that I may return. 

This boat proved to be a shallop, that belonged to a 



' Brabbles, clamors. ^ Winslow himself had sent 

^ The passengers in the Fortune, home too flattering an account of 
See page 234. their condition. See page 232. 



WINSLOW GOES TO MONHEGAN. 293 

fishing ship, called the Sparrow, set forth by Master chap. 
Thomas Weston, late merchant and citizen of London, .^^-..^ 
which brought six or seven passengers at his charge, 1622. 
that should before have been landed at our Plantation ;^ ^^' 
who also brought no more provision for the present 
than served the boat's gang for their return to the ship ; 
which made her voyage at a place called Damarin's 
Cove,^ near Munhiggen, some forty leagues from us 
northeastward ; about which place there fished about 
thirty sail of ships, and whither myself was employed 
by our Governor, with orders to take up such victuals 
as the ships could spare ; where I found kind enter- 
tainment and good respect, with a willingness to sup- 
ply our wants. But being not able to spare that 
quantity I required, by reason of the necessity of some 
amongst themselves, whom they supplied before my 
coming, would not take any bills for the same, but did 
what they could freely, wishing their store had been 
such as they might in greater measure have expressed 
their own love, and supplied our necessities, for which 
they sorrowed, provoking one another to the utmost of 



' " She brings a letter to Mr. he can, but writes to others to do 

Carver from Mr. Weston, of Jan. the like ; by which means he gets 

17. By his letter we find he has as much bread as amounts to a 

quite deserted us, and is going to quarter of a pound a persoa per 

settle a plantation of his own. The day till harvest; the Governor 

boat brings us a kind letter from causing their portion to be daily 

Mr. John Huddleston, a captain of given them, or some had starved, 

a ship fishing at the eastward, And by this voyage we not only 

whose name we never heard be- got a present supply, but also learn 

fore, to inform us of a massacre of the way to those parts for our fu- 

400 English by the Indians in Vir- ture benefit." Bradford, in Piince, 

ginia, whence he came. By this p. 202. Huddleston's letter, (or 

boat the Governor returns a grate- Hudston's, as Morton calls him,) 

ful answer, and with them sends may be found in New England's 

Mr. Winslow in a boat of ours to Memorial, p. 80. See note ' on 

get provisions of the fishing ships ; page 278. 
whom Captain Huddleston receives * See note * on page 278. 
kindly, and not only spares what 



294 THE COLONY IN A FAMISHING CONDITION. 

CHAP, their abilities: which, although it were not much 

XVJII. ' ' b 

• amongst so many people as were at the Plantation, 

16 2 2. yet through the provident and discreet care of the 
governors, recovered and preserved strength till our 
own crop on the ground was ready. 

Having dispatched there, I returned home with all 
speed convenient, where I found the state of the Col- 
ony much weaker than when I left it ; for till now we 
were never without some bread, the want whereof 
much abated the strength and flesh of some, and 
swelled others. But here it may be said, if the coun- 
try abound with fish and fowl in such measure as is 
reported, how could men undergo such measure of 
hardness, except through their own negligence.^ I 
answer, every thing must be expected in its proper 
season. No man, as one saith, will go into an orchard 
in the winter to gather cherries ; so he that looks for 
fowl there in the summer, will be deceived in his ex- 
pectation. The time they continue in plenty with us, 
is from the beginning of October to the end of March ; 
but these extremities befell us in May and June. I con- 
fess, that as the fowl decrease, so fish increase. And 
indeed their exceeding abundance was a great cause of 
increasing our wants. For though our bay and creeks 
were full of bass and other fish, yet for want of fit and 
strong seines and other netting, they for the most part 
brake through, and carried all away before them.^ And 
though the sea were full of cod, yet we had neither 
tackling nor hawsers for our shallops. And indeed had 
we not been in a place, where divers sort of shell-fish 
are, that may be taken with the hand, we must have 

' See note ^ on page 171. 



A FORT BUILT ON BURIAL HILL. 295 

perished, unless God had raised some unknown or chap. 

extraordinary means for our preservation. .' 

In the time of these straits, indeed before my going I622. 
to Munhiggen, the Indians began again to cast forth 
many insulting speeches, glorying in our weakness, 
and giving out how easy it would be ere long to cut 
us off. Now also Massassowat seemed to frown on 
us, and neither came or sent to us as formerly. These 
things occasioned further thoughts of fortification. 
And whereas we have a hill called the Mount,^ 
enclosed within our pale, under which our town is 
seated, we resolved to erect a fort thereon ; from 
whence a few might easily secure the town from any 
assault the Indians can make, whilst the rest might be 
employed as occasion served. This work was begun 
with great eagerness, an^ with the approbation of all 
men, hoping that this being once finished, and a con- 
tinual guard there kept, it would utterly discourage 
the savages from having any hopes or thoughts of 
rising against us. And though it took the greatest 
part of our strength from dressing our corn, yet, life 
being continued, we hoped God would raise some 
means in stead thereof for our further preservation. 

* The burying-hill. See page in Plymouth. After the fort was 

168. The intelligence of the mas- used as a place of worship, it is 

sacre in Virginia reached Plymouth probable they began to bury their 

in May, and was the immediate dead around it. Before that time 

incitement to the erection of this the burial-place was on the bank, 

fort. See page 279. above the rock on which the land- 

" Some traces of the fort are still ing was made." Judge Davis's 

visible on the eminence called the note in Morton's Memorial, p. 82. 

burying-hill, directly above the See note * on page 168, and page 

meeting-house of the first church 169 previous. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

OF TFIE PLANTING OF MASTER WESTON'S COLONY AT WES- 
SAGUSSET, AND OF SUMDRY EXCURSIONS AFTER CORN. 



CHAP. In the end of June, or beginning of July, came into 

XIX. 

our harbour two ships of Master Weston's aforesaid ; 

Y f ^' the one called the Charity,^ the other the Swan ; hav- 
ing in them some fifty or sixty men, sent over at his 
own charge to plant for him.^ These we received 
into our town, affording them whatsoever courtesy 
our mean condition could afford. There the Charity, 
being the bigger ship, left them, having many passen- 
gers which she was to land in Virginia. In the mean 
time the body of them refreshed themselves at Ply- 
mouth, whilst some most fit sought out a place for 



' By Mr. Weston's ship comes 
a letter from Mr. John Pierce, in 
whose name the Plymouth patent 
is taken, signifying that whom the 
governor admits into the associa- 
tion, he will approve." Bradford, 
in Prince, p. 204. 

* They came upon no religious 
design, as did the planters of Ply- 
mouth ; so they were far from be- 
ing Puritans. Mr. Weston in a 
letter owns that many of them are 
rude and profane fellows. Mr. 
Cushman in another writes, " They 
are no men for us, and I fear they 



will hardly deal so well with the 
savages as they should. I pray 
you therefore signify to Squanto 
that they are a distinct body from 
us, and we have nothing to do with 
them, nor must be blamed for their 
faults, much less can warrant their 
fidelity." And Mr. John Pierce in 
another writes, " As for Mr. Wes- 
ton's company they are so base in 
condition for the most part, as in 
all appearance not fit for an honest 
man's company. I wish they prove 
otherwise." Bradford, in Prince, 
p. 203. 



WESTON'S COLOxNY SETTLE AT WEYMOUTH. 297 

them. That little store of corn we had was exceeding- chap. 



XIX. 



\y wasted by the unjust and dishonest walking of these 
strangers; who, though they would sometimes seem 1622. 
to help us in our labor about our corn, yet spared not 
day and night to steal the same, it being then eatable 
and pleasant to taste, though green and unprofitable ; 
and though they received much kindness, set light 
both by it and us, not sparing to requite the love we 
showed them, with secret backbitings, revihngs, &c., 
the chief of them being forestalled and made against 
us before they came, as after appeared. Nevertheless, 
for their master's sake, who formerly had deserved 
well from us,^ we continued to do them vi^hatsoever 
good or furtherance we could, attributing these things 
to the want of conscience and discretion, expecting 
each day when God in his providence would disbur- 
den us of them, sorrowing that their overseers were 
not of more ability and fitness for their places, and 
much fearing what would be the issue of such raw 
and unconscionable beginnings. 

At length their coasters returned, having found in 
their judgment a place fit for plantation, within the 
bay of the Massachusets - at a place called by the Indi- 
ans Wichaguscusset.^ To which place the body of 
them went with all convenient speed, leaving still with 
us such as were sick and lame, by the Governor's 
permission, though on their parts undeserved ; whom 
our surgeon, '^ by the help of God, recovered gratis for 
them, and they fetched home, as occasion served. 

They had not been long from us, ere the Indians 



' See note ' on page 78. ^ Or Wessagusset, now called 

' Boston harbour. See notes ' Weymouth, 

and * on page 225. ■• Dr. Fuller. See note 'on p. 222 

38 



298 THE PILGRIMS FEEBLE AND DESTITUTE. 

CHAP, filled our ears with clamors against them, for stealinor 

XIX . 

v^-..^ their corn, and other abuses conceived by them. At 
16 22. vvhich we grieved the more, because the same men,^ 
in mine own hearing, had been earnest in persuading 
Captain Standish, before their coming, to sohcit our 
Governor to send some of his men to plant by them, 
alleging many reasons how it might be commodious 
for us. But we knew no means to redress those 
abuses, save reproof, and advising them to better 
walking, as occasion served. 
Aug. In the end of August, came other two ships into our 
harbour. The one, as I take it, was called the Disco- 
very, Captain Jones ~ having the command thereof ; 
the other was that ship of Mr. Weston's, called the 
Sparrow, which had now made her voyage of fish, and 
was consorted with the other, being both bound for 
Virginia.^ Of Captain Jones we furnished ourselves 
of such provisions as we most needed, and he could 
best spare ; who, as he used us kindly, so made us pay 
largely for the things we had. And had not the Al- 
mighty, in his all-ordering providence, directed him to 
us, it would have gone worse with us than ever it had 
been, or after was ; for as we had now but small store 
of corn for the year following, so, for want of supply, 
we were worn out of all manner of trucking-stuff, not 
having any means left to help ourselves by trade ; but, 
through God's good mercy towards us, he had where- 



' That is, the same Indians. bound for Virginia ; " and Brad- 

^ This is supposed to be the same ford states that "she was on her 

Jones who was captain of the May- way from Virginia homeward, be- 

flower. See note ' on page 102, ing sent out by some merchants to 

and note ^ on page 166. discover the shoals about Cape Cod, 

^ Prince says, p. 205, that " Mr. and harbours between this and 

Winslovv seems to mistake in Virginia." 
thinking Captain Jones was now 



PROPOSED EXCURSION AFTER CORN. 299 

with, and did supply our wants on that kind compe- chap. 
tently.^ L 

In the end of September, or beginning of Octo- 1622. 
ber, Mr. Weston's biggest ship, called the Charity, re- 
turned for England, and left their colony sufficiently 
victualled, as some of most credit amongst them re- 
ported. The lesser, called the Swan, remained with 
his colony, for their further help. At which time they 
desired to join in partnership with us, to trade for 
corn ; to which our Governor and his Assistant'^ 
agreed, upon such equal conditions, as were drawn 
and confirmed between them and us. The chief 
places aimed at were to the southward of Cape Cod ; 
and the more, because Tisquantum, whose peace 
before this time was wrought with Massassowat, un- 
dertook to discover unto us that supposed, and still 
hoped, passage within the shoals. 

Both colonies being thus agreed, and their compa- 
nies fitted and joined together, we resolved to set 
forward, but were oft crossed in our purposes. As 
first Master Richard Greene, brother-in-law to Master 
Weston, who from him had a charge in the oversight 
and government of his colony, died suddenly at our 
Plantation, to whom we gave burial befitting his place, 
in the best manner we could. Afterward, having fur- 
ther order to proceed by letter from their other Gover- 
nor at the Massachusets, twice Captain Standish set 
forth with them, but were driven in again by cross 
and violent winds ; himself the second time being sick 

' " Of her we buj' knives and we are fitted to trade both for corn 

beads, which is now good trade, and beaver." Bradford, in Prince, 

though at cent, per cent, or more, p. 205, and in Morton's Memorial, 

and yet pay away coat beaver at p. 83. 
3s. a pound, (which a few years ^ Isaac Allerton. 
after yields 205.) ; by which means 



300 BRADFORD EXTERS CHATHAM HARBOUR, 

CHAP, of a violent fever. By reason whereof four own wants 

XIX. 

.^ — being like to be now greater than formerly, partly be- 

16 22. cause we were enforced to neglect our corn and spend 
much time in fortification, but especially because such 
havock was made of that little we had, through the un- 
just and dishonest carriage of those people, before men- 
tioned, at our first entertainment of them,) our Gover- 
nor in his own person supplied the Captain's place ; 
Nov. and, in the month of November, again set forth, 
having Tisquantum for his interpreter and pilot ; who 
affirmed he had twice passed within the shoals of Cape 
Cod, both with English and French. Nevertheless 
they went so far with him, as the master of the ship 
saw no hope of passage ; but being, as he thought, in 
danger, bare up, and according to Tisquantum's direc- 
tions, made for a harbour not far from them, at a place 
called Manamoycke ; ^ which they found, and sound- 
ing it with their shallop, found the channel, though 
but narrow and crooked ; where at length they har- 
boured the ship. Here they perceived that the tide 
set in and out with more violence at some other place 
more southerly,^ which they had not seen nor could 
discover, by reason of the violence of the season all 
the time of their abode there. Some judged the en- 
trance thereof might be beyond the shoals ; but there 
is no certainty thereof as yet known. 

That night the Governor, accompanied with others, 
having Tisquantum for his interpreter, went ashore. 
At first, the inhabitants played least in sight, because 
none of our people had ever been there before ; but 
understanding the ends of their coming, at length came 
to them, welcoming our Governor according to their 

* Chatham- ' See note ' on page 103. 



I 



DEATH OF TISQUANTUM. 301 

savage manner : refreshinaj them very well with store chap. 

of venison and other victuals, which they brought them 

in great abundance; promising to trade with them, ^^^^• 
with a seeming gladness of the occasion. Yet their 
joy was mixed with much jealousy, as appeared by 
their after practices ; for at first they were loth their 
dwellings should be known ; but when they saw our 
Governor's resolution to stay on the shore all night, 
they brought him to their houses, having first conveyed 
all their stuff to a remote place, not far from the same ; 
which one of our men, walking forth occasionally, 
espied. Whereupon, on the sudden, neither it nor 
they could be found ; and so many times after, upon 
conceived occasions, they would be all gone, bag and 
baggage. But being afterwards, by Tisquantum's 
means better persuaded, they left their jealousy, and 
traded with them ; where they got eight hogsheads 
of corn and beans, though the people were but few. 
This gave our Governor and the company good en- 
couragement ; Tisquantum being still confident in the 
passage, and the inhabitants affirming they had seen 
ships of good burthen pass within the shoals aforesaid. 
But here, though they had determined to make a 
second essay, yet God had otherways disposed ; who 
struck Tisquantum with sickness, insomuch as he there 
died ; ^ which crossed their southward trading, and the 

* His disorder was a fever, ac- Prince, p. 206, and in Morton, 
companied with " a bleeding at the p. 85. Judge Davis adds in his 
nose, which the Indians reckon a note, that " Governor Bradford's 
fatal symptom." Before his death pen was worthily employed in the 
" he desired the Governor (Brad- tender notice taken of the death of 
ford) to pray that he might go to this child of nature. With some 
the Englishman's God in heaven, aberrations, his conduct was gen- 
bequeathing divers of his things to erally irreproachable, and his useful 
sundry of his English friends, as services to the infant settlement 
remembrances of his love ; of whom entitle him to grateful remem- 
we had great loss." Bradford, in brance." 



302 CORN PROCURED AT EASTHAM AND YARMOUTH. 

CHAP, more, because the master's sufficiency was much 

XIX 

doubted, and the season very tempestuous, and not fit 

16 22. to go upon discovery, having no guide to direct them. 
From thence they departed ; and the wind being 
fair for the Massachusets, went thither, and the rather, 
because the savages, upon our motion, had planted 
much corn for us, which they promised not long be- 
fore that time. When they came thither, they found 
a great sickness to be amongst the Indians, not unlike 
the plague, if not the same. They renewed their 
complaints to our Governor, against that other planta- 
tion seated by them, for their injurious walking. But 
indeed the trade both for furs and corn was over- 
thrown in that place, they giving as much for a quart 
of corn as we used to do for a beaver's skin ; so that 
little good could be there done. 

From thence they returned into the bottom of the 
bay of Cape Cod, to a place called Nauset ; where the 
sachim ^ used the Governor very kindly, and where they 
bought eight or ten hogsheads of corn and beans ; also 
at a place called Mattachiest,^ where they had like 
kind entertainment and corn also. During the time 
of their trade in these places, there were so great and 
violent storms, as the ship was much endangered, and 
our shallop cast away ; so that they had now no means 
to carry the corn aboard that they had bought, the ship 
riding by their report well near two leagues from the 
same, her own boat being small, and so leaky, (having 
no carpenter with them,) as they durst scarce fetch 
wood or water in her. Hereupon the Governor caused 
the corn to be made in a round stack, and bought mats, 

' Aspinet. See page 216. ble and Yarmouth harbours. See 

^ The country between Barnsta- note ' on page 215. 



BRADFORD RETURNS HOME BY LAND. 303 

and cut sedge, to cover it ; and gave charge to the In- chap. 

dians not to meddle with it, promising him that dwelt . — -1. 

next to it a reward, if he would keep vermin also from i ^ 2 2. 

, . . , Nov. 

it ; which he undertook, and the sachim promised to 

make good. In the mean time, according to the 

Governor's request, the sachim sent men to seek the 

shallop ; which they found buried almost in sand at a 

high water mark, having many things remaining in 

her, but unserviceable for the present; whereof the 

Governor gave the sachim special charge, that it 

should not be further broken, promising ere long to 

fetch both it and the corn ; assuring them, if neither 

were diminished, he would take it as a sign of their 

honest and true friendship, which they so much made 

show of ; but if they were, they should certainly smart 

for their unjust and dishonest dealing, and further 

make good whatsoever they had so taken. So he did 

likewise at Mattachiest, and took leave of them, being 

resolved to leave the ship and take his journey home 

by land with our own company, sending word to the 

ship that they should take their first opportunity to go 

for Plymouth, where he determined, by the permission 

of God, to meet them. And having procured a guide, 

it being no less than fifty miles to our Plantation,^ set 

forward, receiving all respect that could be from the 

Indians in his journey ; and came safely home, though 

weary and surbated ; ^ whither some three days after 

the ship ^ also came. 

The corn being divided, which they had got. Master 

Weston's company went to their own plantation ; it 



' The distance from Eastham ^ With galled feet, 
to Piymoutli by land is about fifty ^ The Swan. See page 299. 
miles. 



304 STANDISH GOES TO EASTHAM. 

CHAP, being further agreed, that they should return with all 
XIX. . . 

-_J^ convenient speed, and bring their carpenter, that they 

1623. might fetch the rest of the corn, and save the shallop. 

At their return, Captain Standish, being recovered 
and in health, took another shallop, and went with 
them to the corn, which they found in safety as they 
left it. Also they mended the other shallop, and got 
all their corn aboard the ship. This was in January, 
as I take it, it being very cold and stormy ; insomuch 
as, (the harbour being none of the best,) they were 
constrained to cut both the shallops from the ship's 
stern ; and so lost them both a second time. But the 
storm being over, and seeking out, they found them 
both, not having received any great hurt. 

Whilst they were at Nauset, having occasion to lie 
on the shore, laying their shallop in a creek ^ not far 
from them, an Indian came into the same, and stole 
certain beads, scissors, and other trifles, out of the 
same ; which, when the Captain missed, he took cer- 
tain of his company with him, and went to the sachim, 
telling him what had happened, and requiring the 
same again, or the party that stole them, (who was 
known to certain of the Indians,) or else he would 
revenge it on them before his departure ; and so took 
leave for that night, being late, refusing whatsoever 
kindness they offered. On the morrow the sachim 
came to their rendezvous, accompanied with many 
men, in a stately manner, who saluted ^ the Captain in 
this wise. He thrust out his tongue, that one might 
see the root thereof, and therewith licked his hand 

' Nauset, or Easthara, abounds * In the original sa/w^m^,- prob- 
with creeks. See note * on page ably a typographical error. 
156, and Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 155, 
188. 



k 



BRADFORD AT MIDDLEBOROUGH AND SANDWICH. 305 

from the wrist to the finorer's end, withal bowing the chap. 

. . , . . XIX. 

knee, striving to imitate the Enghsh gesture, being _-,^ 
instructed therein formerly by Tisquantum. His men 1 6 2 3. 
did the like, but in so rude and savage a manner, as 
our men could scarce forbear to break out in open 
laughter. After salutation, he dehvered the beads 
and other things to the Captain, saying he had much 
beaten the party for doing it ; causing the women to 
make bread, and bring them, according to their desire ; 
seeming to be very sorry for the fact, but glad to be 
reconciled. So they departed and came home in 
safety ; where the corn was equally divided, as before. 

After this the Governor went to two other inland 
towns, with another company, and bought corn like- 
wise of them. The one is called Namasket,' the other 
Manomet.^ That from Namasket was brought home 
partly by Indian women f but a great sickness arising 
amongst them, our own men were enforced to fetch 
home the rest. That at Manomet the Governor left 
in the sachim's custody. 

This town lieth from us south, well near twenty 
miles, and stands upon a fresh river, which runneth 
into the bay of Nanohigganset,'* and cannot be less 
than sixty miles from thence. It will bear a boat of 



' See note * on page 204. miles with a hundred weight of 
* The part of Sandwich, which lobsters at their backs ; in winter 
lies on Rlanoinet river. F. they are their husbands' porters to 
^ " It is almost incredible," says lug home their veniion." See 
Roger Williams, " what burthens Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 149, iii. 212, 
the poor women carry of corn, of and Wood's New England's Pros- 
fish, of beans, of mats, and a child pect, partii. ch.20. 
besides." Gookin says, " In their ^ This is called Manomet or 
removals from place to place, for Buzzard's bay, though Winslow 
their fishing and hunting, the wo- seems to mistake it for Narragan- 
men carry the greatest burthen." sett bay, which is near twenty 
And Wood says, " In tlie summer leagues to the westward. Prince, 
they trudge home two or three p. 308. 

39 



306 



BUZZARD'S BAY. 



1623. 
Jan. 



CHAP, eight or ten tons to this place. Hither the Dutch or 

XIX. 

^^^^ French, or both, use to come. It is from hence to the 
bay of Cape Cod, about eight miles ;.^ out of which 
bay it floweth into a creek some six miles, almost 
direct towards the town. The heads of the river and 
this creek are not far distant. This river yieldeth, 
thus high, oysters,^ muscles, clams,^ and other shell- 
fish ; one in shape like a bean,^ another like a clam ; 
both good meat, and great abundance at all times ; 
besides it aboundeth with divers sorts of fresh fish in 
their seasons.^ 



' " This creek runs out easterly 
into Cape Cod bay at Scussett har- 
bour ; and this river runs out west- 
erly into Manomet bay. The dis- 
tance overland from bay to bay is 
but six miles. The creek and river 
nearly meet in a low ground ; and 
this is the place, through which 
there has been a talk of making- 
a canal, this forty years , which 
would be a vast advantage to all 
these countries, by saving the long 
and dangerous navigation round 
the Cape, and through the shoals 
adjoining." Prince, p. 208, (A. D. 
1736.) Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 122. 

"^ Oysters are still found in great 
excellence and plenty in Sandwich, 
on the shores of Buzzard's bay. 
See Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 122. 

^ The common clam, (mya are- 
naria,) or perhaps the quahaug, 
{venus mcrcenaria.) The English 
call the former the sand-gaper, the 
word clam not being in use among 
them, and not to be found in their 
dictionaries. And yet it is men- 
tioned by Captain Smith, in his 
Description of New England, print- 
ed in 1616. Johnson, whose Won- 
derworking Providence was pub- 
lished in 1654, speaks of " dam- 
banks, a fish as big as horse-mus- 
cles." Morton too, in his New 
English Canaan, (1637) mentions 
them, and Josselyn, (1672) in his 



Rarities, p. 96, speaks of "clam, 
or clamp, a kind of shell-fish, a 
white muscle." Wood says, ch. 
ix. " clams or clamps is a shell- 
fish not much unlike a cockle ; it 
lieth under the sand. These fishes 
be in great plenty. In some places 
of the country there be clams as big 
as a penny white-loaf." See Mass. 
Hist. Col. iii. 224, viii. 193, xiii. 
125, xxvi. 121, and Dr. Gould's Re- 
port on the Mollusca of Mass. pp. 
40—42, and 85, 86. 

■* The razor-shell, {solen,) which 
very much resembles a bean pod, 
or the haft of a razor, both in size 
and shape. See Mass. Hist. Coll. 
viii. 192. Josselyn calls them 
" sheath fish, which are very plen- 
tiful, a delicate fish, as good as a 
prawn, covered with a thin shell 
like the sheath of a knife, and of 
the color of a muscle." And Mor- 
ton says, " razor fishes there are." 

" The animal is cylindrical, and 
is often used as an article of food 
under the name of long-clam, razor- 
fish, knife-handle, &c." See Dr. 
Gould's Report on the Mollusca of 
Massachusetts, p. 29. 

° In Manomet river, as well as 
in Buzzard's and Buttermilk bays, 
are found fish of various kinds, 
such as bass, sheep's head, tautaug, 
scuppaug, &c. See Mass. Hist. 
Coll. viii. 122. 



CANACUM. 307 

The governor, or sachim, of this place was called chap. 

Canacum ; ^ who had formerly, as well as many others, L 

yea all with whom as yet we had to do, acknowledged 1 6 2 3. 
themselves the subjects of our sovereign lord, the King. 
This sachim used the Governor very kindly ; and it 
seemed was of good respect and authority amongst 
the Indians. For whilst the Governor was there, 
within night, in bitter weather, came two men from 
Manamoick, before spoken of; and having set aside 
their bows and quivers, according to their manner, sat 
down by the fire, and took a pipe of tobacco, not using 
any words in that time, nor any other to them, but all 
remained silent, expecting when they would speak. 
At length they looked toward Canacum ; and one of 
them made a short speech, and delivered a present to 
him from his sachim, which was a basket of tobacco 
and many beads, which the other received thankfully. 
After which he made a long speech to him ; the con- 
tents hereof was related to us by Hobbamock (who 
then accompanied the Governor for his guide,) to be as 
followeth. It happened that two of their men fell out, 
as they were in game, (for they use gaming as much as 
any where, and will play away all, even their skin from 
their backs,^ yea their wives' skins also, though it may 
be they are many miles distant from them, as myself 
have seen,) and growing to great heat, the one killed 



' He was the same as Cawna- have." And Wood adds, " They 

come, mentioned in note ^ on page are so bewitched with these two 

232. games, that they will lose some- 

* " In their gamings," says Roger times all they have, beaver, moose 
Williams, "they will sometimes skins, kettles, wampompeage, mow- 
stake and lose their money, clothes, hackies, hatchets, knives, all is con- 
house, corn, and themselves, if sin- fiscate by these two games." See 
gle persons." Gookin says, "They Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 153, iii. 234, 
are addicted to gaming, and will, and Wood's New England's Pros- 
in that vein, play away all they pect, part ii. ch. 14. 



308 STANDISH AT YARMOUTH. 

CHAP, the Other. The actor of this fact was a powah,^ one 
^ — -w. of special note amongst them, and such an one as they 
1623. could not well miss ; yet another people greater than 
themselves threatened them with war, if they would 
not put him to death. The party offending was in 
hold ; neither would their sachim do one way or other 
till their return, resting upon him for advice and fur- 
therance in so weighty a matter. After this there was 
silence a short time. At length, men gave their judg- 
ment what they thought best. Amongst others, he 
asked Hobbamock what he thought ; who answered, 
He was but a stranger to them ; but thought it was 
better that one should die than many, since he had 
deserved it, and the rest were innocent. Whereupon 
he passed the sentence of death upon him. 
Feb. Not long after, having no great quantity of corn 
left. Captain Standish went again with a shallop to 
Mattachiest, meeting also with the like extremity of 
weather, both of wind, snow, and frost ; insomuch as 
they were frozen in the harbour, the first night they 
entered the same. Here they pretended their wonted 
love, and spared them a good quantity of corn to con- 
firm the same. Strangers also came to this place, pre- 
tending only to see him and his company, whom they 
never saw before that time, but intending to join with 
the rest to kill them, as after appeared. But being 
forced through extremity to lodge in their houses, 
which they much pressed, God possessed the heart of 
the Captain with just jealousy, giving strait command, 
that as one part of his company slept, the rest should 
wake, declaring some things to them which he under- 
stood, whereof he could make no good construction. 

* Powow, a priest and medicine man. 



STANDISH AT SCUSSETT. 309 

Some of the Indians, spying a fit opportunity, stole chap. 

some beads also from him ; which he no sooner per- '^ 

ceived, havinaj not above six men with him, drew them 162 3. 

. Feb. 

all from the boat, and set them on their guard about 
the sachim's house, where the most of the people 
were ; threatening to fall upon them without further 
dela}', if they would not forthwith restore them ; sig- 
nifying to the sachim especially, and so to them all, 
that as he would not offer the least injury, so he would 
not receive any at their hands, which should escape 
without punishment or due satisfaction. Hereupon 
the sachim bestirred him to find out the party; which, 
when he had done, caused him to return them again 
to the shallop, and came to the Captain, desiring him 
to search whether they were not about the boat; who, 
suspecting their knavery, sent one, who found them 
lying openly upon the boat's cuddy. Yet to appease 
his anger, they brought corn afresh to trade ; insomuch 
as he laded his shallop, and so departed. This acci- 
dent so daunted their courage, as they durst not 
attempt any thing against him. So that, through the 
good mercy and providence of God, they returned in 
safety. At this place the Indians get abundance of 
bass both summer and winter ; for it being now Feb- 
ruary, they abounded with them. 

In the beginning of March, having refreshed him- Mar. 
self, he took a shallop, and went to Manomet, to fetch 
home that which the Governor had formerly bought,^ 
hoping also to get more from them ; but was deceived 
in his expectation, not finding that entertainment he 
found elsewhere, and the Governor had there received. 

' It seems as if the Captain went up westward towards Manomet. 
into Scussett harbour, which goes Prince, p. 210. 



310 WITUWAMAT. 

CHAP. The reason wlioreof, and of the treachery intended in 
XIX. . . 
the place before spoken of, was not tlien known unto 

16 2 3. hj;^ i)iit atterwards ; wherein may be observed the 

Mar. 

abundant mercies of God, working with his provi- 
dence for our good. Captain Standish being now iar 
from the boat, and not above two or three of our men 
with liim, and as many with the shallop, was not long 
at Canacum, the sachim's house, but in came two of 
the. Massachuset men. The chief of them was called 
Wituwamat, a notable insulting villain, one who had 
tormerly imbrued his hands in the blood of English 
and French, and had oft boasted of his own valour, 
and derided their weakness, especially because, as he 
said, they died crying, making sour faces, more like 
children than men. 

This villain took a dagger from about his neck, 
which he had gotten of IVlaster AVeston's people, and 
presented it to the sachim ; and after made a long 
speech in an audacious manner, framing it in such sort, 
as the Captain, tliough he be the best linguist amongst 
us,^ could not gather any thing from it. The end of it 
was atterwards discovered to be as followeth. The Mas- 
sacheuseuks had formerly concluded to ruinate JMas- 
ter Weston's colony ; and thought themselves, being 
about thirty or forty men, strong enough to execute 
the same. Yet they durst not attempt it, till such 
time as they had gathered more strength to themselves, 
to make their party good against us at Plymouth ; con- 
cluding, that if we remained, though they had no other 
arguments to use against us, yet we would never leave 
the death of our countrymen unrevenged ; and there- 

' To the Indian dialects. 



A CONSPIRACY AMONG THE INDIANS. 311 

fore their safety could not be without the overthrow of chap. 

XIX. 

both plantations. To this end they had formerly soli- 1. 

cited this sachim, as also the other, called lanough,^ 1623. 

Mar. 

at Mattachiest, and many others, to assist them, and 
now again came to prosecute the same ; and since 
there was so fair an opportunity offered by the Cap- 
tain's presence, they thought best to make sure [of] 
him and his company. 

After this his message was delivered, his entertain- 
ment much exceeded the Captain's ; insomuch as he 
scorned at their behaviour, and told them of it. After 
which they would have persuaded him, because the 
weather was cold, to have sent to the boat for the rest 
of his company ; but he would not, desiring, according 
to promise, that the corn might be carried down, and 
he would content the women ^ for their labor ; which 
they did. At the same time there was a lusty Indian 
of Paomet,^ or Cape Cod, then present, who had ever 
demeaned himself well toward us, being in his general 
carriage very affable, courteous, and loving, especially 
towards the Captain. This savage was now entered 
into confederacy with the rest ; yet, to avoid suspicion, 
made many signs of his continued affections, and 
would needs bestow a kettle of some six or seven 
gallons on him, and would not accept of any thing in 
lieu thereof, saying he was rich and could afford to 
bestow such favors on his friends whom he loved. 
Also he would freely help to carry some of the corn, 
affirming he had never done the like in his life be- 
fore ; and the wind being bad, would needs lodge with 



' Or lyanough. See note 'on ^ Or Pamet, now called Truro. 
pa?e 215. See pages 135 and 139. 

* See note ^ on page 305. 



k 



312 STANDISH RETURNS TO PLYMOUTH. 

CHAP, him at their rendezvous, having indeed undertaken to 

XIX. 

. — 1 kill him before they parted ; which done, they in- 

16 2 3. tended to fall upon the rest. 

Mar. 

The night proved exceeding cold ; insomuch as the 
Captain could not take any rest, but either walked, or 
turned himself to and fro at the fire. This the other 
observed, and asked wherefore he did not sleep as at 
other times ; who answered, He knew not well, but 
had no desire at all to rest. So that he then missed 
his opportunity. 

The wind serving on the next day, they returned 
home, accompanied with the other Indian ; who used 
many arguments to persuade them to go to Paomet, 
where himself had much corn, and many other, the 
most whereof he would procure for us, seeming to 
sorrow for our wants. Once the Captain put forth 
with him, and was forced back by contrary wind ; 
which wind serving for the Massachuset, was fitted to 
go thither. But on a sudden it altered again. 



CHAPTER XX. 

WINSLOW'S SECOND JOURNEY TO PACKANOKICK, TO VISIT 
MASSASOIT IN HIS SICKNESS. 

During the time that the Captain was at Manomet, chap 

XX 

news came to Plymouth that Massassowat was hke to .-->-!-. 
die, and that at the same time there was a Dutch shin i62 3. 

Mar. 

driven so high on the shore by stress of weather, right 
before his dwelhng, that till the tides increased, she 
could not be got off. Now it being a commendable 
manner of the Indians, when any, especially of note, 
are dangerously sick, for all that profess friendship to 
them to visit them in their extremity,^ either in their 
persons, or else to send some acceptable persons to 
them ; therefore it was thought meet, being a good 
and warrantable action, that as we had ever professed 
friendship, so we should now maintain the same, by 
observing this their laudable custom ; and the rather, 
because we desired to have some conference with the 
Dutch, not knowing when we should have so fit an 
opportunity. To that end, myself having formerly 

* " All their refreshing- in their very solemn, unless it be in infec- 

sickness is the visit of friends and tious diseases, and then all forsake 

neighbours, a poor empty visit and them and fly." Roger Williams, 

presence ; and yet indeed this is in Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 236. 

40 



k 



314 



JOHN HAMPDEN NEVER IN AMERICA. 



CHAP. 
XX. 

162 3, 
Mar. 



1st 

day. 

2d 

day. 



been there, and understanding in some measure the 
Dutch tongue, the Governor again laid this service 
upon myseh', and fitted me with some cordials to ad- 
minister to him ; having one Master John Hamden,^ a 
gentleman of London, who then wintered with us, 
and desired much to see the country, for my consort, 
and Hobbamock for our guide. So we set forward, 
and lodged the first night at Namasket, where we had 
friendly entertainment. 

The next day, about one of the clock, we came to 



' It was conjectured by Belknap, 
Am. Biog. ii. 229, and has since 
been repeatedly asserted as a fact 
by other writers, that this person 
was the celebrated Entjlish patriot 
of the same name. But this is 
highly improbable. Hampden, who 
was born in 1594, and married in 
1619, was a member of the parlia- 
ment which assembled in January, 
1621, and was dissolved by James 
in 1622, under circumstances and 
in a juncture of affairs which ren- 
dered it certain that a new parlia- 
ment must soon be called. It is 
not at all likely that a person in 
Hampden's circumstances, a man 
of family, wealth and considera- 
tion, would, merely for the sake of 
gratifying his curiosity, have left 
England at this critical period, on 
a long voyage to another hemi- 
sphere, and run the risk of not 
being at home at the issuing of the 
writs for a new parliament. For 
the passage to America was at that 
time precarious ; the ves.sels were 
few, and the voyage a long one ; 
so that a person who undertook it 
could not reasonably calculate upon 
getting back in mach less than a 
year. Winslow"s companion, who- 
ever he was, must have come in 
the Charity, which brought Wes- 
ton's colony, unless we adopt the 
improbable supposition that this 
" gentleman of London " embarked 
in one of the fishing vessels that 



visited the Grand Bank, and took 
his chance of getting to Plymouth 
as he could. Now the Charity left 
London the last of April, 1622, and 
arrived at Plymouth the last of 
June. The visit to Massasoit took 
place in March, 1623, and after this 
no vessel sailed for England till 
the Anne, September 10, in which 
Winslow went home. Of course 
this " gentleman of London," must 
have been absent at least eighteen 
months, which it is altogether im- 
probable that Hampden would have 
done, running the risk of not being 
at home to stand for the next par- 
liament, to which he undoubtedly 
expected to be returned, as we know 
he actually was. 

Besides, had this companion of 
Winslow been the great English 
patriot, the silence of the early 
Plymouth writers on the point is 
unaccountable. On publishing his 
" Good News from New England " 
immediately on his arrival iu Lon- 
don, in 1624, one object of which 
was to recommend the new colony, 
how gladly would Winslow have 
appealed for the correctness of his 
statements to this member of par- 
liament who had passed more than 
a year in their Plantation. How 
natural too would it have been for 
him to have mentioned the fact in 
his " Brief Narration," published in 
1646, only three years after the death 
of the illustrious patriot. Bradford, 



REPORTED DEATH OF MASSASOIT. 



315 



a ferry ' in Conbatant's country, where, upon discharge chap 

of my piece, divers Indians came to us from a house ^ ~- 

not far off. There they told us that Massassowat 16 33. 

Mar. 

was dead, and that day buried ; and that the Dutch 
would be gone before we could get thither, having 
hove off their ship already. This news struck us 
blank, but especially Hobbamock, who desired we 
might return with all speed. I told him I would first 
think of it. Considering now, that he being dead, 
Conbatant^ was the most like to succeed him, and that 
we were not above three miles from Mattapuyst,^ 
his dwelling-place, although he were but a hollow- 



also, whose sympathies were all 
with the popular party in England, 
in writing an elaborate history of 
the Colony, would not have failed 
to record the long residence among 
them of one who, at the time he 
wrote, had become so distinguished 
as the leader of that party in the 
House of Commons. That his lost 
history contained no such passage 
we may be certain ; for had it been 
there, it must have been quoted 
either by Prince or Morton, who 
make so free use of it, both of 
whom too mention this visit to Mas- 
sasoit, and who would not have 
omitted a circumstance so honora- 
ble to the Colony. 

Again. Winslow"s companion 
was " a gentleman of London.''^ 
Now althouj.'h John Hampden hap- 
pened to be born in London, when 
his father was in parliament in 
1591, he was properly of Bucking- 
hamshire. Winslow, who was him- 
self of Worcestershire, if he knew 
who Hampden was, would not have 
called him " a gentleman of Lon- 
do?i;'' and we cannot suppose that 
this English gentleman would have 
spent so many months in the Colony 
without milking himself known to 
its two leading men, Winslow and 
Bradford. 



Equally unfounded is the state- 
ment that has gained so wide a 
currency and become incorporated 
with the history of those times, 
and is repeated in Lord Nugent's 
Life of Hampden, that John Hamp- 
den, in company with Cromwell, 
Pym, and Hazelrig, had actually em- 
barked for America on board a fleet 
in the Thames, in 1638, but were 
detained by an order from the Privy 
Council. Miss Aikin, in her Me- 
moirs of Charles L, ch. xiii., was 
the first to detect and expose this 
error of the historians. — For some 
of the views in this note I am in- 
debted to the MS. suggestions of 
the learned editor of Governor Win- 
throp's History of New England. 

' Probably the same which is now 
called Slade's Ferry, in Swanzey. 
Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 292. 

* Conbatantor Corbitant, was the 
sachem of Pocasset, and was sub- 
ject to Massasoit. See Baylies' 
Plymouth, ii. 2D2. 

^ A neck of land in the town- 
ship of Swanzey, commonly pro- 
nounced Mattapoiset, now Gard- 
ner's neck, situated between the 
Shawomet and Toweset necks. See 
Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 292, and 
Baylies' Plymouth, ii. 232, 234. 



316 HOBBAMOCK'S CHARACTER OF MASSASOIT. 

CHAP, hearted friend toward us, I tboufi-lit no time so fit as 

XX. 

. -1-- this to enter into more friendly terms with him, and 

i^'2 3. the rest of the sachims thereabout ; hoping, through 
the blessing of God, it would be a means, in that 
unsettled state, to settle their affections towards us ; 
and though it were somewhat dangerous, in respect of 
our personal safety, because myself and Hobbamock 
had been employed upon a service against him,^ which 
he might now fitly revenge ; yet esteeming it the best 
means, leaving the event to God in his mercy, I re- 
solved to put it in practice, if Master Hamden and 
Hobbamock durst attempt it with me ; whom I found 
wilhng to that or any other course might tend to the 
general good. So we went towards Mattapuyst. 

In the way, Hobbamock, manifesting a troubled 
spirit, brake forth into these speeches : Neen womasu 
sagimus, neen womasu sagimus, &c. " My loving 
sachim, my loving sachim ! Many have I known, but 
never any like thee." And turning him to me, said, 
whilst I lived, I should never see his like amongst the 
Indians ; saying, he was no bar, he was not bloody 
and cruel, like other Indians ; in anger and passion 
he was soon reclaimed ; easy to be reconciled towards 
such as had offended him ; ruled by reason in such 
measure as he would not scorn the advice of mean 
men ; and that he governed his men better with few 
strokes, than others did with many ; truly loving where 
he loved ; yea, he feared we had not a faithful friend 
left among the Indians ; showing, how he ofttimes 
restrained their malice, &c., continuing a long speech, 
with such signs of lamentation and unfeigned sorrow, 
as it would have made the hardest heart relent. 

' Sec pag-e 220. 



WINSLOW AT GARDNER'S NECK, IN SWANZEY. 317 

At length we came to Mattapiiyst, and went to the chap. 

sachimo comaco,^ for so they call the sachim's place, 

thouj^i they call an ordinary house witeo;^ but Con- 1623. 

^ "^ . -^ Mar. 

batant, the sachim, was not at home, but at Puckano- 
kick, which was some five or six miles off. The squa- 
sachim, for so they call the sachim's wife, gave us friend- 
ly entertainment. Here we inquired again concerning 
Massassowat ; they thought him dead, but knew no 
certainty. Whereupon I hired one to go with all ex- 
pedition to Puckanokick, that we might know the 
certainty thereof, and withal to acquaint Conbatant 
with our there being. About half an hour before sun- 
setting the messenger returned, and told us that he 
was not yet dead, though there was no hope we should 
find him living. Upon this we were much revived, 
and set forward with all speed, though it was late 
within night ere we got thither. About two of the 
clock that afternoon, the Dutchmen departed ; so that 
in that respect our journey was frustrate. 

When we came thither, we found the house so full 
of men, as we could scarce get in, though they used 
their best diligence to make way for us. There were 
they in the midst of their charms for him, making such 
a hellish noise, as it distempered us that were well, and 
therefore unhke to ease him that was sick.^ About 

' " Sachimmaacommock, a T^nnce^s ards and witches, holding familiari- 

hoiise, which, according to their ty with Satan, that evil one ; and 

condition, is far different from the partly are physicians, and make 

other house, both in capacity or use, at least in show, of herbs and 

receipt, and also the fineness and roots for curing the sick and dis- 

qiiality of their mats." Roger Wil- eased. These are sent for by the 

liams's Key, ch. xxii. sick and wounded ; and by their 

' Wetu, or loigwam. See Galla- diabolical spells, mutterings, ex- 

lin's Indian Vocabnlaries, in Am. orcisms, they seem to do wonders. 

Antiq. Soc. Coll. ii. 3-22. They use extraordinary stranye mo- 

^ " There are among tliem cer- tions of their bodies, insoninch that 

tain men and women, whom they they will sweat until they foam; 

call powows. These are partly wiz- and thus continue for some hours 



318 



WINSLOW'S RECEPTION BY MASSASOIT. 



1623. 
Mar. 



CHAP, him were six or eight women, who chafed his arms, 

'^ legs, and thighs, to keep heat in him. When they 

had made an end of their charming, one told him that 
his friends, the English, were come to see him. Hav- 
ing understanding left, but his sight was wholly gone, 
he asked, Who was come ? They told him Winsnow, 
for they cannot pronounce the letter /, but ordinarily 
n in the place thereof.^ He desired to speak with 
me. When I came to him, and they told him of it, he 
put forth his hand to me, which I took. Then he said 
twice, though very inwardly. Keen Winsnow ? which 
is to say, " Art thou Winslow ? " I answered, Ahhe, 
that is. Yes. Then he doubled these words ; 3IaUa 
neen wonckanet namen, Winsnoio ! that is to say, " O 
Winslow, I shall never see thee again." 

Then I called Hobbamock, and desired him to tell 
Massassowat, that the Governor, hearing of his sick- 



together, stroking and hovering 
over the sick." Gookin, in Mass, 
Hist. Coll. i. 154. 

" Powaivs, priests. These do be- 
gin and order their service and in- 
vocation of their gods, and all the 
people follow, and join interchange- 
ably in a laborious bodily service, 
unto sweating, especially of the 
priest, who spends himself in 
strange antic gestures and actions, 
even unto fainting. In sickness 
the priest comes close to the sick 
person, and performs many strange 
actions about him, and threatens 
and conjures out the sickness. The 
poor people commonly die under 
their hands ; for, alas, they admin- 
ister nothing, but howl and roar 
and hollow over them, and begin 
the song to the rest of the people, 
who all join like a choir in prayer 
to their gods for them." Roger 
Williams, in Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 
227, 237. 

" The manner of their action in 



their conjuration is thus. The par- 
ties that are sick are brought before 
them ; the pov/ow sitting down, 
the rest of the Indians give atten- 
tive audience to his imprecations 
and invocations, and after the violent 
expression of many a hideous bel- 
lowing and groaning, he makes a 
stop, and then all the auditors with 
one voice utter a short canto. 
Which done, the powow still pro- 
ceeds in his invocations, some- 
times roaring like a bear, other 
times groaning like a dying horse, 
foaming at the mouth like a chafed 
boar, smiting on his naked breast 
and thighs with such violence as if 
he were mad. Thus will he con- 
tinue sometimes half a day." 
Wood's New England's Prospect, 
part ii. ch. 12. See also Hutchin- 
son's Mass. i. 474. 

' Wood says, ch. 18, " They pro- 
nounce / and r in our Enfjiish 
tongue, with much difficulty, call- 
in"' a lobster a nobstan." Yet 



WINSLOW TENDS MASSASOIT. 319 

ness, was sorry for the same ; and though, by reason chap. 
of many businesses, he could not come himself, yet he - — — - 
sent me with such thinsfs for him as he thouo-ht most i6 23. 

. . . . Mar. 

likely to do him good in this his extremity ; ' and 
whereof if he pleased to take, I would presently give 
him ; which he desired ; and having a confection of 
many comfortable conserves, &c., on the point of my 
knife I gave him some, which I could scarce get 
through his teeth. When it was dissolved in his 
mouth, he swallowed the juice of it ; whereat those 
that were about him much rejoiced, saying he had 
not swallowed any thing in two days before. Then 
1 desired to see his mouth, which was exceedingly 
furred, and his tongue swelled in such a manner, as it 
was not possible for him to eat such meat as they had, 
his passage being stopped up. Then I washed his 
mouth, and scraped his tongue, and got abundance of 
corruption out of the same. After which I gave him 
more of the confection, which he swallowed with more 
readiness. Then he desiring to drink, I dissolved 
some of it in water, and gave him thereof Within 
half an hour this wrought a great alteration in him, in 

Roger Williams states, that " al- ' " When they are sick, their 
though some pronounce not I nor r, misery appears, that they have 
yet it is the most proper dialect of not, but what sometimes they get 
other places, contrary to many re- from the English, a raisin or cur- 
ports ; " and Eliot, in his Indian rant, or any physic, fruit, or spice. 
Grammar, says, " These conso- or any comfort more than their 
nants, /, n, r, have such a natural corn and water, &c. In which 
coincidence, that it is an eminent bleeding case, wanting all means 
variation of their dialects. We of recovery or present refreshing, 
Massachusetts pronounce the n; I have been constrained, to and ba- 
the Nipmuk Indians pronounce / ; yond my power, to refresh them, and 
and the Northern Indians pronounce to save many of them from death, 
r. As instance : who I am confident perish many 
We say Anum ) millions of them, in that mighty 
Nipmuck, Alum > A Dog." continent, for want of means." Ro- 
Northern, Arnm ) ger Williams, in Mass. Hist. Coll. 
See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 223, xix. iii. 23G. 
248. 



320 WINSLOVV SENDS TO PLYMOUTH FOR MEDICINE. 

CHAP, the eyes of all that beheld him. Presently after his 

^ sight began to come to him, which gave him and us 

^M^^" good encouragement. In the mean time I inquired 
how he slept, and when he went to stool. They said 
he slept not in two days before, and had not had a 
stool in five. Then I gave him more, and told him 
of a mishap we had by the way, in breaking a bottle 
of drink, which the Governor also sent him, saying if 
he would send any of his men to Patuxet, I would send 
for more of the same ; also for chickens to make him 
broth, and for other things, which I knew were good 
for him ; and would stay the return of his messenger, 
if he desired. This he took marvellous kindly, and 
appointed some, who were ready to go by two of the 
clock in the morning ; against which time I made 
ready a letter, declaring therein our good success, the 
state of his body, &c., desiring to send me such things 
as I sent for, and such physic as the surgeon durst 
adniinister to him. 

He requested me, that the day following, I would 
take my piece, and kill him some fowl, and make him 
some English pottage, such as he had eaten at Ply- 
mouth ; which I promised. After, his stomach coming 
to him, 1 must needs make him some without fowl, 
before 1 went abroad, which somewhat troubled me, 
being unaccustomed and unacquainted in such busi- 
nesses, especially having nothing to make it comforta- 
ble, my consort being as ignorant as myself; but being 
we must do somewhat, I caused a woman to bruise some 
corn, and take the flour from it, and set over the grit, 
or broken corn, in a pipkin, for they have earthen pots 
^^ of all sizes. ^ When the day broke, we went out, it 

day, 

* See note ^ on page 144. 



WINSLOW MAKES BROTH FOR THE SICK SACHEM. 321 

beinor now March, to seek herbs, but could not find chap 

XX. 

any but strawberry leaves, of which I gathered a hand- 

ful, and put into the same ; and because I had nothing 16 23. 

Mar 

to relish it, I went forth again, and pulled up a sassa- 
fras root, and sliced a piece thereof, and boiled it, till 
it had a good relish, and then took it out again. The 
broth being boiled, I strained it through my handker- 
chief, and gave him at least a pint, which he drank, 
and liked it very well. After this his sight mended 
more and more ; also he had three moderate stools, 
and took some rest ; insomuch as we with admiration 
blessed God for giving his blessing to such raw and 
ignorant means, making no doubt of his recovery, 
himself and all of them acknowledging us the instru- 
ments of his preservation. 

That morning he caused me to spend in going from 
one to another amongst those that were sick in the 
town, requesting me to wash their mouths also, and 
give to each of them some of the same I gave him, 
saying they were good folk. This pains I took with 
willingness, though it were much offensive to me, not 
being accustomed with such poisonous savours. After 
dinner he desired me to get him a goose or duck, and 
make him some pottage therewith, with as much speed 
as I could. So I took a man with me, and made a 
shot at a couple of ducks, some six score paces off, and 
killed one, at which he wondered. So we returned 
forthwith and dressed it, making more broth there- 
with, which he much desired. Never did I see a man 
so low brought, recover in that measure in so short a 
time. The fowl being extraordinary fat, I told Hob- 
bamock I must take off the top thereof, saying it would 
make him very sick again if he did eat it. This he 
41 



MASSASOIT GRADUALLY RECOVERS. 

CHAP, acquainted Massassovvat therewith, who would not be 
v^v^ persuaded to it, though I pressed it very much, show- 
16 2 3. ing the strength thereof, and the weakness of his sto- 

Mar. o o ' 

mach, which could not possibly bear it. Notwith- 
standing, he made a gross meal of it, and ate as much 
as would well have satisfied a man in health. About 
an hour after he began to be very sick, and straining 
very much, cast up the broth again ; and in overstrain- 
ing himself, began to bleed at the nose, and so con- 
tinued the space of four hours. Then they all wished 
he had been ruled, concluding now he would die, which 
we much feared also. They asked me what 1 thought 
of him. I answered, his case was desperate, yet it 
might be it would save his hfe ; for if it ceased in time, 
he would forthwith sleep and take rest, which was the 
principal thing he wanted. Not long after his blood 
stayed, and he slept at least six or eight hours. When 
he awaked, I washed his face, and bathed and suppled 
his beard and nose vi'ith a linen cloth. But on a sud- 
den he chopped his nose in the w^ater, and drew up 
some therein, and sent it forth again with such vio- 
lence, as he began to bleed afresh. Then they thought 
there was no hope ; but we perceived it was but the 
tenderness of his nostril, and therefore told them I 
thought it would stay presently, as indeed it did. 

The messengers were now returned ; but finding his 
stomach come to him, he would not have the chickens 
killed, but kept them for breed. Neither durst we 
give him any physic, which was then sent, because 
his body was so much altered since our instructions ; 
neither saw we any need, not doubting now of his re- 
covery, if he were careful. Many, whilst we were 
there, came to see him ; some, by their report, from a 



MASSASOIT REVEALS AN INDIAN PLOT. 323 

place not less than an hundred miles. To all that chap. 

\x 
came one of his chief men related the manner of his J— 1- 

sickness, how near he was spent, how amongst others 1623. 

. , , Mar. 

his friends the English came to see him, and how sud- 
denly they recovered him to this strength they saw, he 
being now able to sit upright of himself. 

The day before our coming, another sachim being 
there, told him that now he might see how hollow- 
hearted the English were, saying if we had been such 
friends in deed, as we were in show, we would have 
visited him in this his sickness, using many arguments 
to withdraw his affections, and to persuade him to give 
way to some things against us, which were motioned 
to him not long before. But upon this his recovery, 
he brake forth into these speeches : Now I see the 
English are my friends and love me ; and whilst I live, 
I will never forget this kindness they have showed me. 
Whilst we were there, our entertainment exceeded all 
other strangers'. Divers other things were worthy 
the noting ; but I fear I have been too tedious. 

At our coming away, he called Hobbamock to him, 4th 
and privately (none hearing, save two or three other 
of his pnieses,^ who are of his council) revealed the 
plot of the Massacheuseucks, before spoken of, against 
Master Weston's colony, and so against us ; saying that 
the people of Nauset, Paomet, Succonet,^ Mattachiest, 
Manomet, Agowaywam,^ and the isle of Capawack,^ 
were joined with them ; himself also in his sickness 
was earnestly solicited, but he would neither join 
therein, nor give way to any of his. Therefore, as we 

^ The same as pinsc. See page ' Or Agav.'am, part of Ware- 

288. ham. 

* Sokones, or Succonusset, now ■* Martha's Vineyard, 
called Falmouth. 



324 WINSLOW LODGES WITH CORBITANT. 

CHAP, respected the lives of our countrymen, and our own 

after safety, he advised us to kill the men of Massa- 

1 62 3. chuset, who were the authors of this intended mischief. 

Mar. ' 

And whereas we were wont to say, we would not strike 
a stroke till they first began ; if, said he, upon this 
intelligence, they make that answer, tell them, when 
their countrymen at Wichaguscusset are killed, they 
being not able to defend themselves, that then it will 
be too late to recover their lives ; nay, through the 
multitude of adversaries, they shall with great diffi- 
culty preserve their own ; and therefore he counselled 
without delay to take away the principals, and then 
the plot would cease. With this he charged him 
thoroughly to acquaint me by the way, that I might 
inform the Governor thereof, at my first coming home. 
Being fitted for our return, we took our leave of him ; 
who returned many thanks to our Governor, and also 
to ourselves for our labor and love ; the like did all 
that were about him. So we departed. 

That night, through the earnest request of Conba- 
tant, who till now remained at Sawaams,^ or Puckano- 
kick, we lodged with him at Mattapuyst. By the way 
I had much conference with him, so likewise at his 
house, he being a notable politician, yet full of merry 
jests and squibs, and never better pleased than when 
the like are returned again upon him. Amongst other 
things he asked me, if in case he were thus danger- 
ously sick, as Massassowat had been, and should send 
word thereof to Patuxet for maskiet,^ that is, physic, 
whether then Mr. Governor would send it ; and if he 
would, whether I would come therewith to him. To 

* See note '^ on page 208. sic." Roger Williams's Key, in 

* " Maskit, give me some phy- R. I. Hist. Coll. i. 159. 



HIS CONVERSATION WITH THE SACHEM. 325 

both which I answered, Yea ; whereat he gave me chap. 

many joyful thanks. After that, being at his house, -^ — 

he demanded further, how we durst, being but two, 16 2 3. 
come so far into the country. T answered, where was 
true love, there was no fear ; and my heart was so 
upright towards them, that for mine own part I was 
fearless to come amongst them. But, said he, if your 
love be such, and it bring forth such fruits, how 
Cometh it to pass, that when we come to Patuxet, you 
stand upon your guard, with the mouths of your 
pieces presented towards us ? Whereupon I answered, 
it was the most honorable and respective entertain- 
ment we could give them ; it being an order amongst 
us so to receive our best respected friends ; and as it 
was used on the land, so the ships observed it also at 
sea, which Hobbamock knew and had seen observed. 
But shaking the head, he answered, that he liked not 
such salutations. 

Further, observing us to crave a blessing on our 
meat before we did eat, and after to give thanks for 
the same, he asked us, what was the meaning of that 
ordinary custom. Hereupon I took occasion to tell 
them of God's works of creation and preservation, of 
his laws and ordinances, especially of the ten com- 
mandments ; all which they hearkened unto with great 
attention, and liked well of; only the seventh com- 
mandment they excepted against, thinking there were 
many inconveniences in it, that a man should be tied 
to one woman; about which we reasoned a good time. 
Also I told them, that whatsoever good things we had, 
we received from God, as the author and giver thereof; 
and therefore craved his blessing upon that we had, 
and were about to eat, that it might nourish and 



326 WINSLOW RETURNS TO PLYMOUTH. 

CHAP, strengthen our bodies ; and having eaten sufficient, 
^ — ^^ being satisfied therewith, we again returned thanks to 
16 23. the same our God, for that our refreshino^, &c. This 

Mar. 

all of them concluded to be very well ; and said, they 
believed almost all the same things, and that the same 
power that we called God, they called Kiehtan.^ 
Much profitable conference was occasioned hereby, 
which would be too tedious to relate, yet was no less 
delightful to them, than comfortable to us. Here we 
remained only that night, but never had better enter- 
tainment amongst any of them. 
5th The day following, in our journey, Hobbamock told 
me of the private conference he had with Massasso- 
wat, and how he charged him perfectly to acquaint 
me therewith, as I showed before ; which having done, 
he used many arguments himself to move us there- 
unto. That night we lodged at Namasket ; and the 
6th day following, about the mid-way between it and 
^^' home, we met two Indians, who told us, that Captain 
Standish was that day gone to the Massachusets. 
But contrary winds again drove him back ; so that 
we found him at home ; where the Indian of Paomet 
still was, being very importunate that the Captain 
should take the first opportunity of a fair wind to go 
with him. But their secret and villanous purposes 
being, through God's mercy, now made known, the 
Governor caused Captain Standish to send him away, 
without any distaste or manifestation of anger, that 
we might the better eflfect and bring to pass that 
which should be thought most necessary. 

' ^' Kt'tan is their good God, to cate for fair weather, for rain in 

whom they sacrifice after their time of drought, and for the reco- 

gainers be full with a good crop, very of their sick."' Wood's New 

Upon this God likewise they invo- England's Prospect, part ii. ch. 12. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

OF STANDISH'S EXPEDITION AGAINST THE INDIANS OF WESSA- 

GUSSET, AND THE BREAKING UP OF WESTON'S COLONY 

AT THAT PLACE. 

Before this journey we heard many complaints, chap. 
both by the Indians, and some others of best desert v— —^ 
amongst Master Weston's colony, how exceedingly 1023. 
their company abased themselves by undirect means, 
to get victuals from the Indians, who dwelt not far 
from them, fetching them wood and water, &c. and 
all for a meal's meat ; whereas, in the mean time, they 
might with diligence have gotten enough to have 
served them three or four times. Other by night 
brake the earth, and robbed the Indians' store ; for 
which they had been publicly stocked and whipped, 
and yet was there small amendment. This was about 
the end of February ; at which time they had spent all Feb. 
their bread and corn, not leaving any for seed, neither 
would the Indians lend or sell them any more upon 
any terms. Hereupon they had thoughts to take it by 
violence ; and to that spiked up every entrance into 
their town, being well impaled, save one, with a full 
resolution to proceed. But some more honestly 
minded advised John Sanders, their overseer, first to 



k 



328 A MESSENGER FROM WESTON'S COLONY. 

CHAP, write to Plymouth : and if the Governor advised him 

XXI 

. ^^ thereunto, he might the better do it. This course was 

16 2 3. well hked, and an Indian was sent with all speed with 
a letter to our Governor, the contents whereof were 
to this effect ; that being in great want, and their 
people daily falling down, he intended to go to Mun- 
higgen, where was a plantation of Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges, to buy bread from the ships that came thither 
a fishing, with the first opportunity of wind ; but knew 
not how the colony would be preserved till his return. 
He had used all means both to buy and borrow of 
Indians, whom he knew to be stored, and he thought 
maliciously withheld it, and therefore was resolved to 
take it by violence, and only waited the return of the 
messenger, which he desired should be hastened, 
craving his advice therein, promising also to make 
restitution afterward. The Governor, upon the re- 
ceipt hereof, asked the messenger what store of corn 
they had, as if he had intended to buy of them ; who 
answered, very little more than that they reserved for 
seed, having already spared all they could. 

Forthwith the Governor and his Assistant sent for 
many of us to advise with them herein ; who, after seri- 
ous consideration, no way approving of this intended 
course, the Governor answered his letter, and caused 
many of us to set our hands thereto ; the contents 
whereof were to this purpose. We altogether disliked 
their intendment, as being against the law of God and 
nature, showing how it would cross the worthy ends 
and proceedings of the King's Majesty, and his honor- 
able Council for this place, both in respect of the peace- 
able enlarging of his Majesty's dominions, and also of 
the propagation of the knowledge and law of God, and 



THE PILGRIMS' ADVICE TO WESTON'S COLONY. 329 

the glad tidings of salvation, which we and they were chap. 

bound to seek, and were not to use such means as 

would breed a distaste in the salvages against our per- i ^ 2 3. 

*=" .^ ^ Mar. 

sons and professions, assuring them their master would 
incur much blame hereby, neither could they answer 
the same. For our own parts, our case was almost the 
same with theirs, having but a small quantity of corn 
left, and were enforced to live on ground-nuts, clams, 
muscles, and such other things as naturally the country 
afforded, and which did and would maintain strength, 
and were easy to be gotten ; all which things they had 
in great abundance, yea, oysters^ also, which we 
wanted ; and therefore necessity could not be said to 
constrain them thereunto. Moreover, that they should 
consider, if they proceeded therein, all they could so 
get would maintain them but a small time, and then 
tliey must perforce seek their food abroad ; which, 
having made the Indians their enemies, would be very 
difficult for them, and therefore much better to begin 
a little the sooner, and so continue their peace ; upon 
which course they might with good conscience desire 
and expect the blessing of God ; whereas on the con- 
trary they could not. 

Also that they should consider their own weakness, 
being most swelled, and diseased in their bodies, and 
therefore the more unlikely to make their party good 
against them, and that they should not expect help from 
us in that or any the like unlawful actions. Lastly, 
that howsoever some of them might escape, yet the 

^ Morton says, in his New Eng- seen an oyster bank a mile in 

lish Canaan, ch. vii. " There are length. Muscles there are infinite 

great store of oysters in the en- store. I have often gone to Wes- 

tranee of all rivers. They are not saguscns, where were excellent 

round, as those of England, but ex- muscles to eat, (for variety,) the 

cellent fat and all good. I have fish is so fat and large." 

42 



330 WESTON'S AGENT COMES TO PLYMOUTH. 

CHAP, principal agents should expect no better than the gal- 

lows, whensoever any special officer should be sent 

1623. over by his Majesty, or his Council for New England, 
which we expected, and who would undoubtedly call 
them to account for the same. These were the con- 
tents of our answer, which was directed to their whole 
colony. Another particular letter our Governor sent 
to John Sanders, showing how dangerous it would be 
for him above all others, being he was their leader 
and commander; and therefore in friendly manner 
advised him to desist. 

With these letters we dispatched the messenger; 
upon the receipt whereof they altered their determina- 
tion, resolving to shift as they could, till the return of 
John Sanders from Munhiggen ; who first coming to 
Plymouth, notwithstanding our own necessities, the 
Governor spared him some corn, to carry them to 
Munhiggen. But not having sufficient for the ship's 
store, he took a shallop, and leaving others with in- 
structions to oversee things till his return, set forward 
Feb. about the end of February ; so that he knew not of this 
conspiracy of the Indians before his going. Neither 
was it known to any of us till our return from Sawaams, 
or Puckanokick ; at which time also another sachim, 
called Wassapinewat, brother to Obtakiest, the sachim 
of the Massachusets, who had formerly smarted for par- 
taking with Conbatant, and fearing the like again, to 
purge himself, revealed the same thing. 
Mar. The three and twentieth of March being now come, 
^^' which is a yearly court day, the Governor, having a 
double testimony, and many circumstances agreeing 
with the truth thereof, not being ^ to undertake war 

' The word inclined or disposed seems to have been accidentally omitted. 



A GENERAL COURT HELD. 331 

without the consent of the body of the company, made chap. 
known the same in pubhc court, offering it to the con- .^ — ,~i. 
sideration of the company, it being high time to come ^Jl^^* 
to resolution, how sudden soever it seemed to them, 23. 
fearing it would be put in execution before we could 
give any intelligence thereof. This business was no 
less troublesome than grievous, and the more, because 
it is so ordinary in these times for men to measure 
things by the events thereof; but especially for that 
we knew no means to deliver our countrymen and pre- 
serve ourselves, than by returning their malicious and 
cruel purposes upon their own heads, and causing them 
to fall into the same pit they had digged for others ; 
though it much grieved us to shed the blood of those 
whose good we ever intended and aimed at, as a prin- 
cipal in all our proceedings. But in the end we came 
to this public conclusion, that because it was a matter 
of such weight as every man was not of sufficiency to 
judge, nor fitness to know, because of many other In- 
dians, which daily, as occasion serveth, converse with 
us ; therefore the Governor, his Assistant, and the Cap- 
tain, should take such to themselves as they thought 
most meet, and conclude thereof. Which done, we 
came to this conclusion, that Captain Standish should 
take so many men, as he thought sufficient to make 
his party good against all the Indians in the Massachu- 
set bay ; and because, (as all men know that have to do 
with them in that kind,) it is impossible to deal with 
them upon open defiance, but to take them in such 
traps as they lay for others, therefore he should pre- 
tend trade, as at other times ; but first go to the Eng- 
hsh, and acquaint them with the plot, and the end of 
his own coming ; that comparing it with their carriages 



332 STANDISH'S ARMV. 

CHAP, towards them, he might the better judge of the certain- 
axi. , 
ty of it, and more fitly take opportunity to revenge the 

162 3. same ; but should forbear, if it were possible, till such 
time as he could make sure [of] Wituwamat, that 
bloody and bold villain before spoken of; whose head 
he had order to bring with him, that he might be a 
warning and terror to all of that disposition. 

Upon this Captain Standish made choice of eight 
men, and would not take more, because he would pre- 
vent jealousy, knowing their guilty consciences would 

Mar. soon be provoked thereunto. But on the next day, 
before he could go, came one ^ of Mr. Weston's com- 
pany by land unto us, with his pack at his back, who 
made a pitiful narration of their lamentable and weak 
estate, and of the Indians' carriages, whose boldness 
increased abundantly ; insomuch as the victuals they 
got, they would take it out of their pots, and eat before 
their faces ; yea, if in any thing they gainsaid them, 
they were ready to hold a knife at their breasts ; that 
to give them content, since John Sanders went to 
Munhiggen, they had hanged ^ one of them that stole 

' Morton says, " this man's not hindering' a plantation." At 
name was Phinehas Prat, who the Court held May 3, 1665, it was 
has penned the particulars of his ordered that land be laid out for 
perilous journey, and some other Prat, " in the wilderness on the 
things relating to this tragedy." east of the Merrimack river, near 
Hubbard states that he was living the upper end of JVacook [Penna- 
in 1677, at the time he was writ- cook?] brook, on the southeast of 
ing his History of New England, it." Prat married in 1630, at Ply- 
In 1662 the General Court of Mas- mouth, a daughter of Cuthbert 
sachuselts, in answer to a petition Cuthbertson. His heirs had grants 
of Phinehas Prat, then of Charles- of land in Abington subsequent to 
town, which v/as accompanied 1672. Drake says that after long 
" with a narrative of the straits search he has not been able to dis- 
and hardships that the first plant- cover Prat's narrative. It was 
ers of this Colony underwent in probably never printed. See Mor- 
their endeavours to plant them- ton's Memorial, p. 90 ; Drake's 
selves at Plymouth, and since, Bookof the Indians, b.ii. 35; Mass. 
whereof he was one, the Court Hist. Coll. xv. 78, xvii. 122. 
judgeth it meet to grant him 300 ^ The notorious Thomas Morton, 
acres of land, wheieit is to be had, of Merry Mount, in his New Eng- 



WRETCHED STATE OP WESTON'S COLONY. 



333 



their corn, and yet they regarded it not ; that another chap. 

of their company was turned salvage ; that their people - -^ 

had most forsaken the town, and made their rendezvous 1 6 2 3. 
where they got their victuals, because they would not 
take pains to bring it home ; that they had sold their 
clothes for corn, and were ready to starve both with 
cold and hunger also, because they could not endure 
to get victuals by reason of their nakedness ; and that 
they were dispersed into three companies, scarce hav- 
ing any powder and shot left. What would be the 



lish Canaan, b. iii. ch. 4, which was 
published in 1637, is the first writer 
who mentions a ludicrous fable 
connected with this execution, 
which has been made the occasion 
of some reproach on the first plant- 
ers of New England. After relat- 
ing the settlement of Weston's col- 
ony at Weymouth, he mentions 
that one of them stole the corn of 
an Indian, and upon his complaint 
was brought before " a parliament 
of all the people " to consult what 
punishment should be inflicted on 
him. It was decided that this 
offence, which might have been 
settled by the gift of a knife or a 
string of beads, " was felony, and 
by the laws of England, punished 
with death ; and this must be put 
in execution, for an example, and 
likewise to appease the salvage. 
When straightways one arose, 
moved as it were with some com- 
passion, and said he could not well 
gainsay the former sentence, yet 
he had conceived within the com- 
pass of his brain an embryon, that 
was of special consequence to be 
delivered and cherished. He said 
that it would most aptly serve to 
pacify the salvage's complaint, and 
save the life of one that might, if 
need should be, stand them in good 
stead, being young and strong, fit 
for resistance against an enemy, 
which might come unexpected, for 
any thing they knew. The oration 



made was liked of every one, and 
he entreated to proceed to show the 
means how this may be performed. 
Says he, ' You all agree that one 
must die ; and one shall die. This 
young man's clothes we will take 
off, and put upon one that is old 
and impotent, a sickly person that 
cannot escape death ; such is the 
disease on him confirmed, that die 
he must. Put the young man's 
clothes on this man, and let the 
sick person be hanged in the other's 
stead.' 'Amen,' says one, and so 
say many more. And this had 
liked to have proved their final 
sentence ; but that one, with a ra- 
venous voice, begun to croak and 
bellow for revenge, and put by that 
conclusive motion, alleging such 
deceits might be a means hereafter 
to exasperate the minds of the com- 
plaining salvages, and that by his 
death the salvages should see their 
zeal to justice ; and therefore he 
should die. This was concluded ; " 
and they " hanged him up hard 
by." 

This story of the unscrupulous 
Morton furnished Butler with the 
materials out of which he construct- 
ed ihe following fable in his Hudi- 
bras, part. ii. canto ii. line 409. 

" Our brethren of New England use 
Choice malefactors lo excuse, 
And li.nig the i?uilt!ess in their stead, 
Of whom the churches have less need ; 
As lately happened. In a town, 
There lived a cobbler and but one. 



334 



STANDISH PROCEEDS TO WEYMOUTH. 



CHAP, event of these things he said he much feared ; and 

XXI. 

. ^^ therefore not daring to stay any longer among them, 

1623. though he knew not the way, yet adventured to come 
to us ; partly to make known their weak and danger- 
ous estate, as he conceived, and partly to desire he 
might there remain till things were better settled at 
the other plantation. As this relation was grievous to 
us, so it gave us good encouragement to proceed in 
our intendments, for which Captain Standish was now 
fitted ; and the wind coming fair, the next day set 
forth for the Massachusets. 

The Indians at the Massachusets missed this man ; 



Mar. 
25. 



That out of doctrine could cut use, 
And menil men's" lives as well as shoes, 
l^his precious brother hiving slain, 
In times of peace, an Indian, 
(Not nut of malice, but mere zeal, 
Because he was an infidel,) 
The mij^hty Tottipntymoy 
Sent to our elders an envoy, 
Cumplaiuing sorely of the breach 
Of league, held forth, by brother Patch, 
Against Ihe articles in force 
Between both churches, his and ours ; 
For which he craved the saints to render 
Into his hands, or hang the offender. 
But they, maturely havnig weighed, 
They had no more hut him of the trade, 
A man that served them in a double 
Capacity, to teach and cobble, 
Kesolved to spare him ; yet to do 
The liulian Hoghgan Moghgan, too, 
Impartial justice, in his stead did 
Hang an old weaver, that was bed rid." 

It will be observed that Morton 
mentions this substitution merely 
as the suggestion of an individual, 
which was rejected by the compa- 
ny. Even had it been adopted by 
them, and carried into execution, 
it would not have implicated the 
Plymouth people at all, nor cast the 
least slur on their characters or 
principles. For Weston's colony 
was entirely distinct from theirs, 
and composed of a very different 
set of men. Their character, as 
portrayed by Weston himself, and 
by Cushman and Pierce, before 
they came over, may be seen in 
note * on page 296, to which the 
reader is particularly requested to 



refer. Morton himself calls " many 
of them lazy persons, that would 
use no endeavour to take the benefit 
of the country." As Belknap says, 
" they were a set of needy adven- 
turers, intent only on gaining a 
subsistence." They did not come 
over from any religious scruples, or 
with any religious purpose. There 
is no evidence that they had any 
church at all ; they certainly were 
not Puritans. Neal says, in his 
Hist, of New England, i. 102, that 
Weston obtained a patent under 
pretence of propagating the disci- 
pline of the Church of England in 
America. 

Grahame, i. 198, falls into an er- 
ror in attributing this execution to 
Gorges's colony, which settled at 
the same place in the autumn of 
the same year ; and Drake, b. ii. 34, 
errs in saying that Morton was one 
of Weston's company. Morton did 
not come over till March, 1625, in 
company with Wollaston, and set- 
tled with him not at Weymouth, 
but in Quincy. See Prince, pp. 
221, 231. The accurate Hutchin- 
son, i. 6, should not have made a 
fact out of the careless Hubbard's 
supposition, which the latter men- 
tions as barely " possible." See 
Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 77. 



AN INDIAN SPY ARRESTED. 335 

and suspecting his coming to us, as we conceive, sent chap. 

one after him, and gave out there that he would never 

come to Patuxet, but that some wolves or bears would ^^,^^- 

' . Mar. 

eat him. But we know, both by our own exf>erience, 
and the reports of others, that though they find a man 
sleeping, yet so soon as there is life discerned, they 
fear and shun him. This Indian missed him but very 
little ; and missing him, passed by the town and went 
to Manomet ; whom we hoped to take at his return, as 
afterward we did. Now was our fort made fit for ser- 
vice, and some ordnance mounted ; and though it may 
seem long work, it being ten months since it begun, 
yet we must note, that where so great a work is begun 
with such small means, a little time cannot bring [it] 
to perfection. Beside, those works which tend to the 
preservation of man, the enemy of mankind will hinder, 
what in him lieth, sometimes blinding the judgment, 
and causing reasonable men to reason against their own 
safety ; as amongst us divers seeing the work prove 
tedious, would have dissuaded from proceeding, flat- 
tering themselves with peace and security, and account- 
ing it rather a work of superfluity and vainglory, than 
simple necessity. But God, whose providence hath 
waked, and, as I may say, watched for us whilst we 
slept, having determined to preserve us from these 
intended treacheries, undoubtedly ordained this as a 
special means to advantage us and discourage our 
adversaries, and therefore so stirred up the hearts of 
the governors and other forward instruments, as the 
work was just made serviceable against this needful 
and dangerous time, though we ignorant of the same. 
But that I may proceed, the Indian last mentioned, 
in his return from Manomet, came through the town. 



336 STANDISH ARRIVES AT WEYMOUTH. 

CHAP, pretending still friendship and in love to see us ; but 

'^ as formerly others, so his end was to see whether we 

16 23. continued still in health and strength, or fell into 
weakne^, like their neighbours ; which they hoped 
and looked for, (though God in mercy provided better 
for us,) and he knew would be glad tidings to his 
countrymen. But here the Governor stayed him ; 
and sending for him to the fort, there gave the guard 
charge of him as their prisoner ; where he told him he 
must be contented to remain till the return of Captain 
Standish from the Massachusets. So he was locked 
in a chain to a staple in the court of guard, and there 
kept. Thus was our fort hanselled,^ this being the first 
day, as I take it, that ever any watch was there kept. 
The Captain, being now come to the Massachusets, 
went first to the ship ; but found neither man, or so 
much as a dog therein. Upon the discharge of a 
musket, the master and some others of the plantation 
showed themselves, who were on the shore gathering 
ground-nuts, and getting other food. After salutation, 
Captain Standish asked them how they durst so leave 
the ship, and live in such security ; who answered, 
like men senseless of their own misery, they feared 
not the Indians, but lived and suffered them to lodge 
with them, not having sword or gun, or needing the 
same. To which the Captain answered, if there were 
no cause, he was the gladder. But, upon further in- 
quiry, understanding that those in whom John Sanders 
had reposed most special confidence, and left in his 
stead to govern the rest, were at the plantation, thither 
he went ; and, to be brief, made known the Indians' pur- 
pose, and the end of his own coming, as also, (which 

' Hansel, to use for the first time. 



PECKSUOT. 337 

formerly I omitted,) that if afterward they durst not chap. 
there stay, it was the intendment of the governors and — -^ 
people of Plymouth there to receive them, till they ^^^^' 
could be better provided ; but if they conceiffed of any 
other course, that might be more likely for their good, 
that himself should further them therein to the utter- 
most of his power. These men, comparing other cir- 
cumstances with that they now heard, answered, they 
could expect no better ; and it was God's mercy that 
they were not killed before his coming ; desiring there- 
fore that he would neglect no opportunity to proceed. 
Hereupon he advised them to secrecy, yet withal to 
send special command to one third of their company, 
that were farthest off, to come home, and there enjoin 
them on pain of death to keep the town, himself allow- 
ing them a pint of Indian corn to a man for a day, 
though that store he had was spared out of our seed. 
The weather proving very wet and stormy, it was the 
longer before he could do any thing. 

In the mean time an Indian came to him, and 
brought some furs, but rather to gather what he could 
from the Captain, than coming then for trade ; and 
though the Captain carried things as smoothly as pos- 
sibly he could, yet at his return he reported he saw by 
his eyes that he was angry in his heart ; and therefore 
began to suspect themselves discovered. This caused 
one Pecksuot, who was a pniese,^ being a man of a 
notable spirit, to come to Hobbamock, who was then 
with them, and told him, he understood that the Cap- 
tain was come to kill himself and the rest of the sal- 
vages there. " Tell him," said he, " we know it, but 
fear him not, neither will we shun him ; but let him 

' The same as pinse, on page 288. 
43 



338 INSOLENCE OF PECKSUOT AND WITUWAMAT. 

CHAP, begin when he dare, he shall not take us at unawares." 

XXI 

^ Many times after, divers of them severally, or few 

16 2 3. together, came to the plantation to him ; where they 
would wMfet and sharpen the points of their knives be- 
fore his face, and use many other insulting gestures 
and speeches. Amongst the rest Wituwamat bragged 
of the excellency of his knife. On the end of the 
handle there was pictured a woman's face ; " but," 
said he, " I have another at home, wherewith I have 
killed both French and English, and that hath a man's 
face on it ; and by and by these two must marry." 
Further he said of that knife he there had, Hinnaim 
namen, hinnaim michen, matta cuts ; that is to say, By 
and by it should see, and by and by it should eat, 
but not speak. Also Pecksuot, being a man of greater 
stature than the Captain,^ told him, though he were 
a great captain, yet he was but a little man ; and, 
said he, though I be no sachim, yet I am a man of 
great strength and courage. These things the Captain 
observed, yet bare with patience for the present. 

On the next day, seeing he could not get many of 
them together at once, and this Pecksuot and Witu- 
wamat both together, with another man, and a youth 
of some eighteen years of age, which was brother to 
Wituwamat, and, villain-like, trod in his steps, daily 
putting many tricks upon the weaker sort of men, and 
having about as many of his own company in a room 
with them, gave the word to his men, and the door 
being fast shut, began himself with Pecksuot, and 
snatching his own knife from his neck, though with 
much struggling, killed him therewith, the point where- 

' Standish is said to have been a page 126, and Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 
man of short stature. See note on 111, and xviii. 121. 



SEVEN INDIANS SLAIN. 339 

of he had made as sharp as a needle, and ground the chap. 
back also to an edge. Wituwamat and the other man .— -^ 
the rest killed, and took the youth, whom the Captain 1623. 
caused to be hanged. But it is incredible #ow many 
wounds these two pineses received before they died, 
not making any fearful noise, but catching at their 
weapons and striving to the last. Hobbamock stood 
by all this time as a spectator, and meddled not, ob- 
serving how our men demeaned themselves in this 
action. All being here ended, smihng, he brake forth 
into these speeches to the Captain : " Yesterday Peck- 
suot, bragging of his own strength and stature, said, 
though you were a great captain, yet you were but a 
little man ; but to-day I see you are big enough to lay 
him on the ground." But to proceed ; there being 
some women at the same time. Captain Standish left 
them in the custody of Mr. Weston's people at the 
town, and sent word to another company, that had 
intelhgence of things, to kill those Indian men that 
were amongst them. These killed two more. Him- 
self also with some of his own men went to another 
place, where they killed another ; and through the 
negligence of one man, an Indian escaped, who dis- 
covered and crossed their proceedings.^ 

' Wlien the news of the first Tn- eludes with saying, " O how happy 

dians being killed by Standish at a thing had it been that you had 

Weymouth reached Mr. Robinson, convened some before you killed 

their pastor, at Leyden, he wrote any!" Prince adds, "It is to be 

to the church at Plymouth, Decern- hoped that Squanto was converted." 

ber 19, 1623, "to consider the dis- It seems Standish was not of their 

position of their Captain, who was church at first, and Hubbard says 

of a warm temper. He hoped the he had more of his education in the 

Lord had sent him among them school of Mars than in the school 

for good, if they used him right; of Christ. Judge Davis remarks, 

but he doubted where there was " Tliese sentiments are honorable 

not wanting that tenderness of the to Mr. Robinson ; they indicate a 

life of man, made after God's image, generous philanthropy, which must 

which was meet;" and he con- always gain our affection, and 



340 TWO OF WESTON'S MEN KILLED. 

CHAP. Not lonoj before this execution, three of Mr. Wes- 

XXI 

v-,1.^ ton's men, which more regarded their belhes than any 
1 ^1 2 3. command or commander, having formerly fared well 
with the flidians for making them canoes, went again 
to the sachim to offer their service, and had entertain- 
ment. The first night they came thither, within 
night, late came a messenger with all speed, and de- 
livered a sad and short message. Whereupon all the 
men gathered together, put on their boots and 
breeches, trussed up themselves, and took their bows 
and arrows and went forth, telling them they went a 
hunting, and that at their return they should have 
venison enough. Being now gone, one being more 
ancient and wise than the rest, calling former things 
to mind, especially the Captain's presence, and the 
strait charge that on pain of death none should go 
a musket shot from the plantation, and comparing this 
sudden departure of theirs therewith, began to dislike 
and wish himself at home again, which was further 
off than divers other dwelt. Hereupon he moved his 
fellows to return, but could not persuade them. So 
there being none but women left, and the other that 
was turned salvage, about midnight came away, for- 
saking the paths, lest he should be pursued ; and by 
this means saved his life. 



should ever be cherished. Still little doubt. It is certain that they 
the transactions to which the stiic- were fully persuaded of its exist- 
tures relate, are defensible. As ence, and with the terrible exam- 
to Standish, Belknap places his pie of the Virginia massacre in 
defence on the rules of duty im- fresh remembrance, they had sol- 
posed by his character, as the mili- emn duties to discharge. The ex- 
tary servant of the Colony. The istence of the whole settlement 
government, it is presumed, will be was at hazard." See Prince, p. 
considered as acting under severe 220 ; Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 461 ; 
necessity, and will require no apol- Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 330 ; Mor- 
ogy if the reality of the conspiracy ton's Memorial, p. 91. 
be admitted, of which there can be 



SKIRMISH WITH THE INDIANS. 341 

Captain Standish took the one half of his men, and chap. 

XXI. 

one or two of Mr. Weston's, and Hobbamock, still ^ 

seeking to make spoil of them and theirs. At length i6 23. 

° . ^ . . ^ Mar. 

they espied a file of Indians, which made to\#rds them 
amain ; and there being a small advantage in the 
ground, by reason of a hill near them, both companies 
strove for it. Captain Standish got it; whereupon 
they retreated, and took each man his tree, letting fly 
their arrows amain, especially at himself and Hobba- 
mock. Whereupon Hobbamock cast off" his coat, and 
being a known pinese, (theirs being now killed,) chased 
them so fast, as our people were not able to hold way 
with him ; insomuch as our men could have but one 
certain mark, and then but the arm and half face of a 
notable villain, as he drew^ at Captain Standish ; who 
together with another both discharged at once at him, 
and brake his arm ; whereupon they fled into a swamp. 
When they were in the thicket, they parleyed, but to 
small purpose, getting nothing but foul language. So 
our Captain dared the sachim to come out and fight 
like a man, showing how base and woman-like he was 
in tonguing it as he did ; but he refused, and fled. 
So the Captain returned to the plantation ; where he 
released the women, and would not take their beaver 
coats from them, nor suffer the least discourtesy to be 
offered them. 

Now were Mr. Weston's people resolved to leave 
their plantation, and go for Munhiggen, hoping to get 
passage and return^ with the fishing ships. The Cap- 
tain told them, that for his own part he durst there 
live with fewer men than they were ; yet since they 
w^ere otherways minded, according to his order from 

' His bow. ** To England. 



342 WESTON'S PLANTATION BROKEN UP. 

CHAP, the governors and people of Plymouth, he would help 

'^ them with corn competent for their provision by the 

16 23. way; which he did, scarce leaving himself more than 
brought fhem home. Some of them disliked the 
choice of the body to go to Munhiggen, and therefore 
desiring to go with him to Plymouth, he took them 
into the shallop ; and seeing them set sail, and clear 
of the Massachuset bay,^ he took leave and returned 
to Plymouth ; whither he came in safety, blessed be 
God ! and brought the head of Wituwamat with him. 
Among the rest, there was an Indian youth, that 
was ever of a courteous and loving disposition towards 
us. He, notwithstanding the death of his country- 
men, came to the Captain without fear, saying, his 
good conscience and love towards us imboldened him 
so to do. This youth confessed, that the Indians in- 
tended to kill Mr. Weston's people, and not to delay 
any longer than till they had two more canoes or boats, 



' " Thus this plantation is broken in the bottom of the bay between 

up in a year ; and this is the end of Pascataquak and Merriniak river, 

those who being all able men, had and hardly escapes with his life, 

boasted of their strength and what Afterwards he falls into the hands 

they would bring to pass, in com- of the Indians, who pillage him of 

parison of the people at Plymouth, all he saved from the sea, and strip 

who had many women, children, him of all his clothes to his shirt, 

and weak ones with them ; and At length he gets to Pascataquak, 

said at their first arrival, when borrows a suit of clothes, finds 

they saw the wants at Plymouth, means to come to Plymouth, and 

that they w'ould take another course, desires to borrow soine beaver of 

and not fall into such a condition us. Notwithstanding our straits, 

as this simple people were come to." yet in consideration of his neces- 

Bradford, in Prince, p. 214, and in sity, we let him have one hundred 

Morion, p. 92. and seventy odd pounds of beaver, 

" Shortly after Mr. Weston "speo- with which he goes to the east- 
pie went to the eastward, he comes ward, stays his small ship and 
there himself with some of the fish- some of his men, buys provisions 
ermen, under another name and and fits himself, wiiich is the foun- 
disguise of a blacksmith ; where dation of his future courses ; and 
he hears the ruin of his plantation ; yet never repaid us any thing save 
and getting a shallop with a man reproaches, and becomes our ene- 
or two comes on to see how things my on all occasions." Bradford, in 
are; but in a slorra is cast away Prince, p. 216. See note ' on p. 78. 



THE INDIAN PLOT CONFESSED. 343 

which Mr. Weston's men would have finished by this chap. 

XXI 

time, having made them three already, had not the 

Captain prevented them; and the end of stay for ^^^^* 
those boats was to take their ship therewith.* 

Now was the Captain returned and received with 
joy, the head being brought to the fort, and there set 
up.^ The governors and captains with divers others 
went up the same further, to examine the prisoner, 
who looked piteously on the head. Being asked 
whether he knew it, he answered. Yea. Then he 
confessed the plot, and that all the people provoked 
Obtakiest, their sachim, thereunto, being drawn to it 
by their importunity. Five there were, he said, that 
prosecuted it with more eagerness than the rest. The 
two principal were killed, being Pecksuot and Witu- 
wamat, whose head was there ; the other three were 
powalis, being yet living, and known unto us, though 
one of them was wounded, as aforesaid. For himself, 
he would not acknowledge that he had any hand 
therein, begging earnestly for his Hfe, saying he was 
not a Massachuset man, but as a stranger lived with 
them. Hobbamock also gave a good report of him, 
and besought for him ; but was bribed so to do. Nev- 
ertheless, that we might show mercy as well as ex- 
tremity, the Governor released him, and the rather, 
because we desired he might carry a message to Ob- 
takiest, his master. No sooner were the irons from 
his legs, but he would have been gone ; but the Gover- 

* " This may excite in some year 1747, the heads of the lords 

minds an objection to the humanity who were concerned in the Scots 

of our forefathers. The reason as- rebellion were set up over Temple 

signed for it was that it might Bar, the most frequented passage 

prove a terror to others. In mat- between London and Westmin- 

ters of war and public justice, they ster." Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 

observed the customs and laws of 326. 
the English nation. As late as the 



344 A MESSAGE TO OBTAKIEST. 

CHAP, nor bid him stay, and fear not, for he should receive 
^I-— no hurt ; and by Hobbamock commanded him to de- 
1623. liver this message to his master : That for our parts it 
never entfered into our hearts to take such a course 
with them, till their own treachery enforced us there- 
unto, and therefore they might thank themselves for 
their own overthrow ; yet since he had begun, if again 
by any the like courses he did provoke him, his coun- 
try should not hold him ; for he would never suffer 
him or his to rest in peace, till he had utterly con- 
sumed them ; and therefore should take this as a 
warning ; further, that he should send to Patuxet the 
three Englishmen he had, and not kill them ; also 
that he should not spoil the pale and houses at Wicha- 
guscusset ; and that this messenger should either bring 
the English, or an answer, or both ; promising his 
safe return. 

This message was dehvered, and the party would 
have returned with [an] answer, but was at first dis- 
suaded by them, whom afterwards they would, but 
could not persuade to come to us. At length, though 
long, a woman came and told us, that Obtakiest was 
sorry that the English were killed, before he heard 
from the Governor ; otherwise he would have sent 
them. Also she said, he would fain make his peace 
again with us, but none of his men durst come to 
treat about it, having forsaken his dwelhng, and daily 
removed from place to place, expecting when we 
would take further vengeance on him. 

Concerning those other people, that intended to 
join with the Massacheuseuks against us, though we 
never went against any of them ; yet this sudden and 
unexpected execution, together with the just judgment 



THE EFFECTS OF STANDISH'S EXPEDITION. 345 

of God upon their guilty consciences, hath so terri- chap. 

fied and amazed them, as in hke manner they forsook 

their houses, runninoj to and fro Hke men distracted, K^,^^- 

... Mar. 

Hving in swamps and other desert places, and so 
brought manifold diseases amongst themselves, where- 
of very many are dead ; as Canacum, the sachim 
of Manomet, Aspinet, the sachim of Nauset, and la- 
nough, sachim of Mattachiest. This sachim in his 
life, in the midst of these distractions, said the God of 
the English was offended with them, and would de- 
stroy them in his anger ; and certainly it is strange to 
hear how many of late have, and still daily die amongst 
them. Neither is there any likelihood it will easily 
cease ; because through fear they set little or no corn, 
which is the staff of life, and without which they can- 
not long preserve health and strength. From one of 
these places a boat was sent with presents to the 
Governor, hoping thereby to work their peace ; but 
the boat was cast away, and three of the persons 
drowned, not far from our Plantation. Only one 
escaped, who durst not come to us, but returned ; 
so as none of them dare come amongst us. 

I fear I have been too tedious both in this and other 
things. Yet when I considered how necessary a thing 
it is that the truth and grounds of this action especially 
should be made known, and the several dispositions of 
that dissolved colony, whose reports undoubtedly will 
be as various, I could not but enlarge myself where I 
thought to be most brief. Neither durst I be too brief, 
lest I should eclipse and rob God of that honor, glory, 
and praise, which belongeth to him for preserving us 
from falling when we were at the pit's brim, and yet 
feared nor knew not that we were in danger. 
44 



CHAPTER XXII. 

OF THE FIRST ALLOTMENT OF LANDS, AND THE DISTRESSED 
STATE OF THE COLONY. 

CHAP. The month of April beinsf now come, on all hands 

XXIL 

^ we began to prepare for corn. And because there was 

162 3. no corn left before this time, save that was preserved 
for seed, being also hopeless of relief by supply, we 
thought best to leave off all other works, and pro- 
secute that as most necessary. And because there 
was no ^ small hope of doing good, in that common 
course of labor that formerly we were in ; ^ for that the 
governors, that followed men to their labors, had no- 
thing to give men for their necessities, and therefore 
could not so well exercise that command over them 
therein, as formerly they had done ; especially con- 
sidering that self-love wherewith every man, in a 
measure more or less, loveth and preferreth his own 
good before his neighbour's, and also the base disposi- 
tion of some drones, that, as at other times, so now 
especially would be most burdenous to the rest ; it was 
therefore thought best that every man should use the 

' The word no appears to be an ^ See note ' on page 84. 
error of the press. F. 



THE FIRST ALLOTMENT OP LAND. 347 

best diligence he could for his own preservation, both chap. 

in respect of the time present, and to prepare his own 

corn for the year following ; and bring in a competent ^.^^.,^' 
portion for the maintenance of public officers, fisher- 
men, &c., which could not be freed from their calling 
without greater inconveniences. This course was to 
continue till harvest, and then the governors to gather 
in the appointed portion, for the maintenance of them- 
selves and such others as necessity constrained to 
exempt from this condition. Only if occasion served, 
upon any special service they might employ such as 
they thought most fit to execute the same, during this 
appointed time, and at the end thereof all men to be 
employed by them in such service as they thought 
most necessary for the general good. And because 
there is great diflference in the ground, that therefore a 
set quantity should be set down for a person, and each 
man to have his fall by lot,^ as being most just and 
equal, and against which no man could except. 

At a general meeting of the company, many courses 
were propounded, but this approved and followed, as 
being the most hkely for the present and future good 
of the company ; and therefore before this month 
began to prepare our ground against seed-time. 

In the midst of April we began to set, the weather 
being then seasonable, which much encouraged us, 
giving us good hopes of after plenty. The setting 
season is good till the latter end of May. But it 
pleased God, for our further chastisement, to send a 
great drouoht ; insomuch as in six weeks after the 

' This allotment was only for as before, he gives every person an 

one year. In the spring of the next acre of land." Bradford, in Prince, 

year, 1624, " the people requesting pp. 215 and 226. See iliis latter 

the Governor to have some land for allotment in Hazard, i. 100, and in 

continuance, and not by yearly lot, Morton, p. 376. 



348 DROUGHT AND FAMINE. 

CHAP, latter setting there scarce fell any rain ; so that the 

. .-i. stalk of that was first set began to send forth the ear, 

1623. before it came to half growth, and that which was 
later not like to yield any at all, both blade and stalk 
hanging the head, and changing the color in such 
manner, as we judged it utterly dead. Our beans also 
ran not up according to their wonted manner, but 
stood at a stay, many being parched away, as though 
they had been scorched before the fire. Now were 
our hopes overthrown, and we discouraged, our joy 
beino; turned into mournin<T.^ 

To add also to this sorrowful estate in which we 
were, we heard of a supply that was sent unto us 
many months since, which having two repulses before, 
was a third time in company of another ship three 
hundred leagues at sea, and now in three months time 
heard no further of her ; only the signs of a wreck 
were seen on the coast, which could not be judged to 
be any other than the same.'^ So that at once God 

' " But by the time our corn is divide amon^ the company : and in 

planted, our victuals are spent, the winter are helped witli fowl and 

not knowing at night where to ground-nuts." Bradford, in Prince, 

have a bit in the morning, and p. 210. 

have neither bread nor corn lor * "At length we receive letters 

three or four months together, yet from the adventurers in England 

bear our wants with cheerfulness of December 22 and April 9 last, 

and rest on Providence. Having wherein they say, ' It rejoiceth us 

but one boat left, we divide the much to hear those good reports 

men into several companies, six that divers have brought home of 

or seven in each ; who take their you ;' and give an account, that last 

turns to go out witii a net and Aill, a ship, the Paragon, sailed 

fish, and return not till they get from London with passengers, for 

some, though they be five or six New Plymouth ; being fitted out 

days out; knowing there is nothing by Mr. John Pierce, in whose name 

at home, and to return empty our first patent was taicen, his name 

would be a great discouragement, being only used in trust; but when 

When tliey stay long oi get but he saw we were here hopefully 

little, the rest go a digging shell- seated, and by the success God 

fish ; and thus we live the sum- gave us, had obtained favor with 

nier ; only sending one or two ihe Council for New England, he 

to range the woods for deer, they gets another jiateni of a larger ex- 

now and then get one, which we tent, meaning to keep it to him- 



THE FIRST FAST. 349 

seemed to deprive us of all future hopes. The most chap. 

. XXII. 

courageous were now discouraged, because God, which ^ — ^ 
hitherto had been our only shield and supporter, now 1 6 2 3. 
seemed in his anger to arm himself against us. And 
who can withstand the fierceness of his wrath ? 

These and the like considerations moved not only 
every good man privately to enter into examination 
with his own estate between God and his conscience, 
and so to humihation before him, but also more 
solemnly to humble ourselves together before the Lord 
by fasting and prayer. To that end a day was ap- 
pointed by public authority, and set apart from all 
other employments ; hoping that the same God, which 
had stirred us up hereunto, would be moved hereby in 
mercy to look down upon us, and grant the request of 
our dejected souls, if our continuance there might any 
way stand with his glory and our good. But Oh the 
mercy of our God ! who was as ready to hear, as we 
to ask ; for though in the morning, when we assem- 
bled together, the heavens were as clear, and the 
drought as like to continue as ever it was, yet, (our 
exercise continuing some eight or nine hours,) before 

self, allow us only uhat he pleas- to Portsmouth, having- 109 souls 

ed, hold us as his tenants and sue aboard, with Mr. Pierce himself, 

to his courts as chief lord. But Upon which great and repeated 

meeting with tempestuous storms loss and disappointment, he is pre- 

in the Downs, the ship is so hruised vailed upon for £500 to resign 

and leaky that in fourteen days she his patent to the Company, which 

returned to London, was forced to cost him but jC50 ; and the goods 

be put into the dock, X'lOO laid out with charge of passengers in this 

to mend her, and lay six or seven ship cost the Company jC640, for 

weeks to December 22, before she wliich they were forced to hire 

sailed a second time ; but being another ship, namely, tlie Anne, of 

half way over, met with extreme 140 tons, to transport them, namely, 

tempestuous weather about the mid- 60 passengers with (iO tons of 

die of February which held fourteen goods, ho])ing to sail by the end of 

days, beat off the round house April." Bradford, in Prince, pp. 

with all her upper works, obliged 217, 218. See note * on pages 234 

them to cut her mast and return and 235. 



350 SEASONABLE SHOWERS. 

CHAP, our departure, the weather was overcast, the clouds 

XXII. 

^^.-^^ gathered together on all sides, and on the next morn- 
16 2 3. ing distilled such soft, sweet, and moderate showers of 
rain, continuing some fourteen days, and mixed with 
such seasonable weather, as it was hard to say whether 
our withered corn or drooping affections were most 
quickened or revived ; such was the bounty and good- 
ness of our God. Of this the Indians, by means of 
Hobbamock,^ took notice ; who being then in the 
town, and this exercise in the midst of the week, said, 
It was but three days since Sunday ; and therefore 
demanded of a boy, what was the reason thereof. 
Which when he knew, and saw what effects followed 
thereupon, he and all of them admired the goodness 
of our God towards us, that wrought so great a change 
in so short a time ; showing the difference between 
their conjuration, and our invocation on the name of 
God for rain ; theirs being mixed with such storms 
and tempests, as sometimes, instead of doing them 
good, it layeth the corn fiat on the ground, to their 
prejudice ; but ours in so gentle and seasonable a 
manner, as they never observed the like. 

At the same time Captain Standish, being formerly 
employed by the Governor to buy provisions for the 
refreshing of the Colony, returned with the same, ac- 
companied with one Mr. David Tomson,^ a Scotch- 

^ This is the last time that Hob- tion, and also in his practice, re- 

bamock's name occurs in the his- forming and conforming himself ac- 

tory of the Coh)ny. His services cordingly ; and though he was much 

to the infant settlement had been tempted by enticements, scoffs, and 

very important, and in the allot- scorns from the Indians, yet could 

ment of the land in 1624, mention be never be gotten from the Eng- 

is made of " Mohhamock's ground." lish, nor from seeking after their 

In New Eng-land's First Fruits, God, but died amongst them, leav- 

published in London in 1643, he is ing some good hopes in their hearts 

described as follows : " As he in- that his soul went to rest." 

creased in knowledge, so in affec- ^ David Thoinson was sent over 



PUBLIC THANKSGIVING. 351 

man, who also that spring began a plantation twenty- chap. 
five leagues northeast from us, near Smith's isles, ^ at a 
place called Pascatoquack, where he liketh well. Now 
also heard we of the third repulse that our supply had,^ 
of their safe, though dangerous, return into England, 
and of their preparation to come to us. So that hav- 
ing these many signs of God's favor and acceptation, 
we thought it would be great ingratitude, if secretly 
we should smother up the same, or content ourselves 
with private thanksgiving for that, which by private 
prayer could not be obtained. And therefore another 
solemn day was set apart and appointed for that end ; 
wherein we returned glory, honor, and praise, with all 
thankfulness, to our good God, which dealt so gra- 
ciously with us ; whose name for these and all other 
his mercies towards his church, and chosen ones, by 
them be blessed and praised, now and evermore. 
Amen. 

In the latter end of July, and the beginning of Au- Aug. 
gust, came two ships with supply unto us ; who 

by Gorges and Mason in the spring throp, i. 44, with Hubbard, in 

of 1623, and commenced a settle- Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 105 ; and see 

ment at a place called Little Har- Adams's Annals of Portsmouth, p. 

hour, on the west side of Piscata- 10, and Levett's voyage into New- 

qua river, near its mouth. Chris- England, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 

topher Levett says he stayed a 164. 

month at Thomson's plantation in ' So called after himself, by 
1623. Afterwards, in 1626, or Captain John Smith, who discov- 
later, out of dislike of the place or ered them in 1614. He thus de- 
his employers, Thomson removed scribes them : " Smyth's Isles are 
to Boston harbour, and took pos- a heap together, none near them, 
session of "a fruitful island and against Accominticus." They are 
very desirable neck of land," which eight in number, and are now call- 
were afterwards confirmed to him ed the Isles of Shoals. See a de- 
or his heirs by the government of scription and historical account of 
Massachusetts. This neck of land them in Mass. Hist. Coll. vii. 242 — 
was Sqnantum, in Quincy, and the 262 ; xxvi. 120. 
island which is very near it, has * " Governor Bradford gives no 
ever since been called by his name, hint of this third repulse." Prince, 
It is now the seat of the Farm p. 219. 
School. Compare Savage's Win- 



352 



A NEW SUPPLY OF COLONISTS. 



CHAP. 

XXIL 

1623. 

Aug. 



brought all their passengers,^ except one, in health, 
who recovered in short time ; who, also, notwithstand- 
ing all our wants and hardship, blessed be God ! 
found not any one sick person amongst us at the Plan- 



* The following is an alphabetical 
list of those who came over in the 
Anne and Little James. 

Anthony Annable, Edward Holman, 
Edward Bangs, John Jcnnj', 
Robert Bartlett, Robert Long, 
Fear Brewster, Experience Mitchell, 

Patience Brewster, George Morion, 
Mary Bucket, Thomas Morion, jr. 

Edward Burcher, Ellen Newton, 
Thomas Clark, .John Oldham, 
Christopher Conant, Frances Palmer, 
Cuthhert Cuthbert- Christian Penn, 

son, Mr. Perce's two 

Anthony Dix, servants, 

John Fai.nce, Joshua Pratt, 

Manasseh Faunce, James Rand, 
Goodwife Flavell, Robert Rattliffe, 
Edmund Flood, Nicholas Snow, 
Bridget Fuller, Alice Southworth, 

Timothy Hatherly, Francis Sprague, 
William Heard, Barbara Standish, 
Margaret Hickes, Thomas Tilden, 

and her children, Stephen Tracy, 
William Hilton's Ralph Wallen. 

wife and two 

children, 

This list, as well as that of the 
passengers in the Fortune, is ob- 
tained from the record of the allot- 
ment of lands, in 1624, which may 
be found in Hazard's State Papers, 
i. 101 — 103, and in the Appendix 
to Morton's Memorial, pp. 377 — 
380. In that list, however, Fran- 
cis Cooke's and Richard Warren's 
names are repeated, although they 
came in the Mayflower ; probably 
because their wives and children 
came in the Anne, and therefore an 
additional grant of land was made 
to them. Many others brought 
their families in this ship ; and 
Bradford says that " some were the 
wives and children of such who 
came before." 

Fear and Patience Brewster were 
daughters of Elder Brewster. John 
Faunce married Patience, daughter 
of George Morton, and was father 
of the venerable Elder Faunce. 



Thomas Clark's gravestone is one 
of the oldest on the Burial hill in 
Plymouth. See note* on page 100. 
Francis Cooke's wife, Hester, was 
a Walloon, and Cuthbert Cuthbert- 
son was a Dutchman, as we learn 
from Winslow's Brief Narration. 
Anthony Dix is mentioned in Win- 
throp, i. 287. Goodwife Flavell 
was probably the wife of Thomas, 
who came in the Fortune, and 
Bridget Fuller was the wife of 
Samuel, the physician. Timothy 
Hatherly went to England the next 
winter, and did not return till 
1632 ; he settled in Scituate. Mar- 
garet Hicks, was the wife of Rob- 
ert, who came in the Fortune. 
William Hilton (see page 251) had 
sent for his wife and children. 
George Morton brought his son, 
Nathaniel, the secretary, and four 
other children. Thomas Morton, jr. 
was probably the son of Thomas, 
who came in the Fortune. John Old- 
ham afterwards became notorious 
in the history of the Colony. Fran- 
ces Palmer was the wife of Wil- 
liam, who came in the Fortune. 
Phinehas Pratt had a lot of land 
assigned him among those who 
came in the Anne ; but he was un- 
doubtedly one of Weston's colony, 
as appears from page 332. Bar- 
bara Standish was the Captain's 
second wife, whom he married 
after the arrival of the Anne. Her 
maiden name is unknown. 

Annable afterwards settled in 
Scituate, Mitchell in Duxbury and 
Bridgewater, Bangs and Snow in 
Eastham, and Sprague in Duxbury. 
John Jenny was a brewer, and in 
1636 had "liberty to erect a mill 
for grinding and beating of corn 
upon the brook of Plymouth." 

Those who came in the first 
three ships, the Mayflower, the 



ARRIVAL OF THE THIRD SHIP. 



353 



tation. The bi^prer ship, called the Anne,^ was hired, chap. 

. XXII 

and there again freighted back ; ^ from whence we set 

sail the 10th of September. The lesser, called the ip2 3. 
Little James,^ was built for the company at their lo. 
charge.'* She was now also fitted for trade and dis- 
covery to the southward of Cape Cod, and almost 
ready to set sail ; whom I pray God to bless in her 
good and lawful proceedings. 



Fortune, and the Anne, are distinct- 
ively called the old coiners, or the 
forefathers. See pages 121 and 235. 
For further particulars concerning 
them, see Farmer's Genealogical 
Register, Mitchell's Bridgewater, 
and Deane's Scituate. 

^ " Of 140 tons, Mr. William 
Pierce, master." Bradford, in 
Prince, pp. 218 and 220, 

* " Being laden with clapboards, 
and all the beaver and other furs 
we have ; with whom we send Mr. 
Winslow, to inform how things are 
and procure what we want." Brad- 
ford, in Prince, p. 221. 

^ " A fine new vessel of 44 tons 
Mr. Bridges, master." Bradford, in 
Prince, p. 220. 

* " They bring about 60 persons, 
some being very useful and become 
good members of the body ; of 
whom the principal are Mr. Timothy 
Hatherly and Mr. George Morton, 
who came in the Anne, and Mr. 
John Jenny, who came in the James. 
Some were the wives and children of 
such who came before ; and some 
others are so bad we are forced to 
be at the charge to send them home 
next year. 

" By this ship R. C. [i. e. doubt- 
less Mr. Cushman, their agent,] 
writes. Some few of your old friends 
are come ; they come dropping to 
you, and by degrees I hope ere long 
you shall enjoy them all, &c. 

" From the general, [that is, the 
joint concern, the company] sub- 
scribed by thirteen, we have also a 
letter wherein they say, ' Let it not 

45 



be grievous to you, that you have 
been instruments to break the ice 
for others who come after with less 
difficulty ; the honor shall be yours 
to the world's end. We bear you 
always in our breasts, and our hearty 
affection is towards you all, as are 
the hearts of hundreds more which 
never saw your faces, who doubtless 
pray your safety as their own.' 

" When these passengers see our 
poor and low condition ashore, they 
are much dism.ayed and full of sad- 
ness ; only our old friends rejoice 
to see us, and that it is no worse, 
and now hope we shall enjoy better 
days together. The best dish we 
could present them with, is a lob- 
ster, or piece offish, without bread, 
or any thing else but a cup of fair 
spring water ; and the long contin- 
uance of this diet, with our labors 
abroad, has somewhat abated the 
freshness of our complexion ; but 
God gives us health, &c. 

" August 14. The fourth mar- 
riage is of Governor Bradford to 
Mrs. Alice Southworth, widow." 
Bradford, in Prince, pp. 220, 221. 
Her maiden name was Carpenter, 
as appears from the following en- 
try in the records of the Plymouth 
Church : " 1667. Mary Carpenter, 
(sister of Mrs. Alice Bradford, the 
wife of Governor Bradford,) a mem- 
ber of the church at Duxbury, died 
in Plymouth, March 19-20, being 
newly entered into the 91st year of 
her age. She was a godly old 
maid, never married." 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

OF THE MANNERS, CUSTOMS, RELIGIOUS OPINIONS AND CERE- 
MONIES OF THE INDIANS. 

CHAP. Thus have I made a true and full narration of the 
_L._^ state of our Plantation, and such things as were most 
1623. remarkable therein since December, 1621. If I have 
omitted any thing, it is either through weakness of 
memory, or because I judged it not material. I con- 
fess my style rude, and unskilfulness in the task I 
undertook ; being urged thereunto by opportunity, 
which I knew to be wanting in others, and but for 
which I would not have undertaken the same. Yet 
as it is rude, so it is plain, and therefore the easier to 
be understood ; wherein others may see that which we 
are bound to acknowledge, viz. that if ever any peo- 
ple in these later ages were upheld by the providence 
of God after a more special manner than others, then 
we ; and therefore are the more bound to celebrate the 
memory of his goodness with everlasting thankfulness. 
For in these forenamed straits, such was our state, as 
in the morning we had often our food to seek for the 
day, and yet performed the duties of our callings, I 
mean other daily labors, to provide for after time ; 
and thou2;h at some times in some seasons at noon I 



RELIGION OF THE INDIANS. 355 

have seen men stagger by reason of faintness for want chap. 

XXUI. 

of food, yet ere night, by the good providence and bless- ^ 

ing of God, we have enjoyed such plenty as though the 1 623. 
windows of heaven had been opened unto us. How 
few, weak, and raw were we at our first beginning, 
and there settling, and in the midst of barbarous ene- 
mies I Yet God wrought our peace for us. How often 
have we been at the pit's brim, and in danger to be 
swallowed up, yea, not knowing till afterward that 
we were in peril ! And yet God preserved us ; yea, 
and from how many that we yet know not of. He that 
knoweth all things can best tell. So that when I se- 
riously consider of things, I cannot but think that God 
hath a purpose to give that land as an inheritance to 
our nation, and great pity it were that it should long 
lie in so desolate a state, considering it agreeth so well 
with the constitution of our bodies, being both fertile, 
and so temperate for heat and cold, as in that respect 
one can scarce distinguish New England from Old. 

A few things I thought meet to add hereunto, which 
I have observed amongst the Indians, both touching 
their rehgion and sundryother customs amongst them. 
And first, whereas myself and others, in former letters, 
(which came to the press against my will and know- 
ledge,) wrote that the Indians about us are a people 
without any religion, or knowledge of any God,^ 
therein I erred, though we could then gather no bet- 
ter ; for as they conceive of many divine powers, so of 
one, whom they call Kiehtan," to be the principal and 
maker of all the rest, and to be made by none. He, they 
say, created the heavens, earth, sea and all creatures 

' See page 233. antiquity; for Cliise \s an old man, 

' The meaning of the woid and Kichchiae a man that exceedelh 
Kiehtan, I think, hath reference to in age. — Winslow's Note. 



356 KIEHTAN, THE INDIAN GOD. 

CHAP, contained therein : also that he made one man and 

XXIII 

— -' one woman, of whom they and we and all mankind 
1623. came ;^ but how they became so far dispersed, that 
know they not. At first, they say, there was no sa- 
chiin or king, but Kiehtan, who dwelleth above in the 
heavens, whither all good men go when they die, to 
see their friends, and have their fill of all things. This 
his habitation lieth far westward in the heavens, they 
say ; thither the bad men go also, and knock at his 
door, but he bids them quatc/iet, that is to say, walk 
abroad, for there is no place for such ; so that they 
wander in restless want and penury.^ Never man saw 
this Kiehtan ; only old men tell them of him, and bid 
them tell their children, yea to charge them to teach 
their posterities the same, and lay the like charge upon 
them. This power they acknowledge to be good; and 
when they would obtain any great matter, meet to- 
gether and cry unto him ; and so likewise for plenty, 
victory, &c. sing, dance, feast, give thanks, and hang 
up garlands and other things in memory of the same. 
Another power they worship, whom they call Hob- 
bamock, and to the northward of us, Hobbamoqui ; ^ 
this, as far as we can conceive, is the devil. Him they 
call upon to cure their wounds and diseases. When 
they are curable, he persuades them he sends the same 

' "They relate how they have it believe that the souls of men and 

from their fathers, that Kautantow- women go to the southwest ; their 

wit made one man and woman of great and good men and women to 

a stone, which disliking he broke Kautantowwit's house, where they 

them in pieces, and made another have hopes, as the Turks have, of 

man and woman of a tree, which carnal joys; murtherers, thieves 

wrere the fountains of all mankind." and liars, their souls, say they, 

Roger Williams's Key, ch. xxi. wander restless abroad." Wil- 

^ " Kautantowwit, the great south- liams's Key, ch. xxi. 

west God, to whose house all souls ^ Wood, in his New England's 

go, and from whom came their Prospect, ch. six. spells this word 

corn and beans, as they say. They Abamacho. 



THE POWOW, OR MEDICINE MAN. 357 

for some conceiv ed anger against them ; but upon their chap. 

calUng upon him, can and doth help them ; but when ' 

they are mortal and not curable in nature, then he 1623. 
persuades them Kiehtan is angry, and sends them, 
whom none can cure ; insomuch as in that respect 
only they somewhat doubt whether he be simply good, 
and therefore in sickness never call upon him. This 
Hobbamock appears in sundry forms unto them, as in 
the shape of a man, a deer, a fawn, an eagle, &c. but 
most ordinarily a snake. He appears not to all, but 
the chiefest and most judicious amongst them ; though 
all of them strive to attain to that hellish height of 
honor. He appeareth most ordinary and is most con- 
versant with three sorts of people. One, I confess I 
neither know by name nor office directly ; of these 
they have few, but esteem highly of them, and think 
that no weapon can kill them ; another they call by 
the name of jjowah ; and the third pniese. 

The office and duty of the powah is to be exercised 
principally in calhng upon the devil, and curing diseases 
of the sick or wounded. The common people join 
with him in the exercise of invocation, but do but only 
assent, or as we term it, say Amen to that he saith ; yet 
sometime break out into a short musical note with him. 
The powah is eager and free in speech, fierce in coun- 
tenance, and joineth many antic and laborious gestures 
with the same, over the party diseased.^ If the party 
be wounded, he will also seem to suck the wound ; but 
if they be curable, (as they say,) he toucheth it not, but 
askooke, that is, the snake, or ivobsacuck, that is, the 
eagle, sitteth on his shoulder, and licks the same. This 
none see but the powah, who tells them he doth it 

' See page 317. 



358 THE POWOW'S PRACTICES. 

CHAP, himself. If the party be otherwise diseased, it is ac- 

XXIII. 

'■ counted sufficient if in any shape he but come into the 

1623. house, taking it for an undoubted sign of recovery. 

And as in former ages Apollo had his temple at 
Delphos, and Diana at Ephesus, so have I heard them 
call upon some as if they had their residence in some 
certain places, or because they appeared in those forms 
in the same. In the powah's speech, he promiseth to 
sacrifice many skins of beasts, kettles, hatchets, beads, 
knives, and other the best things they have to the 
fiend, if he will come to help the party diseased ; but 
whether they perform it, I know not. The other prac- 
tices I have seen, being necessarily called sometimes 
to be with their sick, and have used the best argu- 
ments I could to make them understand against the 
same. They have told me I should see the devil at 
those times come to the party ; but I assured myself 
and them of the contrary, which so proved ; yea, them- 
selves have confessed they never saw him when any 
of us were present. In desperate and extraordinary 
hard travail in child-birth, when the party cannot be 
delivered by the ordinary means, they send for this 
powah ; though ordinarily their travail is not so ex- 
treme as in our parts of the world, they being of a more 
hardy nature ; for on the third day after child-birth, I 
have seen the mother with the infant, upon a small 
occasion, in cold weather, in a boat upon the sea. 

Many sacrifices the Indians use, and in some cases 
kill children. It seemeth they are various in their re- 
ligious worship in a little distance, and grow more and 
more cold in their worship to Kiehtan ; saying, in their 
memory he was much more called upon. The Nano- 
higgansets exceed in their blind devotion, and have a 



THE PNIESE, OR INDIAN WARRIOR. 359 

great spacious house, wherein only some few (that chap. 

arc, as we may term them, priests) come. Thither, at ' 

certain known times, resort all their people, and offer 162 3. 
almost all the riches they have to their gods, as kettles, 
skins, hatchets, beads, knives, &c., all which are cast 
by the priests into a great fire that they make in the 
midst of the house, and there consumed to ashes. To 
this offering every man bringeth freely ; and the more 
he is known to bring, hath the better esteem of all 
men. This the other Indians about us approve of as 
good, and wish their sachims would appoint the like ; 
and because the plague^ hath not reigned atNanohig- 
ganset as at other places about them, they attribute 
to this custom there used. 

The pnieses are men of great courage and wisdom, 
and to those also the devil appeareth more familiarly 
than to others, and as we conceive, maketh covenant 
with them to preserve them from death by wounds 
with arrows, knives, hatchets, &c. or at least both 
themselves and especially the people think themselves 
to be freed from the same. And though, against their 
battles, all of them by painting disfigure themselves, 
yet they are known by their courage and boldness, by 
reason whereof one of them will chase almost an hun- 
dred men ; for they account it death for whomsoever 
stand in their way. These are highly esteemed of all 
sorts of people, and are of the sachim's council, with- 
out whom they will not war, or undertake any weighty 
business.^ In war their sachims, for their more safety, 
go in the midst of them. They are commonly men of 
the greatest stature and strength, and such as will en- 
dure most hardness, and yet are more discreet, cour- 

' See pages 183 and 206. ' See pages 288 and 323. 



360 THE SACHIM, OR INDIAN CHIEF. 

CHAP, teous and humane in their carriages than any amongst 

XXllI ./ o 

them, scorning theft, lying, and the Hke base deahngs, 

16 2 3. and stand as much upon their reputation as any men. 
And to the end they may have store of" these, they 
train up the most forward and hkehest boys, from their 
childhood, in great hardness, and make them abstain 
from dainty meat, observing divers orders prescribed, 
to the end that when they are of age, the devil may 
appear to them ; causing to drink the juice of sentry ^ 
and other bitter herbs, till they cast, which they must 
disgorge into the platter, and drink again and again, 
till at length through extraordinary oppressing of 
nature, it will seem to be all blood ; and this the boys 
will do with eagerness at the first, and so continue till 
by reason of faintness, they can scarce stand on their 
legs, and then must go forth into the cold. Also they 
beat their shins with sticks, and cause them to run 
through bushes, stumps and brambles, to make them 
hardy and acceptable to the devil, that in time he may 
appear unto them. 

Their sachims cannot be all called kings, but only 
some few of them, to whom the rest resort for protec- 
tion, and pay homage unto them ; ^ neither may they 

' Or centaury — probably the cured at what time as having en- 

sabbatia chluroides, a plant conspi- tertained Hercules in his cabin, he 

cuous for its beauty, which is found would needs be handling and tam- 

in great abundance on the margin pering with the weapons of his 

of the ponds in Plymouth. It be- said guest so long until one of the 

longs to the natural order of Gen- arrows light upon his foot and 

tians, one characteristic of which wounded him dangerously." Hol- 

is an intense bitterness, residing land's Pliny, b. xxv, ch. 6. 
both in the stems and roots. The * " Their government is gene- 

gentiana crinita, or fringed gentian, rally monarchical, their chief saga- 

also grows in this region. See more or sachem's will being their 

Bigelow's Plants of Boston, pp. law ; but yet the sachem hath some 

79 and 111. chief men that he consults with as 

" The greater centaury is that his special counsellors. Among 

famous herb wherewith Chiron the some of the Indians their govern- 

centaur (as the report goeth) was ment is mixed, partly monarchical 



THE SACHIM'S FAMILY AND GOVERNMENT. 361 

war without their knowledge and approbation ; yet to chap. 
be commanded by the greater, as occasion serveth. -JL — ," 
Of this sort is Massassowat, our friend, and Conanacus, 16 2 3. 
of Nanohigganset, our supposed enemy. Every sachim 
taketh care for the widow and fatherless, also for such 
as are aged and any way maimed, if their friends be 
dead, or not able to provide for them. A sachim will 
not take any to wife, but such an one as is equal to 
him in birth ; otherwise, they say, their seed would in 
time become ignoble ; and though they have many 
other wives, yet are they no other than concubines or 
servants, and yield a kind of obedience to the princi- 
pal, who ordereth the family and them in it. The 
like their men observe also, and will adhere to the 
first during their lives ; but put away the other at 
their pleasure. This government is successive, and 
not by choice. If the father die before the son or 
daughter be of age, then the child is committed to 
the protection and tuition of some one amongst them, 
who ruleth in his stead till he be of age ; but when 
that is, I know not. 

Every sachim knoweth how far the bounds and lim- 
its of his own country extendetli ; and that is his own 
proper inheritance. Out of that, if any of his men de- 
sire land to set their corn, he giveth them as much as 
they can use, and sets them their bounds. In this cir- 
cuit whosoever hunteth, if they kill any venison, bring 

and partly aristocratical ; their sachems that can protect them ; so 
sagamore doing not any weighty that their princes endeavour to car- 
matter without the consent of his ry it obligingly and lovingly unto 
great men or petty sagamores, their people, lest they should desert 
Their sachems have not their men them, and thereby their strength, 
in such subjection but that very power and tribute would be dimin- 
frequenlly their men will leave ished." Gookiii in Mass. Hist, 
them upon distaste or harsh deal- Coll. i. 154. 
ing, and go and live under other 

46 



562 SICKNESS AND DEATH. 

CHAP, him his fee : which is the fore parts of the same, if it 

XXI 1 1 

be killed on the land, but if in the water, then the skin 

162 3. thereof. The great sachims or kings know their 
own bounds or limits of land, as well as the rest. All 
travellers or strangers for the most part lodge at the 
sachim's. When they come, they tell them how long 
they will stay, and to what place they go ; during 
which time they receive entertainment, according to 
their persons, but want not. Once a year the pnieses 
use to provoke the people to bestow much corn on the 
sachim. To that end, they appoint a certain time and 
place, near the sachim's dwelling, where the people 
bring many baskets of corn, and make a great stack 
thereof. There the pnieses stand ready to give thanks 
to the people, on the sachim's behalf; and after ac- 
quaint the sachim therewith, who fetcheth the same, 
and is no less thankful, bestowing many gifts on them. 
When any are visited with sickness, their friends 
resort unto them for their comfort, and continue with 
them ofttimes till their death or recovery.^ If they die, 
they stay a certain time to mourn for them. Night 
and morning they perform this duty, many days after 
the burial, in a most doleful manner, insomuch as 
though it be ordinary and the note musical, which they 
take one from another and all together, yet it will draw 
tears from their eyes, and almost from ours also.^ But 



' See page 313. and public. — When they come to 

^ " Upon the death of the sick, the grave, they lay the dead by the 

the father, or husband, and all his grave's mouth, and then all sit 

neighbours wear black faces, and down, and lament, that I have seen 

lay on soot very thick, wiiich I tears run down the cheeks of slout- 

have often seen clotted with their est captains in abundance ; and 

tears. This blacking and lament- after the dead is laid in the grave, 

ing they observe in most doleful they have then a second lamenta- 

manner divers weeks and months, lion." Roger Williams's Key, eh. 



yea a year, if the person be great xxxii. 



EMPLOYMENTS OF THE MEN. 363 

if they recover, then because their sickness was charge- chap. 

able, they send corn and other gifts unto them, at a . 

certain appointed time, whereat they feast and dance, 162 3. 
which they call commoco. When they bury the dead, 
they sow up the corpse in a mat, and so put it in the 
eartli. If the party be a sachim, they cover him with 
many curious mats, and bury all his riches with him, 
and enclose the grave with a pale.^ If it be a child, 
the father will also put his own most special jewels 
and ornaments in the earth with it ; also will cut his 
hair, and disfigure himself very much, in token of sor- 
row. If it be the man or woman of the house, they 
will pull down the mats, and leave the frame standing, 
and bury them in or near the same,^ and either re- 
move their dwelling or give over house-keeping. 

The men employ themselves wholly in hunting, and 
other exercises of the bow, except at some times they 
take some pains in fishing. The women live a most 
slavish life ; they carry all their burdens,^ set and 
dress their corn, gather it in, seek out for much of 
their food, beat and make ready the corn to eat, and 
have all household care lying upon them. 

The younger sort reverence the elder, and do all 
mean offices, whilst they are together, although they 
be strangers. Boys and girls may not wear their hair 
like men and women, but are distinguished thereby. 

A man is not accounted a man till he do some 
notable act, or show forth such courage and resolu- 
tion as becometh his place. The men take much 
tobacco ; ^ but for boys so to do, they account it odious. 

All their names are significant and variable ; for 

' See pages 142, 143 and 154. ^ See note " on page 305. 
* See pages 154 and 227. * See note ' on page 188. 



364 INDIAN WOMEN. 

CHAP, when thev come to the state of men and women, they 

XXIII 

.' alter ^ them according to their deeds or dispositions. 

162 3. When a maid is taken in marriage, she first cutteth 
her hair, and after weareth a covering on her head, 
till her hair be grown out. Their women are di- 
versely disposed ; some as modest, as they will scarce 
talk one with another in the company of men, being 
very chaste also ; yet other some light, lascivious and 
wanton. If a woman have a bad husband, or cannot 
affect him, and there be war or opposition between 
that and any other people, she will run away from him 
to the contrary party, and there live ; where they 
never come unwelcome, for where are most women, 
there is greatest plenty. 

When a woman hath her monthly terms, she sepa- 
rateth herself from all other company, and liveth cer- 
tain days in a house alone ; after which, she washeth 
herself, and all that she hath touched or used, and is 
again received to her husband's bed or family. For 
adultery, the husband will beat his wife and put her 
away, if he please. Some common strumpets there 
are, as well as in other places ; but they are such as 
either never married, or widows, or put away for adul- 
tery ; for no man will keep such an one to wife. 

In matters of unjust and dishonest deahng, the sa- 
chim examineth and punisheth the same. In case of 
thefts, for the first offence, he is disgracefully rebuked ; 
for the second, beaten by the sachim with a cudgel on 
the naked back ; for the third, he is beaten with many 
strokes, and hath his nose slit upwards, that thereby 
all men may both know and shun him. If any man 
kill another, he must likewise die for the same. The 

' See note ^ on page 191. 



INDIAN APPAREL. 365 

sachim not only passes the sentence upon malefactors,^ chap. 

but executeth the same with his own hands, if the • 

party be then present; if not, sendeth his own knife, 1623. 
in case of death, in the hands of others to perform the 
same.- But if the offender be to receive other punish- 
ment, he will not receive the same but from the sachim 
himself; before whom, being naked, he kneeleth, and 
will not offer to run away, though he beat him never 
so much, it being a greater disparagement for a man 
to cry during the time of his correction, than is his 
offence and punishment. 

As for their apparel, they wear breeches and stock- 
ings in one, hke some Irish,'' which is made of deer 
skins, and have shoes of the same leather. They wear 
also a deer's skin loose about them, like a cloak, which 
they will turn to the weather side. In this habit they 
travel ; but when they are at home, or come to their 
journey's end, presently they pull off their breeches, 
stockings and shoes, wring out the water, if they be 
wet, and dry them, and rub or chafe the same. 
Though these be off, yet have they another small 
garment that covereth their secrets. The men wear 
also, when they go abroad in cold weather, an otter 
or fox skin on their right arm,^ but only their bracer 
on the left. Women, and all of that sex, wear strings 
about their legs, which the men never do. 

The people are very ingenious and observative ; they 

* See page 308. chiefest warriors, to fetch off a head 

* " The most usual custom by some sudden, unexpected blow 
amongst them in executing pun- of a hatchet, when they have fear- 
ishments, is for the sachim either ed mutiny by public execution." 
to beat or whip or put to death Roger Williams's Key, ch. xxii. 
with his own hand, to which the See also page 291 previous, 
common sort most quietly submit ; ^ See note* on page 187. 
though sometimes the sachim sends * See page 187. 

a secret executioner, one of his 



S66 LANGUAGE OF THE INDIANS. 

CHAP, keep account of time by the moon, and winters or 

'■ summers ; they know divers of the stars by name ; in 

1623. particular they know the north star, and call it maske,^ 
which is to say, the bear ; ^ also they have many names 
for the winds. They will guess very well at the wind 
and weather beforehand, by observations in the hea- 
vens. They report also, that some of them can cause 
the wind to blow in what part they list — can raise 
storms and tempests," which they usually do when 
they intend the death or destruction of other people, 
that by reason of the unseasonable weather, they may 
take advantage of their enemies in their houses. At 
such times they perform their greatest exploits, and in 
such seasons, when they are at enmity with any, they 
keep more careful watch than at other times. 

As for the language, it is very copious, large, and 
difficult. As yet we cannot attain to any great mea- 
sure thereof; but can understand them, and explain 
ourselves to their understanding, by the help of those 
that daily converse with us. And though there be 
difference in a hundred miles' distance of place, both 
in language and manners, yet not so much but that 



' " MosJc or fauliunawaw, the water burn, the rocks move, tlie 

Great Bear, or Charles's Wain ; trees dance, and metamorphize 

which words mosk or paukunawaw himself into a flaming man. In 

signifies a bear ; whicii is so much winter, when there are no green 

the more observable, because in leaves to be got, he will burn an 

most languages ihat sign or constel- old one to ashes, and putting these 

lation is called the Bear." Roger into the water, produce a new green 

Williams's Key, ch. xii. leaf, which you shall not only see, 

* " Their powows, by their exor- but substantially handle and carry 

cisms, and necromantic charms, away ; and make a dead snake's 

bring to pass strange things, if we skin a living snake, both to be seen, 

may believe the Indians ; who re- felt, and heard." Wood's New 

port of one Passaconaway, a great England's Prospect, part ii. ch. 12 ; 

sagamore upon Merrimack river, Hutchinson's Mass. i. 474 ; Mor- 

and the most celebrated powow in ton's New English Canaan, book i. 

the country, that he can make the ch. 9. 



INDIAN MEMORIALS. 367 

they very well understand each other.^ And thus chap. 

. XXlll 

much of their lives and manners. ' 

Instead of records and chronicles, they take this 1623. 
course. Where any remarkable act is done, in mem- 
ory of it, either in the place, or by some pathway 
near adjoining, they make a round hole in the ground, 
about a foot deep, and as much over; which when 
others passing by behold, they inquire the cause and 
occasion of the same, which being once known, they 
are careful to acquaint all men, as occasion serveth, 
therewith ; and lest such holes should be filled or 
grown up by any accident, as men pass by, they will 
oft renew the same ; by which means many things of 
great antiquity are fresh in memory. So that as a man 
travelleth, if he can understand his guide, his journey 
will be the less tedious, by reason of the many histori- 
cal discourses [which] will be related unto him. 

' " There is a mixture of this " The Indians of the parts of 

language north and south, from the New England, especially upon the 

place of my abode, about 600 miles; sea-coasts, use the same sort of 

yet within the 200 miles aforemen- speech and language, only with 

tioned, their dialects do exceedingly some difference in the expressions, 

differ ; yet not so but, within that as they differ in several counties in 

compass, a man may converse with England, yet so as they can well 

thousands of natives all over the understand one another." Gookin, 

country." Roger Williams's Key, in INIass. Hist. Coll. i. 149. 
Pref. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

OP THE SITUATION, CLIMATE, SOIL, AND PRODUCTIONS OF 
NEW ENGLAND. 

CHAP. In all this, it maybe said, I have neither praised nor 

.' dispraised the country ; and since I lived so long there- 

10 2 3. in, my judgment thereof will give no less satisfaction 
to them that know me, than the relation of our pro- 
ceedings. To which I answer, that as in one, so of 
the other, I will speak as sparingly as I can, yet will 
make known what I conceive thereof. 

And first for that continent, on which we are, called 
New England, although it hath ever been conceived 
by the English to be a part of the main land adjoining 
to Virginia, yet by relation of the Indians it should ap- 
pear to be otherwise ; for they affirm confidently that 
it is an island,^ and that either the Dutch or French 
pass through from sea to sea between us and Virginia, 
and drive a great trade in the same. The name of 
that inlet of the sea they call Mohegon, which I take 
to be the same which we call Hudson's river, up which 
Master Hudson went many leagues, and for want of 

' See page 256. 



THE TEMPERATURE OF NEW ENGLAND. 369 

means fas I hear) left it undiscovered.^ For confirm- chap. 

• . • XXIV 

ation of this their opinion, is thus much ; though Vir- — " 

ginia be not above a hundred and fifty leagues from 16 23. 
us, yet they never heard of Powhatan, or knew that 
any English were planted in his country, save only by 
us and Tisquantum, who went in an English ship 
thither ; and therefore it is the more probable, be- 
cause the water is not passable for them, who are 
very adventurous in their boats. 

Then for the temperature of the air, in almost three 
years' experience I can scarce distinguish New Eng- 
land from Old England, in respect of heat and cold, 
frost, snow, rain, winds, &c. Some object, because 
our Plantation lieth in the latitude of 42^, it must 
needs be much hotter. I confess I cannot give the 
reason of the contrary ; only experience teacheth us, 
that if it do exceed England, it is so little as must 
require better judgments to discern it. And for the 
winter, I rather think (if there be difference) it is both 
sharper and longer in New England than Old ; and 
yet the want of those comforts in the one, which I 
have enjoyed in the other, may deceive my judgment 
also. But in my best observation, comparing our own 
condition with the Relations of other parts of America, 
I cannot conceive of any to agree better with the 
constitution of the English, not being oppressed with 
extremity of heat, nor nipped by biting cold ; by w hich 



' In September, 1609, Hudson land." See Robert Juel's Journal 
ascended the " great river of the of Hudson's third voyage, in Pur- 
mountains," now called by his name, chas, iii. 593, and in N. Y. Hist, 
in a small vessel called the Half- Coll. i. 139, 140, and 2d series, i. 
Moon, above the city of Hudson, 317 — 332 ; Moulton's Hist, of New 
and sent up a boat beyond Albany. York, 213, 244 — 249 ; Mass. Hist. 
Josselyn says, that Hudson " disco- Coll. xxiii. 372 ; Belknap's Am. 
vered Mohegan river, in New Eng- Biog. i. 400. 

47 



370 INDIAN CORN. 

CHAP, means, blessed be God, we enjoy our health, notvvith- 

'. standing those difficulties we have undergone, in such 

162 3. a measure as would have been admired if we had lived 
in England with the like means. The day is two 
hours longer than here, when it is at the shortest, and 
as much shorter there, when it is at the longest. 

The soil is variable, in some places mould, in some 
clay, others, a mixed sand, &c. The chiefest grain 
is the Indian mays, or Guinea wheat.^ The seed time 
beginneth in [the] midst of April,^ and continueth good 
till the midst of May. Our harvest beginneth with 
September. This corn increaseth in great measure, 
but is inferior in quantity to the same in Virginia ; the 
reason I conceive is because Virginia is far hotter than 
it is with us, it requiring great heat to ripen. But 
whereas it is objected against New England, that corn 
will not grow there except the ground be manured 
with fish,^ I answer, that where men set with fish, (as 
with us,) it is more easy so to do than to clear ground, 
and set without some five or six years, and so begin 
anew, as in Virginia and elsewhere. Not but that in 
some places, where they cannot be taken with ease in 
such abundance, the Indians set four years together 
without, and have as good corn or better than we 
have that set with them ; though indeed I think if we 
had cattle to till the ground, it would be more pro- 
fitable and better agreeable to the soil to sow wheat, 
rye, barley, pease and oats, than to set mays, which 
our Indians call ewachim ; for we have had expe- 
rience that they like and thrive well ; and the other 
will not be procured without good labor and diligence. 

See note ' on page 131. ' See note ^ on page 231. 
See note * on page 230. 



THE FISHERIES. 371 

especially at seed-time, when it must also be watch- chap. 

XXIV. 

ed by night, to keep the wolves from the fish, till 

it be rotten, which will be in fourteen days. Yet men 1623. 
agreeing together, and taking their turns, it is not 
much. 

Much might be spoken of the benefit that may 
come to such as shall here plant, by trade with the 
Indians for furs, if men take a right course for ob- 
taining the same ; for I dare presume, upon that small 
experience I have had, to affirm that the English, 
Dutch and French return yearly many thousand 
pounds profit by trade only from that island on which 
we are seated. 

Tobacco may be there planted, but not with that 
profit as in some other places; neither were it profita- 
ble there to follow it, though the increase were equal, 
because fish is a better and richer commodity, and 
more necessary, which may be and are there had in as 
great abundance as in any other part of the world ; 
witness the west-country merchants of England, which 
return incredible gains yearly from thence. And if 
they can so do, which here buy their salt at a great 
charge, and transport more company to make their 
voyage than will sail their ships, what may the plant- 
ers expect when once they are seated, and make the 
most of their salt there, and employ themselves at least 
eight months in fishing ; whereas the other fish but 
four, and have their ship lie dead in the harbour all 
the time, whereas such shipping as belong to planta- 
tions may take freight of passengers or cattle thither, 
and have their lading provided against they come ? 1 
confess we have come so far short of the means to 
raise such returns, as with great difficulty we have pre- 



372 THE PROFITS OP THE COLONY. 

CHAP, served our lives ; insomuch as when I look back upon 

XXIV. ,• • 1 , , 

our condition, and weak means to preserve the same, 

16 23. 1 rather admire at God's mercy and providence in 
our preservation, than that no greater things have been 
effected by us. But though our beginning have been 
thus raw, small and difficult, as thou hast seen, yet the 
same God that hath hitherto led us through the former, 
I hope will raise means to accomplish the latter. Not 
that we altogether, or principally, propound profit to 
be the main end of that we have undertaken, but 
the glory of God, and the honor of our country, in 
the enlarging of his Majesty's dominions. Yet want- 
ing outward means to set things in that forward- 
ness we desire, and to further the latter by the former, 
I thought meet to offer both to consideration, hoping 
that where religion and profit jump together (which 
is rare) in so honorable an action, it will encourage 
every honest man, either in person or purse, to set 
forward the same, or at leastwise to commend the 
welfare thereof in his daily prayers to the blessing of 
the blessed God. 

I will not again speak of the abundance of fowl, 
store of venison, and variety of fish, in their seasons, 
which might encourage many to go in their persons. 
Only I advise all such beforehand to consider, that as 
they hear of countries that abound with the good crea- 
tures of God, so means must be used for the taking of 
every one in his kind, and therefore not only to con- 
tent themselves that there is sufficient, but to foresee 
how they shall be able to obtain the same. Otherwise, 
as he that walketh London streets, though he be in the 
midst of plenty, yet if he want means, is not the better, 
but hath rather his sorrow increased by the sight of 



CAUTIONS TO EMIGRANTS. 373 

that he wanteth, and cannot enjoy it, so also there, if chap. 

. XXIV. 

thou want art and other necessaries thereunto belong- I 

ing, thou mayest see that thou wantest and thy heart 16 2 3. 
desireth, and yet be never the better for the same. 
Therefore, if thou see thine own insufficiency of thy- 
self, then join to some others, where thou mayest in 
some measure enjoy the same ; otherwise, assure thy- 
self thou art better where thou art. Some there be 
that thinking altogether of their present wants they 
enjoy here, and not dreaming of any there, through 
indiscretion plunge themselves into a deeper sea of 
misery. As for example, it may be here, rent and 
firing are so chargeable, as without great difficulty 
a man cannot accomplish the same ; never consider- 
ing, that as he shall have no rent to pay, so he must 
build his house before he have it, and peradventure 
may with more ease pay for his fuel here, than cut 
and fetch it home, if he have not cattle to draw it 
there ; though there is no scarcity, but rather too 
great plenty. 

I write not these things to dissuade any that shall 
seriously, upon due examination, set themselves to fur- 
ther the glory of God, and the honor of our country, 
in so worthy an enterprise, but rather to discourage 
such as with too great lightness undertake such cour- 
ses; who peradventure strain themselves and their 
friends for their passage thither, and are no sooner 
there, than seeing their foolish imagination made void, 
are at their wits' end, and would give ten times so 
much for their return, if they could procure it ; and out 
of such discontented passions and humors, spare not 
to lay that imputation upon the country, and others, 
which themselves deserve. 



374 UNREASONABLE EXPECTATIONS. 

CHAP. As, for example, I have heard some complain of 

XXiV. ' y ' k 

J^-^-^ Others for their large reports of New England, and yet 
162 3. because they must drink water and want many deli- 
cates they here enjoyed, could presently return with 
their mouths full of clamors. And can any be so sim- 
ple as to conceive that the fountains should stream 
forth wine or beer, or the woods and rivers be like 
butchers' shops, or fishmongers' stalls, where they 
might have things taken to their hands ? If thou canst 
not live without such things, and hast no means to 
procure the one, and wilt not take pains for the other, 
nor hast ability to employ others for thee, rest where 
thou art ; for as a proud heart, a dainty tooth, a beg- 
gar's purse, and an idle hand, be here intolerable, so 
that person that hath these qualities there, is much 
more abominable. If therefore God hath given thee a 
heart to undertake such courses, upon such grounds as 
bear thee out in all difficulties, viz. his glory as a prin- 
cipal, and all other outward good things but as acces- 
saries, which peradventure thou shalt enjoy, and it 
may be not, then thou wilt with true comfort and 
thankfulness receive the least of his mercies ; whereas 
on the contrary, men deprive themselves of much 
happiness, being senseless of greater blessings, and 
through prejudice smother up the love and bounty of 
God ; whose name be ever glorified in us, and by us, 
now and evermore. Amen. 



A POSTSCRIPT. 

If any man desire a more ample relation of the state 
of this country, before such time as this present Rela- 
tion taketh place, I refer them to the two former 
printed books ; the' one published by the President 
and Council for New England, and the other gath- 
ered by the inhabitants of this present Plantation at 
Plymouth in New England : both which books are to 
be sold by John Bellamy, at his shop at the Three 
Golden Lions in Cornhill, near the Royal Exchange.^ 

* The former of the works here is included in the present volume, 
referred to is reprinted in the Mass. pp. 109 — 250. See note ' on page 
Hist. Coll. xix. 1 — 25 ; the latter 115. 



WINSLOWS BRIEF NARRATION. 



48 



" Hypocrtsie Unmasked : By a true Relation of the Proceedings 
of the Governour and Company of the Massachusets against 
Samuel Gorton, (and his Accomplices,) a notorious disturber of 
the Peace and quiet of the severall Governments wherein he 
lived : With the grounds and reasons thereof, examined and 
allowed by their Generall Court holden at Boston in New Eng- 
land, in November last, 1646. 

Together with a particular Answer to the manifold slanders, and 
abominable falsehoods which are contained in a Book written 
by the said Gorton, and entituled Simplicities Defence against 
Seven-headed Policy, &lc. Discovering to the view of all whose 
eyes are open, his manifold Blasphemies ; as also the dangerous 
agreement which he and his Accomplices made with ambitious 
and treacherous Indians, who at the same time were deeply 
engaged in a desperate Conspiracy to cut off all the rest of the 
English in the other Plantations. 

Whereunto is added a Briefe Narration (occasioned by certain 
aspersions) of the true grounds or cause of the first Planting of 
New England ; the Precedent of their Churches in the way 
and worship of God ; their Communion with the Reformed 
Churches ; and their practise towards those that dissent from 
them in matters of Religion and Church Government. By 
Edward Winslow. Psalm cxx. 3, 4. ' What shall be given 
unto thee, or what shall be done unto thee, thou false tongue ? 
Sharp arrows of the mighty, with coals of juniper.' Published 
by Authority. 

London. Printed by Rich. Cotes for John Bellamy, at the Three 
Golden Lions in Cornhill, neare the Royall Exchange. 1646." 
sm. 4to, pp. 103. 



CHAPTER XXV. 



OF THE TRUE GROUNDS OR CAUSE OF THE FIRST PLANTING 
OF NEW ENGLAND. 



And now that I have finished what I conceive chap. 

XXV. 

necessary concerning Mr. Gorton's scandalous and \ 

slanderous books,' let me briefly answer some objec- 
tions that I often meet withal against the country of 
New England. 

The first that I meet with is concerning the rise and 
foundation of our New England Plantations ; it being 
alleged (though upon a great mistake by a late writer) ^ 



' Winslow was sent to England 
in 1646 as the agent of Massachu- 
setts, to defend that colony against 
the complaints of Gorton ; and for 
that purpose published the work, 
the title of which is given on the 
last page, and of which this Brief 
Narration constituted an Appendix. 
No copy of it is known to exist in 
this country, although it was in 
the possession both of Morton and 
Prince ; and I have endeavoured in 
vain to procure it from England. 
The portion of the volume which I 
print was copied for me from one 
in the British Museum. It is 
very desirable that the whole book 
should be reprinted here, as Gor- 
ton's work, to which it is an an- 



swer, has been recently embodied 
in the Collections of the R. I. His- 
torical Society, and the merits of 
the case cannot be well understood 
without reading both sides. Full 
information about Gorton will be 
found in Savage's Winthrop, ii. 
57,295 — 299; Hutchinson's Mass. 
i. 117—124, 549; Morton's Me- 
morial, pp. 202 — 206 ; Mass. Hist. 
Coll. xvii. 48 — 51 ; Cailender's 
Historical Discourse, in R. I. Hist. 
Coll. iv. 89 — 92, and ii. 9 — 20. 

* This was Robert Baylie, minis- 
ter at Glasgow, who in 1645 pub- 
lished " A Dissuasive from the Er- 
rors of the Time, wherein the tenets 
of the principal sects, especially of 
the Independents, are examined." 



380 THE PILGRIMS AT LEYDEN. 

CHAP, that division or disagreement in the church of Levden 

XXV. 

'^ was the occasion, nay cause, of the first plantation in 

New England ; for, saith the author, or to this effect, 
when they could no longer agree together, the one 
part went to New England, and began the Plantation 
at Plymouth, which he makes the mother, as it were, 
of the rest of the churches ; as if the foundation of our 
New England plantations had been laid upon division 
or separation, than which nothing is more untrue.^ For 
I persuade myself, never people upon earth lived more 
lovingly together and parted more sweetly than we, 
the church at Leyden, did ; not rashly, in a distracted 
humor, but upon joint and serious deliberation, often 
seeking the mind of God by fasting and prayer ; whose 
gracious presence we not only found with us, but his 
blessing upon us, from that time to this instant, to the 
indignation of our adversaries, the admiration of stran- 
gers, and the exceeding consolation of ourselves, to see 
such eftects of our prayers and tears before our pil- 

In this work, page 54, he speaks of or twelve years' residence in Hol- 
" a small company at Leyden, un- land, they had contention among 
der Master Robinson's ministry, themselves, and divided, and be- 
which, partly by divisions among came two congregations." This is 
themselves, was well near brought a misstatement ; they had no con- 
to nought." John Cotton of Boston, tention among themselves. Gover- 
who in 1648 wrote his work enli- nor Bradford says in his Dialogue, 
tied " The Way of Congregational " They lived together in love and 
Churches cleared from the historical peace all their days, without any 
aspersions of Mr. Robert Baylie," considerable differences, or any dis- 
says, p. 14, "The church at Leyden turbance that grew thereby, but 
was in peace, and free from any di- such as was easily healed in love ; 
vision, when they took up thoughts and so they continued until with 
of transporting themselves into mutual consent they removed into 
America with common consent. New England." They left Am- 
Themselves do declare it, that the sterdara for Leyden, as appears 
proposition of removal was set on from page 34, in order to avoid 
foot and prosecuted by the elders being drawn into the controversy 
upon just and weighty grounds." that was then springing up between 
' Hutchinson, too, in his Hist, of Smith's company and Johnson's 
Mass. ii. 451, says, " During eleven church. 



THEIR REASONS FOR EMIGRATING. 381 

grimage here be ended. And therefore briefly take chap. 

notice of the true cause of it. - ^ 

'Tis true that that poor persecuted flock of Christ, 
by the malice and power of the late hierarchy, were 
driven to Leyden in Holland, there to bear witness in 
their practice to the kingly oflice of Christ Jesus in 
his church; and there lived together ten years under 16O8. 
the United States, with much peace and liberty. But leao. 
our reverend pastor, Mr. John Robinson, of late mem- 
ory, and our grave elder, Mr. William Brewster, (now 
at rest with the Lord,) considering, amongst many 
other inconveniences, how hard the country was where 
we lived, how many spent their estate in it and were 
forced to return for England, how grievous to live 
from under the protection of the State of England, how 
hke we were to lose our language and our name of 
English, how little good we did or were like to do 
to the Dutch in reforming the sabbath,^ how unable 
there to give such education to our children as we our- 
selves had received, &c., they, I say, out of their 
Christian care of the flock of Christ committed to 
them, conceived, if God would be pleased to discover 1617. 
some place unto us, (though in America,) and give us 
so much favor with the King and State of England as 
to have their protection there, where we might enjoy 
the like liberty, and where, the Lord favoring our en- 
deavours by his blessing, we might exemplarily show 
our tender countrymen by our example, no less bur- 
dened than ourselves, where they might live and com- 
fortably subsist, and enjoy the like liberties with us, 
being freed from antichristian bondage, keep their 

' See note ' on page 47. 



382 THEIR APPLICATION TO KING JAMES. 

CHAP, names and nation, and not only be a means to enlarge 

;. the dominions of our State, but the Church of Christ 

1617. also, if the Lord have a people amongst the natives 
whither he should bring us, &c. — hereby, in their 
great wisdoms, they thought we might more glorify 
God, do more good to our country, better provide for 
our posterity, and live to be more refreshed by our 
labors, than ever we could do in Holland, where we 
were.^ 

Now these their private thoughts, upon mature de- 
liberation, they imparted to the brethren of the congre- 
gation, which after much private discussion came to 
public agitation, till at the length the Lord was 
solemnly sought in the congregation by fasting and 
prayer to direct us ; who moving our hearts more and 
16 18. more to the work, we sent some of good abilities over 
into England to see what favor or acceptance such a 
thing might find with the King. These also found 
God going along with them, and got Sir Edwin Sands, 
a religious gentleman then living, to stir in it, who 
procured Sir Robert Naunton,then principal Secretary 
of State to King James, of famous memory, to move 
his Majesty by a private motion to give way to such a 
people (who could not so comfortably live under the 
government of another State) to enjoy their liberty of 
conscience under his gracious protection in America, 
where they would endeavour the advancement of his 
Majesty's dominions and the enlargement of the Gospel 
by all due means. This his Majesty said was a good 
and honest motion, and asking what profits might arise 

' Compare this with Bradford's ses of their removal, in Chapter 
statement of the reasons and cau- IV. pp. 44 — 48. 



THEY CONCLUDE TO PART THE CHURCH. 383 

in the part we intended, (for our eye was upon the chap. 

most northern parts of Virginia,)^ 'twas answered, . '. 

Fishing. To which he rephed with his ordinary I6I8. 
asseveration, " So God have my soul, 'tis an honest 
trade ; t' was the Apostles' own calling," &c. But 
afterwards he told Sir Robert Naunton (who took all 
occasions to further it) that we should confer with the 
bishops of Canterbury and London,^ &c. Whereupon 
we were advised to persist upon his first approbation, 
and not to entangle ourselves with them ; which 
caused our agents to repair to the Virginia Company, 1 6 1 9. 
who in their court ^ demanded our ends of going ; 
which being related, they said the thing was of God, 
and granted a large patent, and one of them lent us 
£300 gratis for three years, which was repaid. 

Our agents returning, we further sought the Lord 162 0. 
by a public and solemn Fast, for his gracious guidance. 
And hereupon we came to this resolution, that it was 
best for one part of the church to go at first, and the 
other to stay, viz. the youngest and strongest part to 
go. Secondly, they that went should freely offer 
themselves. Thirdly, if the major part went, the 
pastor to go with them ; if not, the elder only. 
Fourthly, if the Lord should frown upon our proceed- 
ings, then those that went to return, and the brethren 
that remained still there, to assist and be helpful to 
them ; but if God should be pleased to favor them 
that went, then they also should endeavour to help 
over such as were poor and ancient and willing to 
come. 

' See note ^ on page 54. note ' on page 56, and Fuller's Ch. 

' Abbot was at this time arch- Hist. iii. 293, and Wood's Athen. 

bishop of Canterbury, and John Oxon. ii. 294, (ed. Bliss.) 

King was bishop of London. See * See note ^ on page 67. 



384 THE EMBARKATION AT DELFT-HAVEN. 

CHAP. These things being agreed, the major part stayed, 

'^ and the pastor with them, for the present ; but all 

1620. intended (except a very few, who had rather we would 
have stayed) to follow after. The minor part, with 
Mr. Brewster, their elder, resolved to enter upon this 
great work, (but take notice the difference of number 
was not great.) And when the ship was ready to carry 
us away, the brethren that stayed having again solemn- 
ly sought the Lord with us and for us, and we further 
engaging ourselves mutually as before, they, I say, 
that stayed at Leyden feasted us that were to go, at 
our pastor's house, being large ; where we refreshed 
ourselves, after tears, with singing of psalms, making 
joyful melody in our hearts, as well as with the voice, 
there being many of our congregation very expert in 
music ; and indeed it was the sweetest melody that 
July ever mine ears heard. After this they accompanied 
^^* us to Delph's Haven, where we were to embark, and 
there feasted us again ; and after prayer performed by 
our pastor, wiiere a flood of tears was poured out, 
they accompanied us to the ship, but were not able to 
speak one to another for the abundance of sorrow to 
part. But we only going aboard, (the ship lying to 
the quay and ready to set sail, the wind being fair,) 
we gave them a volley of small shot and three pieces 
of ordnance, and so lifting up our hands to each other, 
and our hearts for each other to the Lord our God, 
July we departed, and found his presence with us in the 
' midst of our manifold straits he carried us through. 
And if any doubt this relation, the Dutch, as I hear, 
at Delph's Haven preserve the memory of it to this 
day, and will inform them. 

Nov. 

9. But falling in with Cape Cod, which is in New 



THE SETTLEMENT AT PLYMOUTH. 385 

Eno-land, and standinoj to the southward for the place chap, 

XX.V. 

we intended,^ we met with many dangers, and the '^ 

mariners put back into the harbour of the Cape, which i^^^- 
was the 11th of November, 1620 ; where considering ii. 
winter was come, the seas dangerous, the season cold, 
the winds high, and being well furnished for a planta- 
tion, we entered upon discovery and settled at Ply- 
mouth ; where God being pleased to preserve and 
enable us, we that went were at a thousand pounds 
charge in sending for our brethren that were behind, 
and in providing there for them till they could reap a 
crop of their own labors. 

And so, good reader, I have given thee a true and 
faithful account, though very brief, of our proceedings, 
wherein thou seest how a late writer,^ and those that 
informed him, have wronged our enterprise. And 
truly what I have written is far short of what it was, 
omitting for brevity sake many circumstances ; as the 
large offers the Dutch offered to us, either to have 
removed into Zealand and there lived with them, or, if 
we would go on such adventures, to go under them to 
Hudson's river, (where they have since a great planta- 
tion, &c.) and how they would freely have transported 
us, and furnished every family with cattle, &c.^ Also 
the English merchants that joined with us in this 
expedition, whom we since bought out ; '^ which is 
fitter for a history than an answer to such an objection, 
and I trust will be accomplished in good time. By 
all which the reader may see there was no breach 
between us that went and the brethren that stayed, 
but such love as indeed is seldom found on earth. 

' See note * on page 102. ^ See page 42. 

* Baylie. See note * on page 379. * See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 47. 

49 



386 SUCCEEDING COLONIES CONSULT PLYMOUTH. 

CHAP. And for the many plantations that came over to us 

XXV. 

^ — --1- upon notice of God's blessing upon us, whereas 't is 
falsely said they took Plymouth for their precedent, as 
fast as they came ; ^ 't is true, I confess, that some of 

1629. the chief of them advised with us, (coming over to be 
freed from the burthensome ceremonies then imposed 
in England,) how they should do to fall upon a right 
platform of worship, and desired to that end, since 
God had honored us to lay the foundation of a Com- 
monwealth, and to settle a Church in it, to show them 
whereupon our practice was grounded ; and if they 
found, upon due search, it was built upon the Word, 
they should be willing to take up what was of God. 
We accordingly showed them the primitive practice 
for our warrant, taken out of the Acts of the Apostles, 
and the Epistles written to the several churches by 
the said Apostles, together with the commandments of 
Christ the Lord in the Gospel, and other our warrants 



* " The Dissuader," says Cotton, love and care in sending- Mr. Fuller 

" is much mistaken when he saith, (the physician) amongst us, and 

' The congregation of Plymouth did rejoice much that I am by him 

incontinently leaven all the vicin- satisfied touching your judgment of 

ity ; ' seeing for many years there the outward form of God's wor- 

was no vicinity to be leavened. And ship. It is, as far as I can yet 

Salem itself, that was gathered gather, no other than is warranted 

into church order seven or eight by the evidence of truth, and the 

years after them, was above forty same which I have professed and 

miles distant from them. And maintained ever since the Lord in 

though it be very likely that some mercy revealed himself unto me, 

of the first comers might help their being far differing from the com- 

theory by hearing and discerning mon report that hath been spread 

their practice at Plymouth, yet of you touching that particular." 

therein the Scripture is fulfilled. Fuller himself, in a letter dated 

The kingdom of heaven is like Massachusetts, June 28, 1630, 

unto leaven, which a woman took writes, " Here is a gentleman, one 

and hid in three measures of meal, Mr. Coddington, a Boston man, 

till all was leavened." Way, &c. who told me that Mr. Cotton's 

p, 16. charge to them at Hampton was, 

Endicott, writing to Governor that they should take advice of 

Bradford from Salem, May 11, them at Plymouth, and should do 

1629, says, " I acknowledge myself nothing to offend them." Mass. 

much bound to you for your kind Hist. Coll. iii. 66, 75. 



THE PRIMITIVE CHURCHES THE ONLY PATTERN. 387 

for every particular we did from the book of God. chap. 

XXV 

Which being by them well weighed and considered, '^ 

they also entered into covenant with God and one 1629. 
another to walk in all his ways, revealed or as they 
should be made known unto them, and to worship him 
according to his will revealed in his written word only, 
&c. So that here also thou mayest see they set not 
the church at Plymouth before them for example, but 
the primitive churches were and are their and our 
mutual patterns and examples, which are only worthy 
to be followed, having the blessed Apostles amongst 
them, who were sent immediately by Christ himself, 
and enabled and guided by the unerring spirit of God. 
And truly this is a pattern fit to be followed of all that 
fear God, and no man or men to be followed further 
than they follow Christ and them. 

Having thus briefly showed that the foundation of 
our New England plantations was not laid upon schism, 
division or separation, but upon love, peace and holi- 
ness ; yea, such love and mutual care of the church 
of Leyden for the spreading of the Gospel, the wel- 
fare of each other and their posterities to succeeding 
generations, as is seldom found on earth ; and having 
showed also that the primitive churches are the only 
pattern which the churches of Christ in New England 
have in their eye, not following Luther, Calvin, Knox, 
Ainsworth, Robinson, Ames, or any other, further than 
they follow Christ and his Apostles, I am earnestly 
requested to clear up another gross mistake which 
caused many, and still doth, to judge the harder of 
New England and the churches there, " because (say 
they) the Church of Plymouth, which went first from 



388 ROBINSON'S DOCTRINE OF COMMUNION. 

CHAP. Leyden, were schismatics, Brownists, rigid Separa- 

\ tists, &c., having Mr. Robinson for their pastor, who 

made and to the last professed separation from other 
the churches of Christ, &c. And the rest of the 
churches in New England, holding communion with 
that church, are to be reputed such as they are." 

For answer to this aspersion, first, he that knew 
Mr. Robinson either by his doctrine daily taught, or 
hath read his Apology, pubhshed not long before his 
death,^ or knew the practice of that church of Christ 
under his government, or was acquainted with the 
wholesome counsel he gave that part of the church 
which went for New England at their departure and 
afterward, might easily resolve the doubt and take off* 
the aspersion. 
16 17. For his doctrine, I living three years ^ under his min- 
1620 i'^^^T' before we began the work of plantation in New 
England, it was always against separation from any 
the churches of Christ ; professing and holding com- 
munion both with the French and Dutch churches,^ 
yea, tendering it to the Scotch also, as I shall make 
appear more particularly anon ; ever holding forth how 
wary persons ought to be in separating from a Church, 

' In 1619. Robinson died in Again, on page 8, he says, "Touch- 

1625. ing the Reformed Churches, what 

* From 1617 to 1620. Winslow more shall I say? We account 

was 22 years old when he united them the true churches of Jesus 

himself to Robinson's church at Christ, and both profess and prac- 

Leyden. See note on page 274. tise communion with them in the 

^ Robinson says in his Apology, holy things of God, what in us lieth. 
page 6, " We do profess before God Their sermons such of ours fre- 
and men, that such is our accord, quent, as understand the Dutch 
in the case of religion, with the tongue; the sacraments we do ad- 
Dutch Reformed Churches, as that minister to their known members, 
we are ready to subscribe to all and if by occasion any of them be pre- 
every article of faith in the same sent w'ith us ; their distractions 
Church, as they are laid down in and other evils we do seriously be- 
the Harmony of Confessions of wail ; and do desii-e from the Lord 
Faith, published in their name." their holy and firm peace." 



HIS REGARD FOR THE CHURCH OP ENGLAND. 389 

and that till Christ the Lord departed wholly from it, chap. 

man ought not to leave it, only to bear witness against • • 

the corruption that was in it. 

But if any object, he separated from the Church of 
England and wrote largely against it, but yet let me 
tell you he allowed hearing the godly ministers preach 
and pray ^ in the public assemblies ; yea, he allowed 
private communion ~ not only with them, but all that 
were faithful in Christ Jesus in the kingdom and else- 
where upon all occasions ; yea, honored them for the 
power of godliness, above all other the professors of 
religion in the world. Nay, I may truly say, his spirit 
cleaved unto them, being so well acquainted with the 
integrity of their hearts and care to walk blameless in 
their lives ; which was no small motive to him to per- 
suade us to remove from Holland,^ where we might 
probably not only continue English, but have and 
maintain such sweet communion with the godly of 
that nation as through God's great mercy we enjoy 
this day. 

'T is true, I confess, he was more rigid in his course 
and way at first than towards his latter end ; ^ for his 
study was peace and union, so far as might agree with 
faith and a good conscience ; and for schism and divi- 

' Cotton says, " This must not any church, but from the world.' " 

be understood of the Common Prince, Annals, p. 174. 

Prayer Book, but of the prayers ^ The words " to some other 

conceived by the preacher before place," seem to be here accidentally 

and after sermon." Way, p. 8. omitted. 

* " By private communion I sup- ■* Baylie himself acknowledges 
pose he means in opposition to tlie that " Master Robinson was the 
mixed communion in the public most learned, polished, and modest 
churches ; that is, he allowed all of spirit that ever that sect enjoyed ; " 
the Church of England who were and adds, " it had been truly a mar- 
known to be pious to have commu- vel if such a man had gone on to 
nion in his private church. For as the end a rigid Separatist." Dis- 
Mr. Cotton, writing of Mr. Robin- suasive, p. 17. 
son, says, ' He separated not from 



390 HIS DISLIKE OF EPISCOPACY AND THE LITURGY. 

CHAP, sion, there was nothing in the world more hateful to 

XXV. 

;! 1. him. But for the government of the Church of Eng- 
land, as it was in the Episcopal way, the Liturgy, and 
stinted prayers of the Church then, yea, the constitu- 
tion of it as National, and so consequently the corrupt 
communion of the unworthy with the worthy receivers 
of the Lord's Supper, these things were never approved 
of him, but witnessed against to his death, and are by 
the church over which he was, to this day.^ And if 
the Lord would be pleased to stir up the hearts of 
those in whom (under him) the power of reformation 
lies to reform that abuse, that a distinction might once 
be put between the precious and the vile, particular 
churches might be gathered by the powerful preaching 
of the Word, those only admitted into communion 
whose hearts the Lord persuades to submit unto the 
iron rod of the Gospel, O how sweet then would the 
communion of the churches be ! How thorough the 
reformation ! How easy would the differences be re- 
conciled between the Presbyterian and Independent 
way ! How would the God of peace, who command- 

' "Our faith is not negative, strangers from all show of true piety 

nor consists in the condemning of and goodness, and fraught never so 

others, and wiping their names out full with many most heinous impie- 

of the bead-roll of churches, but in ties and vices, are without difference 

the edifying of ourselves ; neither compelled and enforced by most se- 

require we of any of ours, in the vere laws, civil and ecclesiastical, 

confession of their faith, that they into the body of that church. And 

either renounce or in one word of this confused heap (a few, com- 

contest with the Church of Eng- pared with the rest, godly persons 

land — whatsoever the world cla- mingled among,) is that national 

mors of us in this way. Our faith church, commonly called the Church 

is founded upon the writings of the of England, collected and framed. 

Prophets and Apostles, in which no Every subject of the kingdom, 

mention of the Church of England dwelling in this or that parish, is 

is made." bound, will he, nill he, fit or unfit, 

" No man to whom England is as whh iron bonds, to participate 

known can be ignorant that all in all holy things, and some unholy 

the natives there, and subjects of also, in that same parish church." 

the kingdom, although never such Robinson's Apology, pp. 52, 56, 



THE PILGRIMS NOT SCHISMATICS. 391 

eth love and good asjreement, smile upon this nation ! chap. 

XXV. 

How would the subtle underminers of it be disap- 

pointed, and the faithful provoked to sing songs of 
praise and thanksgiving ! Nay, how would the God of 
order be glorified in such orderly walking of the saints ! 
And as they have fought together for the liberties of 
the kingdom, ecclesiastical and civiV ^o may they join 
together in the preservation of them (which otherwise, 
't is to be feared, will not long continue) and in the 
praises of our God, who hath been so good to his poor 
distressed ones, whom he hath delivered and whom he 
will deliver out of all their troubles. But I have made 
too great a digression, and must return. 

In the next place I should speak of Mr. Robinson's 
Apology, wherein he maketh a brief defence against 
many adversaries, &c. But because it is both in 
Latin and English,^ of small price, and easy to be 
had, I shall forbear to write of it, and only refer the 
reader to it for the difference between his congrega- 
tion and other the Reformed Churches. 

The next thing I would have the reader take notice 
of is, that however the church of Leyden differed in 
some particulars, yet made no schism or separation 
from the Reformed Churches, but held communion 
with them occasionally. For we ever placed a large 
difference between those that grounded their practice 
upon the word of God, (though differing from us in the 
exposition or understanding of it) and those that hated 
such Reformers and Reformation, and went on in anti- 
christian opposition to it and persecution of it, as the 

' This was written and published ^ See the title of this work, note ' 
in England in the time of the civil on page 40. 
wars in the reign of Charles I. 



392 COMMUNION WITH THE DUTCH CHURCHES. 

CHAP, late Lord Bishops did, who would not in deed and truth 

XXV 

. — .-1 (whatever their pretences were) that Christ should 
rule over them. But as they often stretched out their 
hands against the saints, so God hath withered the 
arm of their power, thrown them down from their high 
and lofty seats, and slain the chief of their persons, as 
well as the hierarchy, that he might become an exam- 
ple to all those that rise against God in his sabbath, 
in the preaching of his word, in his saints, in the purity 
of his ordinances. And I heartily desire that others 
may hear and fear withal. 

As for the Dutch, it was usual for our members that 
understood the language and lived in or occasionally 
came over to Leyden, to communicate with them, as 
one John Jenny,^ a brewer, long did, his wife and 
family, &c. and without any offence to the church. 
So also for any that had occasion to travel into any 
other part of the Netherlands, they daily did the like. 
And our pastor, Mr. Robinson, in the time when Ar- 
minianism prevailed so much, at the request of the 
most orthodox divines, as Polyander, Festus Hommius, 

16 13. &c. disputed daily against Episcopius (in the Academy 
at Leyden) and others, the grand champions of that 
error, and had as good respect amongst them as any of 
their own divines.^ Insomuch as when God took him 
away from them and us by death, the University and 
ministers of the city accompanied him to his grave 
with all their accustomed solemnities, bewailing the 
great loss that not only that particular church had, 
whereof he was pastor, but some of the chief of them 



' He was one of the passengers "^ See pages 40 — 42. 
in the Anne. See note on page 352. 



COMMUNION WITH THE FRENCH CHURCHES. 



393 



sadly affirmed that all the churches of Christ sustained chap. 

XXV 

a loss by the death of that worthy instrument of the '- 

Gospel.^ I could instance also divers of their mem- 
bers that understood the English tongue, and betook 
themselves to the communion of our church, went 
with us to New England, as Godbert Godbertson,^ 
&c. Yea, at this very instant, another, called Moses 
Symonson,^ because a child of one that was in com- 
munion with the Dutch church at Leyden, is admitted 
into church fellowship at Plymouth in New England, 
and his children also to baptism, as well as our own, 
and other Dutch also in communion at Salem, &c. 

And for the French churches, that we held and do 
hold communion with them, take note of our practice 
at Leyden, viz. that one Samuel Terry was received 



* " Contrary to Mr. Baylie's sug- 
g-estion, Gov. Bradford and Gov. 
Winslow tell us that Mr. Robin- 
son and his people always lived in 
great love and harmony among 
themselves, as also with the Dutch, 
with whom they sojourned. And 
when I was at Leyden in 1714, the 
most ancient people from their pa- 
rents told me, that the city had 
such a value for them, as to let 
them have one of their churches, 
in the chancel whereof he lies bu- 
ried, which the English still enjoy; 
and that as he was had in high es- 
teem both by the city and univer- 
sity, for his learning, piety, mode- 
ration, and excellent accomplish- 
ments, the magistrates, ministers, 
scholars, and most of the gentry 
mourned his death as a public loss, 
and followed him to the grave." 
Prince, p. 238. 

Mrs. Adams, the wife of Presi- 
dent John Adams, in a letter writ- 
len Sept. 12, 1780, says, " I would 
not omit to mention tiiat I visited 
the church at Leyden, in which our 
forefathers worshipped, when they 

50 



fled from hierarchical tyranny and 
persecution. I felt a respect and 
veneration upon enteiing the doors, 
like what the ancients paid to their 
Druids." 

Robinson was admitted to the 
privileges of the University of Ley- 
den, Sept. 5, 1615, at the age of 39. 
The liouse in which he dwelt was 
near the Belfry, (" by let Klock- 
huys, ") and he was buried March 
4. 1625, three days after his death, 
under the pavement in the aisle of 
St. Peter's, the oldest church in the 
city ; but no stone marks the spot. 
These facts were ascertained by Mr. 
George Sumner, of Boston, who 
visited Leyden in 184 1 , and searched 
the records of the church, the city, 
and the university. 

"^ This name is also spelt Cudbart 
Cudbailson and Cuihl)erl Cuthbert- 
son. He came in the Anne, and 
married Sarah, a sister of Isaac 
Allerlon. See note on page 352. 

^ Symonson came in the Fortune. 
The name has become changed 
into Simmons. See note ''■ on page 
235, and Thachcr's Plymouth, p. 72. 



394 



THE FRENCH AND DUTCH CHURCHES. 



CHAP, from the French church there into communion with us. 

XXV 

> _1 Also the wife of Francis Cooke/ being a Walloon, holds 

communion with the church at Plymouth, as she came 
from the French, to this day, by virtue of communion 
of churches. There is also one Philip Delanoy,^ born 
of French parents, came to us from Leyden to New 
Plymouth, who coming to age of discerning, demanded 
also communion with us ; and proving himself to be 
come of such parents as were in full communion with 
the French churches, was hereupon admitted by the 
church of Plymouth ; and after, upon his removal of 
habitation to Duxburrow,^ where Mr. Ralph Partridge ^ 
is pastor of the church, and upon letters of recommen- 



' Francis Cooke came in the 
Mayflower, and his wife Hester and 
children in the Anne. See note ^ on 
page 39. 

^ De la Noye came in the For- 
tune. This name has become cor- 
rupted into Delano. 

^ The church in Duxlmry was 
formed in 1633. " Those that lived 
on their lots on the other side of the 
bay, (called Duxburrow,) couid no 
longer bring their wives and child- 
ren to the public worship and 
church meetings here (at Ply- 
month,) but with such burthen, as 
growing to some competent num- 
ber, they sued to be dismissed and 
become a body of themselves ; and 
so they were dismissed about this 
time, (though very unwillingly,) 
and some time after being united 
into one entire body, they procured 
Reverend Mr. Ralph Partrich to be 
their pastor." MS. Records Plym. 
Ch. p. 36. " So that Uuxbury 
seems to be the second town and 
church in Plymouth Colony, and 
the next town settled after New- 
ton, that is, Cambridge, in New 
England." Prince, p. 411. Sec 
note on page 126. 

* Ralph Partridge, " a gracious 



man of great abilities," arrived at 
Boston in 1636. He had been a 
clergyman of the church of Eng- 
land, but " being hunted, by the 
ecclesiastical setters, like a par- 
tridge on the mountains, he had no 
defence, neither of beak nor claw, 
but a flight over the ocean." Pie 
was a member of the Cambridge 
Synod, in 1647, and was associated 
with John Cotton and Increase 
Mather, in drawing up the Plat- 
form of church government and 
discipline. He continued in the 
ministry at Duxbury till his death 
in 1658. Cotton Mather, after 
playing upon his name through a 
whole page, concludes his Life of 
him thus; "Mr. Partridge was, 
notwithstanding the paucity and 
poverty of his congregation, so 
afraid of being any thing that look- 
ed like a bird wandering from his 
nest, that he remained with his 
poor people, till he took wing to 
become a bird of paradise, along 
with the winged seraphim of hea- 
ven. Epitafhium — Avolavit ! " 
See Morton's Memorial, p. 276; 
Mather's Magnalia, i. ."^fiS ; Mit- 
chell's Bridge water, p. 383. 



COMMUNION WITH THE SCOTCH. 393 

dation from the church at Plymouth, he was also ad- chap. 

XX V 

mitted into fellowship with the church at Duxburrow, ^ 

being six miles distant from Plymouth ; and so, 1 dare 
say, if his occasions lead him, may from church to 
church throughout New England. For the truth is, 
the Dutch and French churches, either of them being 
a people distinct from the world, and gathered into a 
holy communion, and not national churches, — nay so 
far from it as I verily believe the sixth person is not of 
the church, — the difference is so small (if moderately 
pondered between them and us) as we dare not for 
the world deny communion with them. 

And for the Church of Scotland, however we have 
had least occasion offered to hold communion with 
them, yet thus much 1 can and do afnrm, that a godly 
divine coming over to Leyden in Plolland, where a 
book was printed anno 1619, as I take it, showing the 
nullity of Perth Assembly,^ whom we judged to be the 
author of it, and hidden in Holland for a season to 
avoid the rage of those evil times, (whose name I have 
forgotten,) this man being very conversant with our 
pastor, Mr. Robinson, and using to come to hear him 
on the sabbath, after sermon ended, the church being 1619 
to partake in the Ford's Supper, this minister stood 
up and desired he might, without offence, stay and see 
the manner of his administration and our participation 
in that ordinance. To whom our pastor answered in 
these very words, or to this effect, " Reverend Sir, you 

* Sir Dudley Carleton, in a letter of the church. It is without name 

to Secretary Naunton, dated at the either of autlior or printer; but I 

Plague, July 17, 1619, writes,"! am informed it is printed by a cer- 

havc seen, within these two dnys, tain English Brownist of Leyden, 

a certain Scottish book, called Pe7-</t as are most of the Puritan books 

Axxcmhly, written with much scorn sent over of late days into Eng- 

and reproach of the proceeding in land." Letters, p. 379. See note ' 

that kingdom concerning the affairs on page 42. 



396 ROBINSON'S FAREWELL ADVICE. 

CHAP, may not only stay to behold us, but partake with us, if 

you please ; for we acknowledge the churches of Scot- 

16 19. land to be the churches of Christ," ^c. The minister 
also replied to this purpose, if not also in the same 
words, " that for his part he could comfortably partake 
with the church, and willingly would, but that it is 
possible some of his brethren of Scotland might take 
offence at his act ; which he desired to avoid in re- 
gard of the opinion the English churches, which they 
held communion withal, had of us." However, he 
rendered thanks to Mr. Robinson, and desired in that 
respect to be only a spectator of us.^ These things I 
was earnestly requested to publish to the world by 
some of the godly Presbyterian party, who apprehend 
the world to be ignorant of our proceedings, conceiv- 
ing in charity that if they had been known, some late 
writers and preachers would never have written and 
spoke of us as they did, and still do as they have occa- 
sion. But what they ignorantly judge, write, or speak 
of us, I trust the Lord in mercy will pass by. 

In the next place, for the wholesome counsel Mr. 
Robinson gave that part of the church whereof he was 
16 2 0. pastor at their departure from him to begin the great 
work of plantation in New England, — amongst other 
wholesome instructions and exhortations he used these 
expressions, or to the same purpose : 

" We are now ere long to part asunder, and the 
Lord knoweth whether ever he should live to see our 
faces again. But whether the Lord had appointed it 

^ Cotton, in his Way of Congre- John Tarbes,) he offered him com- 

gational Churches Cleared, page 8, munion at the Lord's table ; though 

says, " 1 have been given to under- the other, for fear of offence to the 

stand, that when a reverend and Scottish churches at home, excused 

godly Scottish minister came that himself." 
way, (it seemeth to have been Mr. 



ROBINSON'S FAREWELL ADVICE. 397 

or not, he charged us before God and his blessed an- chap. 

^ XXV. 

gels, to follow him no further than he followed Christ ; 

and if God should reveal any thing to us by any other 1 6 2 o. 
instrument of his, to be as ready to receive it as ever 
we were to receive any truth by his ministry ; for he 
was very confident the Lord had more truth and light 
yet to break forth out of his holy word. He took oc- 
casion also miserably to bewail the state and condition 
of the Reformed Churches, who were come to a period 
in religion, and would go no further than the instru- 
ments of their Reformation. As, for example, the 
Lutherans, they could not be drawn to go beyond 
what Luther saw ; for whatever part of God's will he 
had further imparted and revealed to Calvin, they will 
rather die than embrace it. And so also, saith he, you 
see the Calvinists, they stick where he left them ; a 
misery much to be lamented ; for though they were 
precious shining lights in their times, yet God had not 
revealed his whole will to them ; and were they now 
living, saith he, they would be as ready and willing 
to embrace further light, as that they had received. 
Here also he put us in mind of our church covenant,^ 
at least that part of it whereby we promise and cove- 
nant with God and one with another, to receive what- 
soever light or truth shall be made known to us from 
his written word ; but withal exhorted us to take heed 
what we received for truth, and well to examine and 
compare it and weigh it with other Scriptures of truth 
before we received it. For, saith he, it is not possible 
the Christian world should come so lately out of such 



' See on page 21, the terms of the of the Lord, made known or to be 
covenant here alluded to, by which made known unto them." 
they agree "to walk in all the ways 



398 



ROBINSON'S FAREWELL ADVICE. 



CHAP, thick antichristian darkness, and that full perfection of 

XXV 

. i knowledge should break forth at once. 

1620. <' Another thing he commended to us, was that we 
should use all means to avoid and shake off the name 
of Brownist,^ being a mere nickname and brand to 
make religion odious and the professors of it to the 
Christian world. And to that end, said he, I should 
be glad if some godly minister would go over with you 
before my coming; ~ for, said he, there will be no dif- 
ference between the unconformable ^ ministers and 
you, when they come to the practice of the ordinances 
out of the kingdom.'* And so advised us by all means 



^ In his book on Religious Com- 
munion, printed in 1611, Robinson 
says, p. 45, "He miscalls usBrown- 
isls ; " and on the title page of his 
Apology he speaks of " certain 
Christians, contumeliously called 
Brownists." See this matter set 
right by Dr. Holmes, in his Annals, 
i. 572. Some account of Brown 
will be given hereafter. 

^ They had engaged a minister 
to go with them. See page 85. 

^ That is, the nonconforming 
clergy, who had not separated from 
the church. 

■* This prediction was remarka- 
bly fulfilled in the case of the Mas- 
sachusetts colonists. Higginson, 
in 1629, in taking his last look of 
his native land from the stern of 
his ship, exclaimed, " We will not 
say as the Separatists were wont 
to say at their leaving of Eng- 
land, Farewell, Babylon ! Farewell, 
Rome ! But we will say. Fare- 
well, dear England ! Farewell, the 
Church of God in England, and all 
the Christian friends there ! We 
do not go to New England as sep- 
aratists from the (Church of Eng- 
land." Gov. Winthrop, too, and 
his company, on their departure in 
1630, in their address " to the rest of 
their brethren in and of the Church 



of England," say, " We desire you 
would be pleased to take notice of 
the principals and body of our com- 
pany, as those who esteem it our 
honor to call the Church of Eng- 
land, from whence we rise, our 
dear mother, and cannot part from 
our native country, where she 
specially resideth, without much 
sadness of heart, and many tears 
in our eyes, ever acknowledging 
that such hope and part as we have 
obtained in the common salvation, 
we have received in her bosom and 
sucked it from her breasts. We 
leave it not therefore as loathing 
that milk, wherewith we were nou- 
rished there, but blessing God for 
the parentage and education, as 
members of the same body, shall 
always rejoice in her good, and 
unfeignedly grieve for any sorrow 
that shall ever betide her, and while 
we have breath, sincerely desire 
and endeavour the continuance and 
abundance of her welfare, with the 
enlargement of her bounds in the 
kingdom of Christ Jesus ; wishing 
our heads and hearts were fountains 
of tears for your everlasting wel- 
fare, when we shall be in our poor 
cottages in the wilderness, over- 
shadowed with the spirit of suppli- 
cation." 



ROBINSON'S FAREWELL ADVICE. 



399 



1620. 



to endeavour to close with the godly party of the chap. 
kingdom of England, and rather to study union than — — ' 
division, viz. how near we might possibly without sin 
close with them, than in the least measure to affect 
division or separation from them. And be not loath 
to take another pastor or teacher, saith he ; for that 
flock that hath two shepherds is not endangered but 
secured by it." ^ 

Many other things there were of great and weighty 
consequence which he commended to us. But these 
things I thought good to relate, at the request of some 
well-willers to the peace and good agreement of the 
godly, (so distracted at present about the settling of 
church government in the kingdom of England,) that 



These professions were undoubt- 
edly heartfelt and sincere. And 
yet no sooner were these Noncon- 
formists in a place where they could 
act fur themselves, than they pur- 
sued precisely the course taken by 
the Separatists, adopted their form 
of ecclesiastical discipline and gov- 
ernment, and set up Independent 
churches. Higginson, though a 
presbyter of the Church of Eng- 
land, was ordained over again by 
the members of his own congrega- 
tion at Salem. Phillips, after- 
wards the minister of Wateitown, 
who signed the above address with 
Winthrop, declared soon after his 
arrival, that if his companions 
would " have him stand minister 
by that calling which he Teceived 
from the prelates in England, he 
would leave them.*' And when 
Mr. Cotton came over in 1633, " by 
his preaching and practice he did 
by degrees mould all their church 
administrations into the very same 
form which Mr. Phillips labored to 
introduce into the churches before ; " 
so that after a while there was no 
perceptible difference between the 
Puritans of Massachusetts and the 
Separatists of Plymouth. See Ma- 



ther's Magnalia, i. 328 ; Hutchin- 
son's Mass. i. 487 ; Morton's Me- 
morial, p. 146 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. 
iii. 74, XV. 186. 

^ We have here this celebrated 
farewell discourse of Robinson in 
its original form. Winslow was 
present and heard it, and either 
took it down from memory or from 
the notes of his pastor. It ap- 
peared ill print for the first time in 
1646, in this work, and all succeed- 
ing writers, such as Mather, Prince 
and Neal, have copied it from Wins- 
low. 

" AVords," says Prince, speak- 
ing of this exhortation, " almost 
astonishing in that age of low and 
universal bigotry which then pre- 
vailed in the English nation ; wherein 
this truly great and learned man 
seems to be the only divine who was 
capable of rising into a noble free- 
dom of thinking and practising in 
religious matters, and even of urging 
such an equal liberty on his own 
people. lie labors to take them off 
from their attachment to him, that 
they might be more entirely free to 
search and follow the Scriptures." 
Annals, p. 176. 



400 ROBINSON NOT A RIGID SEPARATIST. 

CHAP. SO both sides may truly see what this poor despised 
church of Christ, now at New Plymouth in New Eng- 
land, but formerly at Leyden in Holland, was and is ; 
how far they were and still are from separation from the 
churches of Christ, especially those that are Reformed. 
'T is true we profess and desire to practise a sepa- 
ration from the world, and the works of the world, 
which are works of the flesh, such as the Apostle 
speaketh of. And as the churches of Christ are all 
Ephes. saints by calHng, so we desire to see the grace of God 
^1 co^rl' shining forth (at least seemingly, leaving secret things 
9-11. to God) in all we admit into church fellowship with 

Ephes. ' ^ ^ 

ii.11,12. yg^ ^^^ ^Q i^eep off" such as openly wallow in the mire 
of their sins, that neither the holy things of God nor 
the communion of the saints may be leavened or pol- 
luted thereby. And if any joining to us formerly, 
either when we lived at Leyden in Holland, or since 
we came to New England, have with the manifesta- 
tion of their faith and profession of holiness held forth 
therewith separation from the Church of England, I 
have divers times, both in the one place and the other, 
heard either Mr. Robinson, our pastor, or Mr. Brew- 
ster, our elder, stop them forthwith, showing them 
that we required no such things at their hands, ^ but 
only to hold forth faith in Christ Jesus, holiness in the 
fear of God, and submission to every ordinance and 
appointment of God, leaving the Church of England 
to themselves and to the Lord, before whom they 
should stand or fall, and to whom we ought to pray to 

^ Cotton too says, " When some inson would bear witness against 

Englishmen that offered themselves such profession, avouching they re- 

to become members of his church, quired no such professions of sepa- 

would sometimes in their conffs- ration from tliis or that or any 

sions profess their separation from church, but only from the world." 

the church of England, Mr. Rob- Way, p. 8. 



CONGREGATIONALISM AN APOSTOLIC INSTITUTION. 



401 



reform what was amiss amongst them.^ Now this re- 
formation we have hved to see performed and brought 
about by the mighty power of God this day in a good 
measure, and I hope the Lord Jesus will perfect his 
work of reformation, till all be according to the good 
pleasure of his will. By all which I desire the reader 
to take notice of our former and present practice, not- 
withstanding all the injurious and scandalous taunting 
reports [that] are passed on us. And if these things 
will not satisfy, but we must still suffer reproach, and 
others for our sakes, because they and we thus walk, 
our practice being, for aught we know, wholly ground- 
ed on the written word, without any addition or 
human invention known to us, taking our pattern from 
the primitive churches, as they were regulated by the 
blessed Apostles in their own days, who were taught 



CHAP 
XXV. 



' In lfi34, nine years after his 
death, there was published " A 
Treatise of the lawfuhiess of hear- 
ing of the ministers in the Church 
of England ; penned by that learned 
and reverend divine, Mr. John Ro- 
binson, late pastor to the P]nglish 
church of God in Leyden ; printed 
according to the copy that was found 
in his study after his decease." 
From this rare work I extract the 
concluding paragraph. 

" To conclude. For myself, thus 
I believe with my heart before 
God, and profess with my tongue, 
and have before the world, that I 
have one and the same faith, hope, 
spirit, baptism, and Lord, which I 
had in the Church of England, and 
none other ; that I esteem so many 
in that Church, of what state or 
order soever, as are truly partakers 
of that faith, (as I account many 
thousands to be,) for my Christian 
brethren, and myself a fellow mem- 
ber with them of that one mystical 
body of Christ scattered far and 
wide throughout the world ; that I 

51 



have always, in spirit and affection, 
all Christian fellowship and com- 
munion with them, and am most 
ready in all outward actions and 
exercises of religion, lawful and 
lawfully done, to express the same ; 
and withal, that I am persuaded 
the hearing of the word of God 
there preached, in the manner and 
upon the grounds formerly men- 
tioned, both lawful, and upon occa- 
sion necessary for me and all true 
Christians, withdrawing from that 
hierarchical order of church gov- 
ernment and ministry, and the ap- 
purtenances thereof, and uniting in 
the order and ordinances instituted 
by Christ, the only King and Lord 
of his church, and by all his disci- 
ples to be observed ; and lastly, that 
I cannot communicate with or sub- 
mit unto the said church order and 
ordinances there established, either 
in state or act, without being con- 
demned of mine own heart, and 
therein provoking God , who is great- 
er than my heart, to condemn me 
much more." 



402 PRESBYTERIANS TOLERATED IN NEW ENGLAND. 

CHAP, and instructed bv the Lord Jesus Christ, and had the 

XXV. 

1. unerring and all-knowing spirit of God to bring to 

their remembrance the things they had heard, — I say 
if we must still suffer such reproach, notwithstanding 
our charity towards them who will not be in charity 
with us, God's will be done. 

The next aspersion cast upon us is, that we will not 
suffer any that differ from us never so little to reside or 
cohabit with us ; no, not the Presbyterian government, 
which differeth so little from us. To which I answer, 
our practice witnesseth the contrary. For t' is well 
known that Mr. Parker and Mr. Noyce,^ who are 
ministers of Jesus Christ at Newberry, are in that way, 
and so known, so far as a single congregation can be 
exercised in it ; yet never had the least molestation or 
disturbance, and have and find as good respect from 
magistrates and people as other elders in the Congre- 
gational or primitive way. 'T is known also, that Mr. 
Hubbard,- the minister at Hengam, hath declared him- 

* Thomas Parker and James things according to the presbytery, 

Noyes came to New England in as of Newbury, &c. The assembly 

1634, and were settled in 1635 as concluded against some parts of the 

pastor and teacher of the church in presbyterial way, and the Newbury 

Newbury, which was the tenth ministers took time lo consider the 

church gathered in Massachusetts, arguments," &c. For further par- 

They were cousins, had been pu- ticulars concerning them, see Ma- 

pils and teachers in the same school, ther's Magnalia, i. 433 — 441 ; Sav- 

came over in the same ship, and age's Winthrop, ii. 137 ; Allen's 

lived together in the same house for Am. Biog. Diet. ; and Eliot's New 

twenty years, when death separated England Biog. Diet, 

them. Parker had been a pupil of ^ Peter Hobart, the first minister 

Archbishop Usher, and Noyes had of Hingham, was from the town of 

been a student in the university of the same name in Norfolk, England. 

Oxford. The celebrated Baxter said He was educated at Magdalen Col- 

" he was a lover of the New Eng- lege, Cambridge, where he received 

land churches according to the New the degree of A. B. in 1625, and 

England model, as Mr. Noyes had A. M. in 1629. He came to New 

explained it." We are told by England in June, 1635. Hubbard 

Winthrop that the principal occa- says " he was not so fully persuaded 

sion of the synod held at Cambridge of the congregational discipline as 

in 1643, was because " some of the some others were ; he was reported 

elders went about to set up some to be of a presbyterial spirit, and 



HOBART, OF HINGHAM. 403 

self for that way ; nay, which is more than ever I chap. 

heard of the other two, he refuscth to haptize no 

children that are tendered to him, (although this 
liberty stands not upon a Presbyterian bottom,) and 
yet the civil state never molested him for it. Only 
coming to a Synod held in the country the last year, 
which the magistrates called, requesting the churches 
to send their elders and such others as might be able 
to hold forth the hght of God from his written word 
in case of some doubts which did arise in the country, 
I say he coming the last sitting of the Assembly, 
which was adjourned to the oth of June next, was in 
all meekness and love requested to be present and 
hold forth his light he went by in baptizing all that 
were brought to him, hereby waiving the practice of 
the churches ; which he promising to take into con- 
sideration, they rested in his answer. 

So also 'tis well known that before these unhappy 
troubles arose in England and Scotland, there were 
divers gentlemen of Scotland that groaned under the 
heavy pressures of those times, wrote to New England 
to know whether they might be freely suffered to ex- 
ercise their Presbyterial government amongst us ; and 
it was answered affirmatively they might. And they 
sending over a gentleman to take a view of some fit 
place, a river called Meromeck, near Ipswich and 

managed all affairs without advice for that his spirit had been dis- 

of the brethren." Some idea of his covered to be averse to our eccle- 

character may be gathered from the siastical and civil government, and 

following passage in Winthrop's he tvas a bold man and would speak 

History ; " There was a great mar- his mind.^' See more concerning 

riage to be solemnized at Boston, him in Mather's Magnalia, i. 448 — 

The bridegroom being of Ilingham, 452; Lincoln's History of Hing- 

Mr. Hubbard's church, he was pro- ham, pp. 21, 59, 150; Savage's 

cured to preach, and came to Bos- Winthrop, ii. 222, 313 ; Hubbard, 

ton to that end. But the magis- in Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 192, xvi. 

trates, hearing of it, sent to him to 418, xxviii. 248. 
forbear. The reasons were, first. 



404 LAW AGAINST ANABAPTISTS. 

CHAP. Newberry aforesaid, was showed their agent, which he 

XXV J ' o ' 

well liked, and where we have since four towns settled, 

and more may be for aught I know ; so that there they 
might have had a complete Presbytery, and whither 
they intended to have come. But meeting with mani- 
fold crosses, being half seas through, they gave over 
their intendments ; and, as I have heard, these were 
many of the gentlemen that first fell upon the late 
Covenant in Scotland. By all which will easily ap- 
pear how we are here wronged by many, and the 
harder measure, as we hear, imposed upon our breth- 
ren for our sakes, nay pretending our example for 
their precedent. And last of all, not long before I 
came away, certain discontented persons in open 
court of the Massachusets, demanding that liberty, it 
was freely and as openly tendered to them, showing 
their former practices by me mentioned, but willed 
not to expect that we should provide them ministers, 
&c. for the same ; but getting such themselves, they 
might exercise their Presbyterian government at their 
liberty, walking peaceably towards us, as we trusted 
we should do towards them. So that if our brethren 
here shall be restrained, they walking peaceably, the 
example must not be taken from us, but arise from 
some other principle. 

But it will be objected. Though you deal thus 
with the Presbyterian way, yet you have a severe 
law against Anabaptists ; ^ yea, one was whipped at 
Massachusets for his religion ; ^ and your law banish- 
eth them. Answer. 'Tis true the Massachusets 



' This law may be seen in punished was Thomas Painter, of 

Hazard's Slate Papers, i. 538, See Hingham. This was in 1644. See 

also Savage's Winthrop, ii. 174. an account of it in Savage's Win- 

* The name of the person thus thiop, ii. 174, 



CHAUNCY, OF SCITUATE. 405 

Government have such a law to banish, but not to chap. 

XXV. 

whip in that kind. And certain men desiring some ^ 

mitigation of it, it was answered in my hearing, "'Tis 
true we have a severe law, but we never did or will 
execute the rigor of it upon any ; and have men living 
amongst us, nay some in our churches, of that judg- 
ment ; and as long as they carry themselves peaceably, 
as hitherto they do, we will leave them to God, our- 
selves having performed the duty of brethren to them. 
And whereas there was one whipped amongst us, 't is 
true we knew his judgment what it was ; but had he 
not carried himself so contemptuously towards the au- 
thority God hath betrusted us with in a high exemplary 
measure, we had never so censured him ; and there- 
fore he may thank himself, who suffered as an evil- 
doer in that respect. But the reason wherefore we 
are loath either to repeal or alter the law, is, because 
we would have it remain in force to bear witness 
against their judgment and practice, which we con- 
ceive them to be erroneous. And yet nevertheless," 
said the Governor to those [who] preferred the request, 
" you may tell our friends in England, whither ye are 
some of you going, since the motion proceedeth from 
such as we know move it in love to us, we will seri- 
ously take it into consideration at our next General 
Court." So that thou mayest perceive, good reader, 
that the worst is spoken of things in that kind. 

Furthermore, in the Government of Plymouth, to 
our great grief, not only the pastor ^ of a congregation 

^ The person here referred to was should be administered to infants, 

the Rev. Charles Chauncy, at this provided it were done by immersion, 

time minister of Scituate, and after- lie took the degree of A. B. at 

wards President of Harvard College. Trinity College, ('ambridge, in 1613, 

It appears, however, that he was of A. M. in 1617, and of B. D. in 

willing that the ordinance of baptism 1624. He was also incorporated 



406 CONGREGATIONALISM THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH POLITY. 

CHAP, waiveth the administration of baptism to infants, but 

XXV 

i^ divers of his congregation are fallen with him ; and yet 

all the means the civil power hath taken against him 
and them is to stir up our elders to give meeting, and 
see if by godly conference they may be able to convince 
and reclaim him, as in mercy once before they had done, 
by God's blessing upon their labors. Only at the fore- 
said Synod, two were ordered to write to him in the 
name of the Assembly, and to request his presence at 
their next meeting aforesaid, to hold forth his light he 
goeth by in waiving the practice of the churches ; with 
promise if it be light, to walk by it ; but if it appear 
otherwise, then they trust he will return again to the 
unity of practice with them. And for the other two 
Governments of Conectacut and Newhaven, if either 
have any law in force against them, or so much as need 
of a law in that kind, 'tis more than I have heard on. 
For our parts (I mean the churches of New Eng- 
land) we are confident, through God's mercy, the way 
of God in which we walk and according to which we 
perform our worship and service to Him, concurreth 
with those rules our blessed Saviour hath left upon 
record by the Evangelists and Apostles, and is agreea- 
ble with the practice of those primitive churches men- 
tioned in the Acts, and regulated by the same Apostles, 
as appeareth not only in that Evangelical History, but 
in their Epistles to the several churches there men- 
tioned. Yet nevertheless if any through tenderness of 
conscience be otherwise minded, to such we never 
turn a deaf ear, nor become rigorous, though we have 

A. M. at Oxford, in 1G19. See Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. 112, x. 30, 174, 

Mather's Magnalia, i. 418 — 430; xxviii, 247 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 

Deane's Scituate, pp. GO, 89, 173 ; 227 ; Wood's Fasti Oxon. First 

Savage's Winthrop, i. 330, ii. 72 ; Part, p. 391, (Bliss's ed.) 



EVIL-DOERS NOT TO BE TOLERATED. 407 

the stream of authority on our sides. Nay, if in the chap. 

use of all means we cannot reclaim them, knowing L 

" the wisdom that is from above is first pure, then 
peaceable, gentle, and easy to be entreated, full of 
mercy and good fruits, without partiality and without 
hypocrisy ; and the fruit of righteousness is sown in 
peace of them that make peace," according to James 
iii. 17, 18 ; and if any differing from us be answera- 
ble to this rule in their lives and conversations, we do 
not exercise the civil sword against them. But for 
such as Gorton and his company, whose wisdom 
seems not to be from above, as appeareth in that it is 
" full of envying, strife, confusion," being therein such .James 
as the Apostle Jude speaks on, viz. " earthly, sensual, jude 
devilish," who " despise dominion and speak evil of 
dignities," these are " murmurers, complainers, walk- w. 
ers after their own lusts, and their mouth speaketh 
great swelling words, being clouds without water, car- jo. 
ried about of winds, trees whose fruit withereth, with- 
out fruit, twice dead, plucked up by the roots, raging 13. 
waves of the sea, foaming out their own shame, wan- 
dering stars, to whom, (without repentance, which I 
much desire to see or hear of in him, if it may stand 
with the will of God,) is reserved the blackness of 
darkness forever " — these, I say, are to be proceeded 
with by another rule, and not to be borne ; who suffer 
as evil-doers, and are a shame to religion, which they 
profess in word, but deny in their lives and conversa- 
tions. These every tender conscience abhors, and 
will justify and assist " the higher powers God hath 
ordained," against such carnal gospellers, " who bear r^^. 
not the sword in vain," but execute God's vengeance on 
such ; for the civil magistrate is " the minister of God, 
a revenorer to execute wrath on him that doth evil." 



XIII. 



408 NEW ENGLAND — GOD BLESS HER! 

CHAP. And therefore a broad difference is to be put between 

XXV 

V- — ^ such evil-doers and those tender consciences who fol- 
low the light of God's word in their own persuasions, 
(though judged erroneous by the places where they 
live) so long as their walking is answerable to the 
rules of the Gospel, by preserving peace and holding 
forth holiness in their conversations amongst men. 

Thus much I thought good to signify, because we of 
New England are said to be so often propounded for 
an example. And if any will take us for a precedent, 
I desire they may really know what we do, rather than 
what others ignorantly or maliciously report of us, assur- 
ing myself that none will ever be losers by following 
us so far as we follow Christ. Which that we may 
do, and our posterities after us, the Father of our Lord 
Jesus Christ and our Father accept in Christ what is 
according to him ; discover, pardon and reform what 
is amiss amongst us ; and guide us and them by the 
assistance of the Holy Ghost, for time to come, till time 
shall be no more ; that the Lord our God may still 
delight to dwell amongst his plantations and churches 
there by his gracious presence, and may go on blessing 
to bless them with heavenly blessings in these earthly 
places, that so by his blessing they may not only grow 
up to a nation, but become exemplary for good unto 
others. And let all that wish well to Zion say Amen.^ 

' The work of Winslow, to which London. 1649." The paging, list 

this Brief Narration is appended, of errata, &c. are precisely the san^e 

was afterwards published with a as in the other book, Hypocrisy 

new title-page, as follows : "The Unmasked. 

danger of tolerating levellers in a Whilst Winslow was in England, 

civil state ; or a historical narration he published, in 1649, another book, 

of the dangerous practices and entitled " New England's Salaman- 

opinions wherewith Samuel Gor- der Discovered — or a satisfactory 

ton and his levelling accomplices answer to many aspersions cast 

so much disturl)ed and molested upon New England." This work 

the several plantations in New is reprinted in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxii. 

England. By Edward Winslow, 110 — 145. 
of Plymoutli, in New England. 



GOV. BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE, 



62 



MORTON'S PREFACE. 



Godly and Conscientious Reader, 

It is a great part of the happiness of heaven, that 
the saints in celestial glory are and shall be all of one 
mind ; and it is not unprobably gathered by the 
learned, that when " the Lord shall be one, and his z.«h- 

' ' XIV. 9. 

name one," there shall be a joint concurrence of the 
saints in and about the matters of God. In the mean 
time, it is no small grief to every modest, moderate- 
minded Christian, to see such discord among the best 
of saints ; vs^hereas if the ground of the difference were 
sometimes well scanned, it would appear to be more 
in circumstance than in substance, more nominal, or 
respecting names or abusive names given, than in 
substantial realities. Rev. Mr. Manton, in his sermon 
before the honorable House of Commons, saith, "The 
Devil getteth great advantages by names amongst 
Christians, as Lutherans, Calvinists, Presbyterians, 
Independents, inventing," saith ho, " either such as 
may tend to contempt or derision, as of old Christians, 
of late Puritans, or to tumult and division, as those 
names amongst us, under which the members of 
Christ sadly gather into bodies and parties." 



412 MORTON'S PREFACE. 

Let me add hereunto, that the mischief of this also 
appeared when hght sprung out of [the] darkness of 
Popery. Then the godly were forced to sustain the 
name of Puritans and the nickname of Brownists, so as 
many of the godly in our nation lay in obscurity under 
contempt of those names ; ^ and afterwards, as light ap- 
peared, notwithstanding became one in the profession 
and practice of the truth respecting the kingly office of 
Christ, wherein they seemingly differed but a little 
before, both in New England and in Old England ; 
but yet so as some estrangedness remains amongst 
those, although that in the main and substance of 
things they are of one mind, and with oneness of heart 
and mouth do serve the Lord, and do agree in and 
about the matters of the kingdom of Christ on earth. 
Yea, and I doubt not but some such of them as were 
of the eminentest on both sides, who are now departed 
this life, do agree and have sweet communion with 
each other in their more nobler part in glory. 

I have lately met with a plain, well composed, and 
useful Dialogue, penned by that honored pattern of 
piety, William Bradford, Esq. late Governor of the 
Jurisdiction of New Plymouth Colony, which occa- 
sionally treats something of this matter, together with 
and in defence of such as I may without just offence 
term martyrs ^ of Jesus, and in defence of the cause 
they suffered for ; it being no other in effect but what 
our church and the churches of Christ in New England 
do both profess and practise. I will not defend, neither 



' These differences were partly Greenwood, Mr. John Penry, Mr. 
blown. up amonjjst these Christians William Dennis, [Mr. John] Cop- 
by the names of Brownist and Pu- ing and Elias [Thacker] and several 
ritans. — Morton's Note. others that suffered much, though 

^ Mr. Henry Barrow, Mr. John not put to death. — Morton^s Note. 



MORTON'S PREFACE. 413 

doth he, all the words that might fall from those blessed 
souls in defence of the truth, who suffered so bitterly 
as they did from such as ere while (if I mistake not) 
were forced to fly into Germany for the cause of God 
in Queen Mary's days, and returned again in the 
happy reign of Queen Elizabeth, and turned prelates 
and bitter persecutors.^ This thing considered, and 
other things also, if some passages that fell from them 
might have been spared, yet in many things we all 
oftend, and " oppression will make a wise man mad," 
saith Solomon. Such circumstantial weakness will 
not unsaint a Christian, nor render him no martyr, if 
his cause be good, as you will find it to be by the 
perusing of this Dialogue, 1 doubt not ; but let it 
speak for itself. 

Gentle reader, I hope thou wilt obtain a clear reso- 
lution about divers things, whereof possibly thou wert 
in doubt of formerly respecting the premises ; in the 
transcribing whereof I have taken the best care I could 
to prevent offence and to procure acceptance. If any 
good comes thereof, let God have all the praise.^ 

' See pao-es 9 — 13. Dialogue into the records of the Ply- 

* This Preface was written by mouth Church, whence I obtained it. 
Secretary Morton, who copied this It lias never before been printed. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

A DIALOGUE, OR THE SUM OF A CONFERENCE BETWEEN SOME 
yOUNG MEN BORN IN NEW ENGLAND AND SUNDRY ANCIENT 
MEN THAT CAME OUT OF HOLLAND AND OLD ENGLAND, 
ANNO DOMINI 1648.i 

YOUNG MEN. 

^^r- Gentlemen, you were pleased to appoint us this 
- — — ' time to confer with you, and to propound sucli ques- 
tions as might give us satisfaction in some things 
wherein we are ignorant, or at least further light to 
some things that are more obscure unto us. Our first 
request therefore is, to know your minds concerning 
the true and simple meaning of those of The Separa- 
tion, as they are termed, when they say the Church 
of England is no Church, or no true Church. 

ANCIENT MEN. 

For answer hereunto, first, you must know that 
they speak of it as it then was under the hierarchical 
prelacy, which since have been put down by the State, 
and not as it is now unsettled. 

2. They nowhere say, that we remember, that they 

' That is, the Dialogue was held or written in 1648. 



THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND NO TRUE CHURCH. 415 

are no Church. At least, they are not so to be under- chap. 

XXVI. 

stood ; for they often say the contrary. \ 

3. When they say it is no true Church of Christ, 
they do not at all mean as they are the elect of God, 
or a part of the Catholic Church, or of the mystical 
body of Christ, or visible Christians professing faith 
and holiness, (as most men understand the church) ; for 
which purpose hear what Mr. Robinson in his Apology, 
page bo. " If by the Church," saith he, " be under- 
stood the Catholic Church, dispersed upon the face of 
the whole earth, we do willingly acknowledge that a 
singular part thereof, and the same visible and con- 
spicuous, is to be found in the land, and with it do 
profess and practise, what in us lies, communion in all 
things in themselves lawful, and done in right order." 

4. Therefore they mean it is not a true church as it 
is a National Church, combined together of all in the 
land promiscuously under the hierarchical government 
of archbishops, their courts and canons, so far differ- 
ing from the primitive pattern in the Gospel. 

YOUNG MEN. 

Wherein do they differ then from the judgment or 
practice of our churches here in New England ? 

ANCIENT MEN. 

Truly, for matter of practice, nothing at all that is 
in any thing material ; these being rather more strict 
and rigid in some proceedings about admission of 
members, and things of such nature, than the other ; 
and for matter of judgment, it is more, as we conceive, 
in words and terms, than matter of any great sub- 
stance : for the churches and chief of the ministers 



416 BROWNISTS AND SEPARATISTS. 

CHAP, here hold that the National Church, so constituted and 

XXVI. 

_-— ^ governed as before is said, is not allowable according 
to the primitive order of the Gospel ; but that there 
are some parish assemblies that are true churches by 
virtue of an implicit covenant amongst themselves, in 
which regard the Church of England may be held 
and called a true church. 

Answer. Whcrc any such are evident, we suppose the other 
will not disagree about an imphcit covenant, if they 
mean by an implicit covenant that which hath the 
substance of a covenant in it some way discernible, 
though it be not so formal or orderly as it should be. 
But such an implicit [covenant] as is no way exphcit, 
is no better than a Popish implicit faith, (as some of us 
conceive,) and a mere fiction, or as that which should 
be a marriage covenant which is no way explicit. 

YOUNG MEN. 

Wherein standeth the difference between the rigid 
Brownists and Separatists ' and others, as we observe 
our ministers in their writings and sermons to distin- 
guish them ? 

ANCIENT MEN. 

The name of Brownists^ is but a nickname, as 

* The learned and ever-memora- charitable sentiment ; " Difference 

ble John Hales, of Eton, said of of opinion may work a disaffection 

this word Separatist, " Where it in me, but not a detestation. I 

may be rightly fixed and deservedly rather pity than hate Turk and 

charged, it is certainly a great of- infidel, for they are of the same 

fence ; but in common use now metal and bear the same stamp as 

among us, it is no other than a I do, though the inscriptions differ, 

theological scarecrow." Works, i. If I hate any, it is those schismatics 

XV. Foulis, 1765. that puzzle the sweet peace of our 

^ James Howell, in one of his church ; so that I could be content 

letters, aping the style, v.'hilst de- to see an Anabaptist go to hell on a 

void of the liberal spirit of Sir Brownist's back." Letters, p. 270, 

Thomas Browne, has the following (ed. 1754.) 



PURITANS AND HUGUENOTS. 417 

Puritan^ and Huguenot,- &c., and therefore they do chap. 

. XXVI 

not amiss to dedine the odium of it in what they may. ' 

But by the rigidne.ss of Separation they do not so 
much mean the difference, for our churches here in 
New England do the same thing under the name of 
secession from the corruptions found amongst them, as 
the other did under the name or term of separation 
from them. Only this dechnes the odium the better. 
See Reverend Mr. Cotton's Answer to Mr. Baylie, 
page the I4th.^ 

That some which were termed Separatists, out of 
some mistake and heat of zeal, forbore communion in 
lawful things with other godly persons, as prayer and 
hearing of the word, may be seen in what that 
worthy man, Mr. Robinson, hath published in dislike 
thereof. 

YOUNG MEN. 

We are well satisfied in what you have said. But 
they differ also about synods. 

' See note ' on pag-e 12. du nom des Eignots de Geneve, un 

^ The origin of this word is un- pen autrement prononce." The 

known. Some have thought it term was first applied to the Cal- 

was derived from a French and vinists of the Cevennes in 1560. 

faulty pronunciation of the German See Mosheim's Eccles. Hist. iv. 

word eidgnosscn, which signifies 368 ; Fleury, Hist. Eccles. xviii. 

confederates, and which had been 603. An admirable IMemoir of the 

originally the name of that valiant French Protestants, both in their 

part of the city of Geneva, which native country and in America, 

entered into an alliance with the written by that accurate annalist, 

Swiss cantons in order to maintain Dr. Holmes, is contained in the 

their liberties against the tyranui- Mass. Hist. Goll. xxii. 1 — 84. 
cal attempts of Charles HI. duke ' " Neither was our departure 

of Savoy. These confederates were ftdm the parishional congregations 

called eignots, and from thence very in England a separation from them 

probably was derived the word /m- as no churches, but rather a. seces- 

guenots. The Abbe Fieury says, sion from, the corruptions found 

" lis y furent appeles Huguenots, amongst them." 

53 



418 NO SYNODS AMONG THE SEPARATISTS. 



CHAP. ANCIENT MEN. 

XXVI. 

It is true we do not know that ever they had any 

solemn Synodical Assembly. And the reason may be, 
that those in England living dispersed and ' could not 
meet in their ordinary meetings without danger, much 
less in synods. Neither in Holland, where they might 
have more liberty, were they of any considerable num- 
ber, being but those two churches, that of Amsterdam 
and that of Leyden. Yet some of us know that the 
church [of Leyden] sent messengers to those of Am- 
sterdam, at the request of some of the chief of them, 
both elders and brethren, when in their dissensions 
they had deposed Mr. Ainsworth and some other both 
of their elders and brethren, Mr. Robinson being the 
. chief of the messengers sent; which had that good 
effect, as that they revoked the said deposition, and 
confessed their rashness and error, and lived together 
in peace some good time after. But when the churches 
want neither peace nor light to exercise the power 
which the Lord hath given them, Christ doth not direct 
them to gather into synods or classical meetings, for 
removing of known offences either in doctrine or man- 
ners ; but only sendeth to the pastors or presbyters of 
each church to reform within themselves what is 
amongst them. " A plain pattern," saith Mr. Cotton 
in his Answer to Mr. Baylie, page 95, " in case of 
public offences tolerated in neighbour churches, not 
forthwith to gather into a synod or classical meeting, 
for redress thereof, but by letters and messengers to 
admonish one another of what is behooveful ; unless 

' Here something seems to have been omitted. 



PROPHESYING. 



419 



upon such admonition they refuse to hearken to the chap. 
wholesome counsel of their brethren." And of this J-^-^ 
matter Mr. Robinson thus writeth in his book, Just. 
page 200/ " The officers of one or many churches 
may meet together to discuss and consider of matters 
for the good of the church and churches, and so be 
called a Church Synod, or the like, so they infringe 
no order of Christ or liberty of the brethren ; " not 
diifering herein from Mr. Davenport ^ and the princi- 
pal of our ministers. 



YOUNG MEN. 



But they seem to differ about the exercise of pro- 



phecy,^ that is, that men out of office. 



having 



gifts, 



' See the title of this book in 
note ^ on page 40. 

* John Davenport, born at Coven- 
try in 1597, a graduate of Oxford, 
and vicar of St. Stephens, in Lon- 
don, came to New England in 1637, 
with Theophilus Eaton and Ed- 
ward Hopkins, and with them laid 
the foundations of the colony of New 
Haven, in 1638. In 1668, in his 71st 
year, he removed to Boston, to be- 
come the pastor of the First Church, 
ind there died in 1670. See 
Wood's Athen. Oxon. iii. 889, (ed. 
Bliss) ; Mather's Magnalia, i. 292 
— 302; Winthrop's N. E. i. 227, 
404 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 82, 115, 
215 ; Emerson's History of the First 
Chuich in Boston, pp. 110 — 124. 
But the most ample and satisfac- 
tory account of Davenport will be 
found in Prof. Kingsley's Cen- 
tennial Discourse at New Haven, 
and in Dr. Leonard Bacon's His- 
torical Discourses. These works 
contain also a noble vindication of 
the principles and character of the 
Puritan fathers of New England. 

* This religious exercise, in 
which laymen publicly taught and 
exhorted, was early practised in 



both the colonies of Plymouth and 
Massachusetts. As the church of 
Plymouth was long without a regu- 
lar pastor, " the ruling elder, when 
he wanted assistance, used frequent- 
ly to call upon some of the gifted 
brethren to pray and give a vtord of 
exhortation in their public assem- 
blies ; the chief of whom were Gov. 
Edward Winslow, Gov. Bradford, 
his son-in-law, Mr. Thomas South- 
worth, and Secretary Nathaniel 
Morton ; men of superior talents and 
parts, and of good school-learning." 
We are told by Gov. Winthrop, in 
his Journal, March 29, 1631, that 
" Mr. Coddington and Mr. Wilson 
and divers of the congregation met 
at the Governor's, and there Mr. 
Wilson, praying and exhorting the 
congregation to love, &c. commend- 
ed to them the exercise of prophecy 
in his absence, and designed those 
whom he thought most fit for it, 
viz. the governor, Mr. Dudley, and 
Mr. Nowell, the elder." On the 
visit of Governor Winthrop and 
Mr. Wilson to Plymouth in Octo- 
ber, 1632, it is related that " on the 
Lord's day in the afternoon, Mr. 
Roger Williams (according to their 



420 PROPHESYING AN ANCIENT PRACTICE. 

CHAP, may upon occasion edify the church pubhcly and 
J-,-^ openly, and applying the Scriptures ; which seems to 
be a new practice. 

ANCIENT MEN. 

It doth but seem so ; as many things else do that 
have by usurpation grown out of use. But that it hath 
been an ancient practice of the people of God, besides 
the grounds of Scripture, we will give an instance or 
two. We find in the ancient Ecclesiastical History 
of Eusebius, hb. vi. cap. 19, how Demetrius, bishop of 
Alexandria, being pricked with envy against Origen, 
complaineth in his letters that there was never such a 
practice heard of, nor no precedent to be found, that 
laymen in presence of bishops have taught in the 
church ; but is thus answered by the bishop of Jerusa- 
lem and the bishop of Cesarea : " We know not," say 
they, " why he reporteth a manifest untruth, whenas 
there may be found such as in open assemblies have 
taught the people ; yea, whenas there were present 
learned men that could profit the people, and more- 
over holy bishops, who at that time exhorted them to 

custom) propounded a question, to may learn, and all be comforted." 

which the pastor, Mr. Smith, spake It was for encouraging- a similar 

briefly ; then Mr. Williams prophe- exercising among his clergy, that 

sied ; and after the governor of archbishop Grindal incurred the 

Plymouth spake to the question; displeasure of Queen Elizabeth, and 

after him the elder ; then two or was for a time suspended from his 

three more of the congregation, see. It should be remembered that 

Then the elder desired the governor this was the scriptural sense of the 

of Massachusetts and Mr. Wilson to word prophesying; and that pre- 

speak to it, which they did." The diction is not its only signification, 

exercise was grounded on the appears from the title of one of 

primitive practice of the Church of Jeremy Taylor's Works, " The 

Corinth, as described and regulated Liberty of Prophesying." See 

by the Apostle Paul, in L Cor. xii. Savage's Winthrop, i. 50, 91 ; 

and xiv, and especially prescribed Mass. Hist. Coll. iv. 136 ; Prince's 

in the 31st verse of the last named Annals, p. 407 ; Fuller's Ch. Hist, 

chapter, where he says, " Ye may iii. 6 — 18 ; Pierce's Vindication, 

all prophesy one by one, that all part i. pp.92 — 96. 



THE LIBERTY OF PROPHESYING. 421 

preach. For example, at Laranda Euelpis was re- chap. 
quested of Neon, at Iconium Paulinus was requested ^ — 
by Celsus, at Synada Theodorus was requested by 
Atticus, who were godly brethren, &c." ^ 

The second instance is out of Speed's Cloud of Wit- 
nesses, page 71. Saith he, " Rambam or Maymon 
records, that in the synagogues, first, only a Levite 
must offer sacrifice ; secondly, but any in Israel might 
expound the law ; thirdly, the expounder must be an 
eminent man, and must have leave from the master of 
the synagogue ; and so contends that Christ, Luke iv. 
16, taught as any of Israel might have done as well 
as the Levites ; and the like did Paul and Barnabas, 
Acts xiii. 15." 

If any out of weakness have abused at any time 
their liberty, it is their personal faulting, as sometimes 
weak ministers may their office, and yet the ordinance 
good and lav/ful. 

And the chief of our ministers in New England 
agree therein. See Mr. Cotton's Answer to Baylie, 
page the 27th, 2d part. " Though neither all," saith 
he, " nor most of the brethren of a church have ordi- 
narily received a gift of public prophesying, or preach- 
ing, yet in defect of public ministry, it is not an unheard 
of novelty that God should enlarge private men with 
public gifts, and ^ to dispense them to edification ; for 
we read that when the church at Jerusalem were all 
scattered abroad, except the Apostles, yet they that ^acu 
were scattered went every where preaching the word." j^oi 

' See Doctor Fulke also on Ro- in 1585 a learned confutation of the 
mans the xi. in answer to the Rhe- Rhemish version of the New Testa- 
mists. — Bradford's Note. ment. See Fuller's Church His- 

Dr. William Fulke, master of lory, iii. 70. 
Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, wrote * Some word is here omitted. 



422 THE INDEPENDENTS. 

CHAP. Mr. Robinson also, in his Apology, page 45, chap- 

ter 8, to take off the aspersion charged on them, as if 

all the members of a church were to prophesy publicly, 
answers, " It comes within the compass but of a few 
of the multitude, haply two or three in a church, so 
to do ; and touching prophecy," saith he, " we think 
the very same that the Synod held at Embden, 1571, 
hath decreed in these words : ' First, in all churches, 
whether but springing up, or grown to some ripeness, 
let the order of prophecy be observed, according to 
Paul's institution. Secondly, into the fellowship of 
this work are to be admitted not only the ministers, 
but the teachers too, as also of the elders and deacons, 
yea, even of the multitude, which are wilhng to confer 
their gift received of God to the common utility of the 
church ; but so as they first be allowed by the judg- 
ment of the ministers and others.' So we believe and 
practise with the Belgic churches, &c." See more 
in the immediate following page. 

YOUNG MEN. 

We cannot but marvel that in so few years there 
should be so great a change, that they who were so 
hotly persecuted by the prelates, and also opposed by 
the better sort of ministers, not only Mr. Gifford, Mr. 
Bernard, and other such like, but many of the most 
eminent both for learning and godliness, and yet now 
not only these famous men and churches in New Eng- 
land so fully to close with them in practice, but all the 
godly party in the land to stand for the same way, 
under the new name of Independents, put upon them. 



THE GROWTH OF CONGREGATIONALISM. 423 



ANCIENT MEN. 

It is the Lord's doing, and it ought to be marvellous 
in our eyes ; and the rather, because Mr. Bernard, in 
his book, made their small increase in a few years one 
and the chief argument against the way itself. To 
which Mr. Robinson answered, that "Religion is not 
always sown and reaped in one age ; and that John 
Huss and Jerome of Prague finished their testimony a 
hundred years before Luther, and Wickliff well nigh as 
long before them, and yet neither the one nor the other 
with the hke success as Luther. And yet," saith he, 
" many are already gathered into the kingdom of 
Christ ; and the nearness of many more throughout 
the whole land, (for the regions are white unto the 
harvest,) doth promise within less than a hundred years, 
if our sins and theirs make not us and them unworthy 
of this mercy, a very plenteous harvest ; " (Justif. folio 
62) ; as if he had prophesied of these times. Yea, 
some of us have often heard him say that " even those 
ministers and other godly persons that did then most 
sharply oppose them, if they might come to be from 
under the bishops, and live in a place of rest and peace, 
where they might comfortably subsist, they would prac- 
tise the same things which they now did."^ And 
truly, many of us have seen this abundantly verified, 
not only in these latter times, but formerly. 

Doctor Ames ^ was estranged from and opposed Mr. 

' See page 45, and note ^ on page In 1609 he fled from the persecu- 

398, and Prince's Annals, p. 305. tion of aichbishop Bancroft, and 

* William Ames, one of the most became minister of the English 
acute controversial writers of his church at the Hague, whence he 
age, was educated at Cambridge was invited by the states of Fries- 
under the celebrated Perkins, and land to the chair of theological pro- 
became fellow of Christ's College, fessor at Franeker, which he filled 



424 FRANCIS JOHNSON, OP AMSTERDAM. 

CHAP. Robinson : and yet afterwards there was loving com- 

XXVI. 'J o 

pliance and near agreement between them; and, which 

is more strange, Mr. Johnson himself, who was after- 
wards pastor of the church of God at Amsterdam, was 
a preacher to the company of English of the Staple at 
Middleburg, in Zealand, and had great and certain 
maintenance ^ allowed him by them, and was highly 
respected of them, and so zealous against this way as 
that [when] Mr. Barrow's and Mr. Greenwood's Re- 
futation of Gilford ^ was privately in printing in this 
city, he not only was a means to discover it, but was 
made the ambassador's instrument to intercept them 
at the press, and see them burnt ; the which charge 
he did so well perform, as he let them go on until they 
were wholly finished, and then surprised the whole 
impression, not suffering any to escape ; and then, by 
the magistrates' authority, caused them all to be openly 
burnt, himself standing by until they were all con- 
sumed to ashes. Only he took up two of them, one 
to keep in his own study, that he might see their er- 
rors, and the other to bestow on a special friend for 
the like use. But mark the sequel. When he had 

■with reputation for twelve years. ' jC200 per annum. — Bradford's 

He was a member of the Synod of Note. 

Dort, and wrote several treatises ^ This book was printed in 1591. 

against the Arminians, besides his Its title was " A plain refutation of 

famous Medulla Theologies. He M. Gifford's book, entitled 'A short 

afterwards removed to Rotterdam, treatise against the Donatists of 

to preach to a congregation of his England; ' wherein is discovered the 

countrymen there ; but the air of forgery of the whole ministry, the 

Holland not agreeing with his con- confusion, false worship, and anti- 

stitution, he determined to remove christian disorder of these parish 

to New England. This was pre- assemblies, called the Church of 

vented by his death in 1633. The England. Here also is prefixed a 

next spring his widow and children sum of the causes of our Separation, 

came over, bringing with them his and of our purposes in practice." 

valuable library. Fuller's Hist, of A copy of this rare work, reprinted 

Cambridge, p. 222 ; Neal's Puri- in 1G06, is in Prince's New Eng- 

tans, i. 430, 578 ; Belknap's Am. land Library, in the keeping of tlie 

Biog. ii. 161. Mass. Hist. Society. 



JOHNSON'S CONVERSION. 425 

done this work, he went home, and being set down in chap. 

XXVI. 

his study, he began to turn over some pages of this ^ 

book, and superficially to read some things here and 
there, as his fancy led him. At length he met with 
something that began to work upon his spirit, which 
so wrought with him as drew him to this resolution, 
seriously to read over the whole book ; the which he 
did once and again. In the end he was so taken, and 
his conscience was troubled so, as he could have no 
rest in himself until he crossed the seas and came to 
London to confer with the authors, who were then in 
prison, and shortly after executed. After which con- 
ference he was so satisfied and confirmed in the truth, 
as he never returned to his place any more at Middle- 
burg, but adjoined himself to their society at London, 
and was afterwards committed to prison, and then 
banished ; and in conclusion coming to live at Am- 
sterdam, he caused the same books, which he had 
been an instrument to burn, to be new printed and 
set out at his own charge. And some of us here pre- 
sent testify this to be a true relation, which we heard 
from his own mouth before many witnesses. 

YOUNG MEN. 

We have seen a book of Mr. Robert Baylie's,^ a 
Scotchman, wherein he seemeth to take notice of the 
spreading of the truth under the notion of error, and 
casts all the disgraces he can on it, and ranks it with 
others the foulest errors of the time, and endeavours 
to show how like a small spark it revived out of the 
ashes, and was brought from Leyden over the seas 
into New England, and there nourished with much 

' The title of this book is given in note * on page 379. 
54 



426 ROBINSON'S CHURCH A MODEL. 

CHAP, silence until it spread to other places in the country, 
-.^' and by eminent hands from thence into Old England. 

ANCIENT MEN. 

As we dare say Mr. Baylie intends no honor to the 
persons by what he says, either to those here or from 
whence they came, so are they far from seeking any 
to themselves, but rather are ashamed that their weak 
working hath brought no more glory to God ; and if 
in any thing God hath made any of them instruments 
for the good of his people in any measure, they desire 
he only may have the glory. And whereas Mr. Bayhe 
affirmeth that, however it was, in a few years the most 
who settled in the land did agree to model themselves 
after Mr. Robinson's pattern, we agree with reverend 
Mr. Cotton, that " there was no agreement by any 
solemn or common consultation ; but that it is true 
they did, as if they had agreed, by the same spirit of 
truth and unity, set up, by the help of Christ, the same 
model' of churches, one like to another ; and if they of 
Plymouth have helped any of the first comers in their 
theory, by hearing and discerning their practices, 
therein the Scripture is fulfilled that the kingdom of 
Matth. heaven is like unto leaven which a woman took and 

xui. 3J. 

hid in three measures of meal until all was leavened." 
Answer to Mr. Baylie, page 17. 

YOUNG MEN. 

We desire to know how many have been put to 
death for this cause, and what manner of persons they 
were, and what occasions were taken against them by 
bringing them to their end. 



THE PURITAN MARTYRS. 427 



ANCIENT MEN. CHAP 

XXVI.' 

We know certainly of six that were publicly exe- 

cuted, besides such as died in prisons; Mr. Henry 
Barrow, Mr. Greenwood, (these suffered at Tyburn;) 1594. 
Mr. Penry at St. Thomas Waterings, by London ; ^ 
Mr. William Dennis, at Thetford, in Norfolk ; two 
others at St. Edmund's, in Suffolk, whose names were 15 83. 
Copping and Elias [Thacker.] - These two last men- 
tioned were condemned by cruel Judge Popham,^ 
whose countenance and carriage was very rough and 
severe toward them, with many sharp menaces. But 
God gave them courage to bear it, and to make this 
answer : 

" My Lord, your face we fear not, 
And for your threats we care not, 
And to come to your read service, we dare not." 

These two last named were put to death for dispersing 
of books. 

For Mr. Dennis, he was a godly man, and faithful 
in his place ; but what occasion was taken against 
him, we know not, more than the common cause. 

' According to Stow's Chronicle, month, for spreading certain books 

page 765, Henry Barrow and John seditiously penned by one Robert 

Greenwood were hung on the 6tli Browne, against the Book of Com- 

of April, 1594. John Penry was mon Prayer established by the laws 

executed May 29, 1593. Barrow of this realm. Their books, so 

was a gentleman of Gray's Inn ; many as could be found, were burnt 

Greenwood and Penry were clergy- before them." See Strype's An- 

raen. In 1592, Greenwood was nals, iii. 186 ; Fuller's Ch. Hist. iii. 

teacher of a church in London, of 66 ; Neal's Puritans, i. 254. 260, 

which Francis Johnson, mentioned (4to ed.) 

in note ' on page 24, was pastor. * This was Lord John Popham, 

See Fuller's Ch. Hist. iii. 136; IlaL Chief Justice of England, who af- 

lam"s Const. Hist. i. 209, (4th ed.) ; terwards took so deep an interest 

Prince's Annals, p. 303. in the colonization of New Eng- 

^ Slow, in his Chronicle, page land, and was foremost in planting 

697, says, " Elias Thacker was the abortive colony at Sagadahoc 

hanged at Saint Edmondsbury on in 1607. See note ' on paje 50, 

tlie 4th of June, 1583, and John and note * on page 112 ; and Wood's 

Coping on the 6th of the same Athen. Oxon. ii. 20, (IBliss's ed.) 



428 THESE MARTYRS NOT BROWNISTS. 

CHAP. For Mr. Penry, how unjustly he was charged, hirn- 
.^-.^ self hath made manifest to the world in his books, and 
that Declaration which he made a little before his suf- 
fering ; all which are extant in print, with some of his 
godly letters.^ 

As for Mr. Barrow and Mr. Greenwood, it also 
appears by their own writings how those statutes for- 
merly made against the Papists were wrested against 
them, and they condemned thereupon; as may be 
seen by their Examinations.^ 

YOUNG MEN. 

But these were rigid Brownists, and lie under much 
aspersion, and their names much blemished and be- 
clouded, not only by enemies, but even by godly and 
very reverend men. 

ANCIENT MEN. 

They can no more justly be called Brownists, than 
the disciples might have been called Judasites ; for 
they did as much abhor Brown's apostasy, and profane 
course, and his defection, as the disciples and other 
Christians did Judas's treachery. 



' These tracts of Penry are in " The Examinations of Henry Bar- 
the Prince Collection, in the Libra- rowe, John Greenwood, and John 
ryof the Mass. Hist. Society. Hal- Penrie, before the High Commis- 
1am says, " Penry's protestation at sioners and Lordes of the Counsel ; 
his death is in a style of the most penned by the prisoners themselves 
affecting and simple eloquence." before their deathes." "Let any 
He was a graduate of Oxford, and man read the examinations of Bar- 
was charged with being one of the row and Greenwood, and I am mis- 
authors of Martin Mar-Prelate, taken if he will not perceive a 
See Wood's Athen. Oxon. i 591 plain-hearted Christian simplicity 
— 598, (Bliss's ed.),Hallam's Const, in their behaviour, and an inhu- 
Hist. i. 201, (4th ed.), and Neal's man spirit of cruelty and tyran- 
Puritans, i. 374 — 379. ny in their persecutors." Peirce's 

* In the Harleian Miscellany, iv. Vindication of the Dissenters, page 

340, (Park's ed.) may be seen 146. 



HENRY BARROW, THE MARTYR. 429 

And for their ri^id and rou2;hness of spirit, as some chap. 

XXVI. 

of them, especially Mr. Barrow, is taxed, it may be — --* 
considered they were very rigidly and roughly dealt 
with, not only by the Lord's enemies and their ene- 
mies, but by some godly persons of those times, differ- 
ing in opinions from them ; which makes some of us 
call to mind what one Doctor Taylor hath written in a 
late book in these stirring times. " Such an eminent 
man," said he, " hath had the good hap to be reputed 
orthodox by posterity, and did condemn such a man 
of such an opinion, and yet himself erred in as con- 
siderable matters ; but meeting with better neighbours 
in his life-time, and a more charitable posterity after 
his death, hath his memory preserved in honor ; and 
the other's name suffers without cause." Of which 
he gives instances in his book entitled The Liberty of 
Prophesying, page 33 and following. 

We refer you to Mr. Robinson's Answer to Mr. Ber- 
nard,^ where he charges him with blasphemy, railing, 
scoffing, &c. " For Mr. Barrow," saith Mr. Robinson, 
" as I say with Mr. Ainsworth, that I will not justify 
all the words of another man, nor yet mine own, so 
say I also with Mr. Smith, that because I know not 
by what particular motion of the Spirit he was guided 
to write in those phrases, I dare not censure him as 
you do ; especially considering with what fiery zeal 
the Lord hath furnished such his servants at all times, 
as he hath stirred up for special reformation. Let 
the example of Luther alone suffice, whom into what 
terms his zeal carried, his writings testify ; and yet 
both in him and in Mr. Barrow there might be with 

' Sec the title of this work in note ^ on page 40. 



430 SLANDERS AGAINST BARROW. 

CHAP, true spiritual zeal fleshly indignation mingled." An- 

swer to Mr. Bernard/ folio 84. 

p; And further in page 86 he saith, that " such harsh 
terms wherewith he entertains such persons and things 
in the church as carry with them most| appearance of 
holiness, they are to be interpreted j according to 
his meaning, with this distinction, that Mr. Barrow 
speaks not of these persons and things simply, but in 
a respect, and so and so considered ; and so no one 
term given by Mr. Barrow butlmay, at^the least, be 
tolerated." 

YOUNG MEN. 

But divers reverend men have expressed concern- 
ing this matter that God is not wont to make choice 
of men infamous for gross sins and vices before their 
calling, to make them any instruments of reformation 
after their calling, and proceed to declare that Mr. 
Barrow was a great gamester and a dicer when he 
lived in court, and getting much by play, would boast 
of loose spending it with courtesans, &c. 

ANCIENT MEN. 

Truly, with due respect to such reverend men be it 
spoken, those things might well have been spared from 
putting in print, especially so long after his death, 
when not only he, but all his friends are taken out of 
the world, that might vindicate his name. That he 
was tainted with vices at the court before his conversion 
and calling, it is not very strange ; and if he had lived 
and died in that condition, it is like he might have 
gone out of the world without any public brand on his 
name, and have passed for a tolerable Christian and 



xiii. 13. 



VINDICATION OF BARROW. 431 

member of the church. He had hurt enough done chap. 

XXVI 

him, whilst he hved, by evil and cruel enemies ; why -1 — 
should godly men be prejudicated to him after his 
death in his name ? Was not the Apostle Paul a per- 
secutor of God's saints unto death ? And doth not 
the same Apostle, speaking of scandalous and lasci- 
vious persons, say, " And such were some of you ; vcor. 
but ye are washed, but ye are sanctified, but ye are 
justified in the name of the Lord Jesus and by the 
spirit of our God." 

And if histories deceive us not, was not Cyprian a 
magician before his conversion, and Augustine a Mani- 
chfean ? And when it was said unto him in the voice 
he heard, Tolle et lege, he was directed to that place of 
Scripture, " Not in gluttony and drunkenness, nor in ^f^i"^. 
chambering and wantonness, nor in strife and envy- 
ing ; but put ye on the Lord Jesus Christ, and take 
no thought for the flesh, to fulfil the lusts of it." ^ 
By which it may seem that if God do not^ make 
choice of such men as have been infamous for gross 
vices before their calling, yet sometimes he is wont to 
do it, and is free to choose whom he pleaseth for 
notable instruments for his own work. As for other 
things that have been spoken of him and Mr. Green- 
wood and Mr. Penry, we leave them as they are. 
But some of us have reason to think there are some 
mistakes in the relations of those things. Only we 
shall add other public testimonies concerning them 
from witnesses of very worthy credit, which are also 
in print. 

First, from Mr. PhilHps. A famous and godly 

' This is the Geneva version. ^ The word ordinarihj seems to 
See note ^ on page 1-1. have been accidentally omitted here. 



432 BARROW AND GREENWOOD. 

CHAP, preacher, having heard and seen Mr. Barrow's holy 

', speeches and preparations for death, said, " Barrow, 

Barrow, my soul be with thine ! " The same author 
also reports, that Queen Elizabeth asked learned 
Doctor Reynolds,^ what he thought of those two men, 
Mr. Barrow and Mr. Greenwood ; and he answered 
her Majesty that it could not avail any thing to show 
his judgment concerning them, seeing they were put 
to death ; and being loath to speak his mind further, 
her Majesty charged him upon his allegiance to speak. 
Whereupon he answered, that he was persuaded, if 
they had lived, they would have been two as worthy 
instruments for the church of God, as have been raised 
up in this age. Her Majesty sighed and said no more. 
But after that, riding to a park by the place where 
they were executed, and being willing to take further 
information concerning them, demanded of the right 
honorable the Earl of Cumberland, that was present 
when they suffered, what end they made. He an- 
swered, " a very godly end, and prayed for your 
Majesty, and the State," &c.^ We may also add what 
some of us have heard by credible information, that the 
Queen demanded of the Archbishop^ what he thought 

* Dr. John Reynolds, one of clined a bishopric. lie died in 

the most learned divines of his 1607. See Wood's Athen. Oxon. 

ajje, was, according to Anthony ii. 12 — 19, (Bliss ed.) ; Prince's 

Wood, "the pillar of Puritanism, Worthies of Devon, pp. 684 — 692; 

and the grand favorer of Noncon- Fuller's Church History, iii. 172 — 

formity." He was born at Devon- 193,228,230. 

shire in 1549, and educated in Cor- ^ See Pierce's Vindication of 
pus Christi College, Oxford, of the Dissenters, part. i. 147, and 
which he was afterwards president. Strype's Life of Bishop Aylmer, p. 
He was the principal champion of 247, and Neal's History of New 
the Puritans at the Hampton Court England, i. 71. 
Conference, and was one of the ^ Whitgift. He succeeded Grin- 
persons appointed by James to dal in 1584, and held the see till 
make the Englisli version of the his death in 1604, the second year 
Bible now in common use. He of James's reign. See Fuller's Ch. 
had been Dean of Lincoln, and de- Hist. iii. 66, 198. 



BARROW'S CHARACTER. 433 

of them in his conscience. He answered " he thought chap. 

\X VI 

they were the servants of God, but dangerous to the ' ' 

State." " Alas ! " said she, " shall we put the servants 
of God to death ? " And this was the true cause why 
no more of them were put to death in her days.^ 

YOUNG MEN. 

Did any of you know Mr. Barrow ? if we may be so 
bold to ask, for we would willingly know what [was] 
his life and conversation ; because some, we perceive, 
have him in precious esteem, and others can scarce 
name him without some note of obloquy and dislike. 

ANCIENT MEN. 

We have not seen his person ; but some of us have 
been well acquainted with those that knew him fami- 
liarly both before and after his conversion ; and one of 
us hath had conference with one that was his domes- 
tic servant, and tended upon him both before and 
some while after the same. 

He was a gentleman of good worth, and a flour- 
ishing courtier in his time, and, as appears in his own is 86, 
answers to the Archbishop and Doctor Cousens, he 19.* 
was some time a student at Cambridge and the Inns 
of Court, and accomplished with strong parts. 

We have heard his conversion to be on this wise. 
Walking in London one Lord's day with one of his 
companions, he heard a preacher at his sermon very 
loud, as they passed by the church. Upon which Mr. 

* " There be grave professors, when she heard of it afterwards." 

■who lived near those occurrences, Cotton's Way, page 5. Bayliesays, 

who speak of Queen Elizabeth as p. 14, that " Queen Elizabeth, by the 

ignorant of Barrow's execution and evil advice of the cruel prelates about 

Greenwood's, and displeased at it her, caused Barrow to be hanged." 

55 



434 BARROW'S CONVERSION. 

CHAP. Barrow said unto his consort, " Let us go in and hear 

what this man saith that is thus earnest." " Tush," 

saith the other, " what ! shall we go to hear a man 
talk ? " k,c. But in he went and sat down. And the 
minister was vehement in reproving sin, and sharply 
applied the judgments of God against the same ; and, 
it should seem, touched him to the quick in such 
things as he was guilty of, so as God set it home to 
his soul, and began to work his repentance and con- 
version thereby. For he was so stricken as he could 
not be quiet, until by conference with godly men and 
further hearing of the word, with diligent reading and 
meditation, God brought peace to his soul and con- 
science, after much humiliation of heart and reforma- 
tion of life ; so as he left the court, and retired him- 
self to a private life, some time in the country and 
some time in the city, giving himself to study and 
reading of the Scriptures and other good works very 
dihgently. And being missed at court by his consorts 
and acquaintance, it was quickly bruited abroad that 
Barrow was turned Puritan. What his course was 
afterwards, his writings show, as also his sufferings 
and conference with men of all sorts do declare, until 
his life was taken from him. 

And thus much we can further affirm, from those 
that well knew him, that he was very comfortable to 
the poor and those in distress in their sufferings ; and 
when he saw he must die, he gave a stock for the 
relief of the poor of the church, which was a good help 
to them in their banished condition afterwards. Yea, 
and that which some will hardly believe, he did much 
persuade them to peace, and composed many differ- 
ences that were grown amongst them whilst he lived, 



THE SEPARATISTS AND PURITANS. 435 

and would have, it is like, prevented more that after chap. 

XXVI 

fell out, if he had continued. ^-^ ' 



YOUNG MEN. 

We thank you for your pains. We hope it will ex- 
tend further than our satisfaction. We cannot but mar- 
vel that such a man should be by so many so aspersed. 

ANCIENT MEN. 

It is not much to be marvelled at ; for he was most 
plain in discovering the cruelty, fraud, and hypocrisy 
of the enemies of the truth, and searching into the 
corruptions of the time, which made him abhorred of 
them ; and peradventure something too harsh against 
the baitings of divers of the preachers and professors 
that he had to deal with in those times, who out of 
fear or weakness did not come so close up to the truth 
in their practice as their doctrines and grounds seemed 
to hold forth. Which makes us remember what was 
the answer of Erasmus to the Duke of Saxony, when 
he asked his opinion whether Luther had erred. He 
answered, " his opinions were good, but wished he 
would moderate his style, which stirred him up the 
more enemies, no doubt." 

YOUNG MEN. 

We find in the writings of some such who were very 
eminent in their times for piety and learning, that those 
of the Separation^ found more favor in our native coun- 
try than those who were reproached by the name of 
Puritans ; and after much discourse thereabouts, come 

' For an account of the difference aratists, see Prince's Annals, pp. 
between the Puritans and the Sep- 302 — 305. 



436 SUFFERINGS OF THE PURITANS. 

CHAP, to this conclusion, that no comparison will hold from 

XXVI. 

^ the Separatists to them in their sufferings but a minori ; 

and then they go on and say, what a compulsory ban- 
ishment has been put upon those blessed and glorious 
hghts, Mr. Cartwright,^ Mr. Parker,^ Doctor Ames, &c. 

ANCIENT MEN. 

Far be it from any of us to detract from or to ex- 
tenuate the sufferings of any of the servants of God, 
much less from those worthies forenamed, or any 
others afterwards mentioned. Yet, under favor, we 
crave pardon if we cannot consent to the judgment of 
such eminent ones for piety and learning above hinted. 
We doubt not, but do easily grant, that the sufferings 
of those reproached by the name of Puritans were 
great, especially some of them, and were better known 
to those pious and learned [men] first above intimated, 
than the sufferings of those that are reproached by the 
name of Brownists and Separatists.^ But we shall 

^ Thomas Cartwright, " chief of Fuller's Ch. Hist. ii. 503, iii. 105, 
the Nonconformists," as Fuller 165, 171 ; Neal's Puritans, i. 420. 
calls him, was one of the most * Robert Parker, a Puritan divine 
learned scholars and skilful dis- of Wiltshire, in consequence of pub- 
putants of his age. He was born lishing a Treatise on the Cross in 
in 1535, and educated at Cam- Baptism, was obliged in 1607 to fly 
bridge ; was fellow of Trinity Col- into Holland. Here he would have 
lege, and Lady Margaret's profes- been chosen pastor of the English 
sor of divinity. But venturing in Church at Amsterdam ; but the 
some of his lectures to point out magistrates being afraid of offending 
the defects in the discipline of the King James, he went to Doesburgh, 
Church, he was expelled from the and became minister of the garrison 
university. He then went to Ge- there, where he died in 1630. See 
neva, and afterwards became preach- Wood's Athen. Oxon. ii. 309, (ed. 
er to the English merchants at Bliss) ; Peirce's Vindication, p. 
Antwerp. After his return from 171 ; Neal's Puritans, i. 436, 456. 
Antwerp he was often in trouble ^ On the occasion of the passage 
by suspensions, deprivations and of a law of banishment against the 
long imprisonment ; till at length Separatists in 1593, Sir Walter 
the Earl of Leicester made him Raleigh said in the House of Com- 
governor of his hospital at War- mons, " In his conceit the Brown- 
wick, where he died in 1603. See ists are worthy to be rooted out of 



PERSECUTION OF THE SEPARATISTS. 437 

give you some instances, and leave it to vou and some chap. 

XXVI. 

others to consider of. '■ 

1. Though no more were pubhcly executed, yet 
sundry more were condemned, and brought to the 
gallows, and ascended the ladder, not knowing but 
they should die, and have been reprieved, and after 
banished ; some of which we have known and often 
spoken with. 

2. Others have not only been forced into voluntary 
banishment, by great numbers, to avoid further cruelty, 
but divers, after long and sore imprisonment, have 
been forced to abjure the land by oath, never to return 
without leave. In anno 1604 four persons at once 
were forced to do so at a public Sessions in London, 
or else upon refusal they were to be hanged. This 
their abjuration was done on the statute of the 35 of 
Queen EHzabeth. Some of these we have also known. 

3. We find mention in a printed book of seventeen 
or eighteen that have died in several prisons in Lon- 
don in six years' time before the year 1592, besides 
what have been in other parts of the land, and since 
that time, perishing by cold, hunger, or noisomeness 
of the prison. 

4. In the same year we find a lamentable petition, 1592. 
now in print, of sixty persons committed unbailably to 
several prisons in London, as Newgate, the Gatehouse, 
Clink, &c., being made close prisoners, allowing them 
neither meat, drink, fire, nor lodging, nor suffering any 

a commonwealth ; but what dan- afraid there is near twenty thou- 

ger may grow to ourselves if this sand of them in England ; and 

law passes, it were fit to be consid- when they are gone, who shall 

ered. If two or three thousand maintain their wives and child- 

Brovvnists meet at the seaside, at ren?" Simon D'Ewes's Journals, 

whose charge shall they be trans- p. 517, and Peirce's A'indication, 

ported ? or whither will you send page 143. 
them 1 I am sorry for it ; I am 



438 THE SEPARATISTS EXCOMMUNICATED. 

CHAP, whose hearts the Lord would stir up for their rehef, 

XXVI. 

to have any access unto them ; so as they complain 

that no felons, traitors, nor murderers in the land were 
thus dealt with ; and so after many other grievous 
complaints conclude with these words : " We crave 
for all of us but the liberty either to die openly or to 
live openly in the land of our nativity. If we deserve 
death, it beseemeth the majesty of justice not to see 
us closely murdered, yea starved to death with hunger 
and cold, and stifled in loathsome dungeons. If we 
be guiltless, we crave but the benefit of our innocence, 
viz. that we may have peace to serve our God and our 
Prince in the place of the sepulchres of our fathers."^ 

And what numbers, since those times, have been 
put unto compulsory banishment and other hard suf- 
ferings, as loss of goods, friends, and long and hard 
imprisonments, under which many have died, — it is 
so well known, that it would make up a volume to 
rehearse them, and would not only equalize but far 
exceed the number of those godly called Puritans that 
have suffered. Suppose they were but few of them 
ministers that suffered, as above expressed ; yet their 
sorrows might be as great, and their wants more, and 
their souls as much afflicted, because more contemned 
and neglected of men. 

But some have said they were excommunicated ; and 
that was no great matter as excommunications went in 
those days. So were these, not only whilst they were 
living, but some of them many times after they were 
dead ; and as some of the other were imprisoned, so 
were more of these. But it is further said, all of 
them were deprived of their ministry ; and so were 

' See Peirce's Vindication of the Dissenters, part. i. p. 144. 



THE SEPARATISTS IMPRISONED AND BANISHED. 439 

these of their livelihood and maintenance, thoujjhthev chap 

XXVI. 

had no offices to lose. But those remained still in the -' 

land, and were succoured and sheltered by good peo- 
ple in a competent wise, the most of them, and sundry 
of them lived as well, as may easily be proved, if not 
better, than if they had enjoyed their benefices ; where- 
as the other were, a great number of them, forced to fly 
into foreign lands for shelter, or else might have per- 
ished in prisons ; and these poor creatures endured, 
many of them, such hardships (as is well known to some 
of us) as makes our hearts still ache to remember. 

We some of us knew Mr. Parker, Doctor Ames, and 
Mr. Jacob ' in Holland, when they sojourned for a 
time at Leyden ; and all three boarded together and 
had their victuals dressed by some of our acquaintance, 
and then they lived comfortably, and then they were 
provided for as became their persons. And after Mr. 
Jacob returned, and Mr. Parker was at Amsterdam, 



' Henry Jacob was born in the but in 1624 went to Virginia, 
county of Kent in 1563, and was where he soon after died. From 
educated at Oxford. He became a the Library of the American Anti- 
clergyman of the Church of Eng- quarian Society, at Worcester, I 
land, and as Anthony Wood says, have obtained the use of a book 
" was a person most excellently written by Jacob, entitled " An At- 
well read in theological authors, testation of many learned, godly 
but withal was a most zealous and famous divines, lights of reli- 
Puritan, or as his son Henry used gion and pillars of the gospel, jus- 
to say, the first Independent in tifying this doctrine, viz. that the 
England." He wrote two treatises church government ought to be al- 
againstFrancis Johnson, the Brown- ways with the people's free con- 
ist, in defence of the Church of Eng- sent. Also this, that a true church 
land's being a true church. But under the Gospel containeth no 
flying from the persecution under more ordinary congregations but 
Bishop Bancroft in 1604, he fell in one. Anno Dom. 1613." pp. 323. 
with John Robinson at Leyden, 16mo. This work is not contained 
and conferring with him embraced in Wood's list of Jacob's writings, 
his peculiar sentiments of church nor is it mentioned by Neal. See 
government. On his return to Wood's Athen. Oxon. iii. 329 — 333, 
England, he laid in 1616, the foun- (Bliss's ed.) ; Neal's Puritans, i. 
dation of an Independent or Con- 438, 476 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xi. 164 
gregational Church. He continued — 167. 
with his people about eight years, 



440 SUFFERINGS OP THE SEPARATISTS. 

CHAP, (where he printed some of his books,) and Mr. Ames 
^-l. — '- disposed of himself to other places, it was not worse 
with them ; and some of us well know how it fared 
then with divers precious Christians in those times 
and places. To speak the truth, the professors in 
England, though many of them suffered much at the 
hands of the prelates, yet they had a great advantage 
of the Separatists ; for the Separatists had not only the 
prelates and their faction to encounter with, (and what 
harder measure they met with at their hands, above 
the other, doth sufficiently appear by what is before 
declared,) but also they must endure the frowns, and 
many times the sharp invectives, of the forward minis- 
ters against them, both in public and private ; and 
what influence they had upon the spirits of the people, 
is well enough known ; also by reason hereof the min- 
isters in foreign countries did look awry at them when 
they would give help and countenance to the other. 

YOUNG MEN. 

Indeed, it seems they have sometimes suffered 
much hardness in the Low Countries, if that be true 
that is reported of such a man as Mr. Ainsworth, 
that he should live for some time with nine pence a 
week. To which is replied by another, that if people 
suffered him to live on nine pence a week, with roots 
boiled, either the people were grown extreme low in 
estate, or the growth of their godliness was come to 
a very low ebb. 

ANCIENT MEN. 

The truth is, their condition for the most part was 
for some time very low and hard. It was with them 



SUFFERINGS OF THE SEPARATISTS. 441 

as, if it should be telated, would hardly be believed, chap. 

XXVI 

And no marvel. For many of them had Iain long in ' 

prisons, and then were banished into Newfoundland, 
where they were abused, and at last came into the 
Low Countries, and wanting money, trades, friends or 
acquaintances, and languages to help themselves, how 
could it be otherwise ? The report of Mr. Ainsworth 
was near those times, when he was newly come out of 
Ireland with others poor, and being a single young man 
and very studious, was content with a little. And yet, 
to take off the aspersion from the people in that par- 
ticular, the chief and true reason thereof is mistaken ; 
for he was a very modest and bashful man, and con- 
cealed his wants from others, until some suspected how 
it was with him, and pressed him to see how it was ; 
and after it was known, such as were able mended his 
condition ; and when he was married afterwards, he 
and his family were comfortably provided for. But we 
have said enough of these things. They had few 
friends to comfort them, nor any arm of flesh to sup- 
port them ; and if in some things they were too rigid, 
they are rather to be pitied, considering their times 
and sufferings, than to be blasted with reproach to 
posterity. 

YOUNG MEN. 

Was that Brown, ^ that fell away and made apos- 
tasy, the first inventor and beginner of this way ? 

^ Robert Brown was descended mence of his delivery gained him 
from an ancient and respectable repntation with the people. He 
family in Rutlandshire. His father, was first a schoolmaster in South- 
Anthony Brown, Esquire, of Tol- worth, and then a preaclier at Is- 
thorp, sheriff of the county, was lincton, near London. He first sepa- 
nearly related to Cecil, Lord Bur- rated from the Church of P^npland 
leigh. He was educated at Cam- in 1580, and having been twice im- 
bridge, and preached some time in prisoned, at length escaped into 
Benet Church, where the vehe- Holland, and set up a congregation 

56 



442 



ROBERT BROWN, THE SEPARATIST. 



CHAP. 
XXVI. 



ANCIENT MEN. 

No, verily ; for, as one answers this question very 
well in a printed book, almost forty years ago, that 
the prophets, apostles, and evangelists have in their 
authentic writings laid down the ground thereof; and 
upon that ground is their building reared up and surely 
settled.^ Moreover, many of the martyrs, both former 
and latter, have maintained it, as is to be seen in The 
Acts and Monuments of the Church. Also, in the 
days of Queen Elizabeth there was a separated church, 
whereof Mr. Fitts was pastor,^ and another before that 
in the time of Quern Mary, of which Mr. Rough ^ was 



of his followers at Middleburg. 
After its dissolution, lie returned in 
1589 to England, recanted his prin- 
ciples of separation, became re- 
conciled to the established church, 
and was rewarded with a living 
in Northamptonshire. Fuller, the 
church historian, who was born 
within a mile of his residence, says 
he often saw him in his youth, and 
adds that " he had in my time a 
wife with whom for many years he 
never lived, and a church wherein 
he never preached." Being im- 
prisoned for striking the constable 
of his parish for demanding a church 
rate of him, he died in Northamp- 
ton gaol in IG30, in his 81st year. 
Hornius says, " De eo inter alia 
ridicula referunt, quod cum frequen- 
ter uxoreni suam pulsaret, repre- 
hensus propterea responderit, ' Se 
non verberare eam ut uxorem suani, 
verum ut nefariam et maledictam 
vetulam.' " — A good account of 
this eccentric individual may be 
found in Bridges's History of North- 
amptonshire, ii. 360, (Whalley"s ed.) 
Robinson, in his Justification of 
Separation, page 54, says, " Now 
touching Browne, it is true, that as 
he forsook the Lord, so the Lord 
forsook him in his way ; and so he 
did his own people Israel many a 



time. And if the Lord had not for- 
saken him, he had never so returned 
back into Egypt, as he did, to live 
of the spoils of it. And for the 
wicked things which Mr. Bernard 
affirmeth he did in this way, it 
may well be as he saith, and the 
more wicked things he committed 
in this course, the less like he was 
to continue long in it, and the more 
like to return again to his proper 
centre, the Church of England, 
where he should be sure to find 
companions enough in any wick- 
edness, as it came to pass." See 
Wood's Athen. Oxon. ii. 17, (ed. 
Bliss) ; Fuller's Ch. Hist. iii. 61 — 
65 ; Strype's Annals, iii. 15 ; Neal's 
Puritans, i. 251 ; Baylie's Dissua- 
sive, p. 13 ; Hornii Hist. Eccles. 
p. 231 ; Hoornbeek, Summa Con- 
trov. p. 739. 

' As for Mr. Robinson's being 
the author of Lidependency, Mr. 
Cotton replies that " the New Tes- 
tament was the author of it, and it 
was received in the times of purest, 
primitive antiquity, many hundreds 
of years before Mr. Robinson was 
born." Prince, p. 176. See Cot- 
ton's Way, p. 9. 

* See Prince's Annals, p. 302. 

^ Rough was burnt. See Neal's 
Puritans, i. 71. 



SEPARATISTS BEFORE BROWN. 443 

pastor or teacher, aad Cudbert Simpson a deacon, who chap. 

exercised amongst themselves, as other ordinances, so ' 

church censures, as excommunication, &c., and pro- 
fessed and practised that cause before Mr. Brown 
wrote for it. But he being one that afterwards wrote 
for it, they that first hatched the name of Puritans ^ 
and bestowed it on the godly professors that desired 
reformation, they likewise out of the same storehouse 
would needs bestow this new livery upon others that 
never would own it, nor had reason so to do. Mr. 
Cotton, likewise, in his Answer to Mr. Baylie, page 
fourth, shows how in the year 1567 there were a hun- 
dred persons who refused the common liturgy, and 
the congregations attending thereunto, and used pray- 
ers and preaching and the sacraments amongst them- 
selves, whereof fourteen or fifteen were sent to prison, 
of whom the chiefest were Mr. Smith, Mr. Nixon, 
James Ireland, Robert Hawkins, Thomas Rowland, 
and Richard Morecroft ; and these pleaded their sep- 
aration before the Lord Mayor, Bishop Sands, and 
other commissioners on June 20, 1567, about eighty 
years ago, being many years before Brown.'^ Divers 
other instances might be given. 

Y.OUNG MEN. 

But if we mistake not, Mr. Brown is accounted by 
some of good note to be the inventor of that way 
which is called Brownism, from whom the sect took 
its name. Moreover, it is said by such of note as 
aforesaid, that it is not God's usual manner of dealing 
to leave any of the first publishers or restorers of any 
truth of his to such fearful apostasy. 

' In 1564. See note ' on page '^ See Fuller's Ch. Hist. ii. 480, 
12. and Neal's Puritans, i. 161 — 164. 



444 THE TITLE OF BROWNIST DISCLAIMED. 

CHAP. ANCIENT MEN.* 

XXVL 

Possibly this speech might arise from a common 

received opinion. But reverend Mr. Cotton, in his 
Answer to Mr. BayUe, saith "the backshding of Brown 
from that way of Separation is a just reason why the 
Separatists may disclaim denomination from him, and 
refuse to be called Brownists, after his name ; and to 
speak with reason," saith he, " if any be justly to be 
called Brownists, it is only such as revolt from Sepa- 
ration to formality, and from thence to profaneness." 
Page 5. 

To which we may add, that it is very injurious to 
call those after his name, whose person they never 
knew, and whose writings few if any of them ever 
saw, and whose errors and backslidings they have 
constantly borne witness against ; and what truths 
they have received have been from the light of God's 
sacred word, conveyed by other godly instruments 
unto them ; though Brown may sometimes have pro- 
fessed some of the same things, and now fallen from 
the same, as many others have done. ^ 

YOUNG MEN. 

Seeing we have presumed thus far to inquire into 
these ancienter times of you, and of the sufferings of 
the aforesaid persons, we would likewise entreat you, 
though never so briefly, to tell us something of the 
persons and carriages of other eminent men about 
those times, or immediately after, as Mr. Francis 
Johnson, Mr. Henry Ainsworth, Mr. John Smith, Mr. 
John Robinson, Mr. Richard Clifton. 



FRANCIS JOHNSON, OF AMSTERDAM. 445 



ANCIENT MEN. CHAP. 

XXVI. 

Here are some in the company that knew them all 
familiarly, whom we shall desire to satisfy your re- 
quest. 

Those answered, We shall do it most willingly ; for 
we cannot but honor the memory of the men for the 
good that not only many others but we ourselves have 
received by them and their ministry ; for we have 
heard them all, and lived under the ministry of divers 
of them for some years. We shall therefore speak of 
them in order briefly. 

Mr. Johnson, 

Of whom something was spoken before,^ was pastor of 
the church of God at Amsterdam. A very grave man 
he was, and an able teacher, and was the most solemn 
in all his administrations that we have seen any, and 
especially in dispensing the seals of the covenant, both 
baptism and the Lord's supper. And a good disputant 
he was. We heard Mr. Smith upon occasion say, that 
he was persuaded no men living were able to maintain 
a cause against those two men, meaning Mr. Johnson 
and Mr. Ainsworth, if they had not the truth on their 
side. He, by reason of many dissensions that fell out 
in the church, and the subtilty of one of the elders of 
the same, came after many years to alter his judgment 
about the government of the church, and his practice 
thereupon, which caused a division amongst them. 
But he lived not many years after, and died at Amster- 
dam after his return from Embden. 

' On page 424. 



446 FRANCIS JOHNSON'S WIFE. 

# 

CHAP. YOUNG MEN. 

XXVI. 

But he is much spoken against for excommunica- 
ting his brother ^ and his own father, and maintaining 
his wife's cause, who was by his brother and others 
reproved for her pride in apparel. 

ANCIENT MEN. 

Himself hath often made his own defence, and 
others for him. The church did, after long patience 
towards them and much pains taken with them, excom- 
municate them for their unreasonable and endless op- 
position, and such things as did accompany the same ; 
and such was the justice thereof, as he could not but 
consent thereto. In our time his wife was a grave 
matron, and very modest both in her apparel and all 
her demeanour, ready to any good works in her place, 
and helpful to many, especially the poor, and an orna- 
ment to his calling. She was a young widow when 
he married her, and had been a merchant's wife, by 
whom he had a good estate, and was a godly woman ; 
and because she wore such apparel as she had been 
formerly used to, which were neither excessive nor im- 
modest, for their chiefest exceptions were against her 
wearing of some whalebone in the bodice and sleeves 
of her gown, corked shoes, and other such like things 
as the citizens of her rank then used to wear. And 
although, for offence sake, she and he were willing to 
reform the fashions of them so far as might be without 
spoiling of their garments, yet it would not content 
them except they came full up to their size. Such 

' His brother's name was George. See Baylie, p. 15. 



BRAVERY IN DRESS REPROVED. 447 

was the strictness qr rigidness (as now the term goes) chap. 

of some in those times, as we can by experience and '■ 

of our own knowledge show in other instances. We 
shall for brevity sake only show one. 

We were in the company of a godly man that had 
been a long time prisoner at Norwich for this cause, 
and was by Judge Cooke set at liberty. After going 
into the country he visited his friends, and returning 
that way again to go into the Low Countries by ship 
at Yarmouth, and so desired some of us to turn in 
with him to the house of an ancient woman in the 
city, who had been very kind and helpful to him in 
his sufferings. She knowing his voice made him very 
welcome, and those with him. But after some time 
of their entertainment, being ready to depart, she 
came up to him and felt of his band, (for her eyes 
were dim with age,) and perceiving it was something 
stiffened with starch, she was much displeased, and 
reproved him very sharply, fearing God would not 
prosper his journey. Yet the man was a plain coun- 
tryman, clad in gray russet, without either welt or 
guard, (as the proverb is,) and the band he wore 
scarce worth threepence, made of their own home- 
spinning ; and he was godly and humble as he was 
plain. What would such professors, if they were now 
living, say to the excess of our times ? ' 

' Francis Jolinson became a Se- son escaped from the country, and 

paratist by reading a book written with some of his people set up a 

by Barrow and Greenwood, as re- church at Amsterdam. Robinson 

lated on page 425. In 1592, on the found him there in 1608, as appears 

formation of a new congregation from ]tage 34. On the breaking 

of Separatists in London, Johnson out of the dissensions among them, 

was chosen its pastor and Green- Johnson removed to Embden. See 

wood its teacher. They, with fifty- note ' on page 24 ; Neal's Puritans, 

four of their church, were soon pp. 363, 436 ; Prince Annals, p. 

seized by the bishop's officers, and 303 ; Robinson's Justification, p. 

imprisoned. After the execution 55 ; Baylie's Dissuasive, p. 14 ; 

of Barrow and Greenwood, John- Cotton's Way, p. 6. 



448 HENRY AINSWORTH, OP AMSTERDAM. 

CHAP. Mr. Henry Ainsworth, 

XXVI. 

A man of a thousand, was teacher of this church at 

Amsterdam at the same time when Mr. Johnson was 
pastor. Two worthy men they were and of excellent 
parts. He continued constant in his judgment and 
practice unto his end in those things about the church 
government, from which Mr. Johnson swerved and 
fell. He ever maintained good correspondence with 
Mr. Robinson at Leyden, and would consult with him 
in all matters of weight, both in their differences and 
afterwards. A very learned man he was, and a close 
student, which much impaired his health. We have 
heard some, eminent in the knowledge of the tongues, 
of the university of Leyden, say that they thought he 
had not his better for the Hebrew tongue in the uni- 
versity, nor scarce in Europe.^ He was a man very 
modest, amiable, and sociable in his ordinary course 
and carriage, of an innocent and unblamable life and 
conversation, of a meek spirit, and a calm temper, void 
of passion and not easily provoked. And yet he would 
be something smart in his style to his opposers in his 
public writings ; at which we that have seen his con- 
stant carriage, both in public disputes and the managing 
of all church aflairs, and such like occurrences, have 
sometimes marvelled. He had an excellent gift of 
teaching and opening the Scriptures ; and things did 
flow from him with that facility, plainness and sweet- 
ness, as did much affect the hearers. He was powerful 
and profound in doctrine, although his voice was not 

^ Cotton, in his Way of Conrjre- jiently studious of the Hehrevv text, 

Rational Churches Cleared, page 6, hath not been unuseful to the church 

says, " Mr. Ainsworth, a man of a in liis Exposition of the Pentateuch, 

modest and humble spirit, and diii- especially of Moses his rituals." 



HENRY AINSWORTH. 449 

Strong ; and had tliis excellency above many, that he chap. 

was most ready and pregnant in the Scriptures, as if 

the book of God had been written in his heart ; being 
as ready in his quotations, without tossing and turning 
his book, as if they had laid open before his eyes, and 
seldom missing a word in the citing of any place, 
teaching not only the word and doctrine of God, but 
in the words of God, and for the most part in a con- 
tinued phrase and words of Scripture. He used great 
dexterity, and was ready in comparing scripture with 
scripture, one with another. In a word, the times 
and place in which he lived were not worthy of such 
a man. 

YOUNG MEN. 

But we find that he is taxed, in a book writ by 
George Johnson, with apostasy and to be a man- 
pleaser, &c. 

ANCIENT MEN. 

Who can escape the scourge of tongues ? Christ 
himself could not do it when he was here upon earth, 
although there was no guile found in his mouth ; nor 
Moses, although he was the meekest man in the earth. 
For man-pleasing, they that tax him [do it] because 
he concurred against their violent and endless dissen- 
sions about the former matters. And for his apostasy, 
this was all the matter. When he was a young man, 
before he came out of England, he at the persuasion of 
some of his godly friends went once or twice to hear a 
godly minister preach ; and this was the great matter 
of apostasy, for which those violent men thought him 
worthy to be deposed from his place, and for which 
57 



450 JOHN SMITH. 

CHAP, they thus charge him. And truly herein they may 

XXVI. . . . J J 

worthily bear the name of rigid, &c.^ 

Mr. John Smith 

Was an eminent man in his time, and a good preacher, 
and of other good parts ; but his inconstancy, and 
unstable judgment, and being so suddenly carried away 
with things, did soon overthrow him. Yet we have 
some of us heard him use this speech : " Truly," said 
he, "we being now come into a place of liberty, are in 
great danger, if we look not well to our ways ; for we 
are like men set upon the ice, and therefore may easily 
shde and fall." But in this example it appears it is 
an easier matter to give good counsel than to follow it, 
to foresee danger than to prevent it : which made the 
jere. proplict to Say, " O Lord, the way of man is not in 
himself, neither is it in man to walk and to direct his 
steps." He was some time pastor to a company of 
honest and godly men which came with him out of 
England, and pitched at Amsterdam. He first fell 
into some errors about the Scriptures, and so into some 
opposition with Mr. Johnson, who had been his tutor, 

' After Johnson's lemoval to he would desire ; but Ainsworth, 
Embden, Ainsworth was the sole though poor, would accept of no- 
pastor of the church at Amsterdam thing but a conference with some 
till his death. This " Rabbi of his of the rabbies upon the prophecies 
age," as he was called, "was the of the Old Testament relating to 
author of a very learned comment- the Messiah, which the other pro- 
ary on the five books of Moses, in mised ; but not having interest 
which he shows himself a complete enough to obtain it, and Ainsworth 
master of the Oriental languages being resolute, it is thought he 
and of Jewish antiquities. His was poisoned. His congregation 
death was sudden, and not without remained without a pastor for some 
suspicion of violence ; for it is re- years after his death and then chose 
ported, that having found a dia- Mr. Canne, author of the margina] 
mond of great value in the streets references to the Bible." See 
of Amsterdam, he advertised it in Neal's Puritans, i. 3G3, 386, 437; 
print, and when the owner, who Baylie's Dissuasive, p. 15; Cot- 
was a Jew, came to demand it, he ton's Way, p. 6. 
offered him any acknowledgment 



JOHN SMITH. 



451 



and the church there. But he was convinced of them 
by the pains and faithfuhiess of Mr. Johnson and Mr. 
Ainsworth, and revoked them ; but afterwards was 
drawn away by some of the Dutch Anabaptists, who 
finding him to be a good scholar and unsettled, they 
easily misled the most of his people, and other of them 
scattered away. He lived not many years after, but 
died there of a consumption, to which he was inclined 
before he came out of England. His and his people's 
condition may be an object of pity for after times.^ 



CHAP. 
XXVI. 



Mr. John Robinson 

Was pastor of that famous church of Leyden, in Hol- 
land ; a man not easily to be paralleled for all things, 
whose singular virtues we shall not take upon us here 



' Smith, who has already been 
mentioned on pages 22 and 34, 
was, according to Baylie, p. 15, 
" a man of right eminent parts." 
Neal says that he was " a learned 
man, of good abilities, but of an 
unsettled head, as appears by the 
preface to one of his books, in which 
he desires that his last writing may 
always be taken for his present judg- 
ment. He was for refining upon the 
Brownists' scheme, and at last de- 
clared for the principles of the Bap- 
tists ; but being at a loss for a pro- 
per administrator of the ordinance of 
baptism, he plunged himself, and 
then performed the ceremony upon 
others ; which gained him tlie name 
of a Sc-bapiist. He afterwards em- 
braced the tenets of Arminius, and 
published certain conclusions upon 
those points in the year 1611, which 
Mr. Robinson answered in 1014 ; 
but Smith died soon after, and his 
congregation dissolved. 

"The fall of Mr. Smith," says 
Cotton, in his Way, p. 6, "and the 
spirit of errors and instability thai 
fell upon him, was a dreadful warn- 



ing from heaven against self-fulness 
and self-pleasing. For though the 
tyranny of the Ecclesinstical Courts 
was harsh towards him, and the 
yokes put upon him in the ministry 
too grievous to be borne, yet neither 
was he alone in suffering. Nor 
were those that suffered with him at 
that time (Mr. Clifton and Mr. Rob- 
inson) such inconsiderable persons 
that he should afl'ect to go alone from 
them. He thought he could have 
gained his tutor, Johnson, [of Am- 
sterdam] from the errors of his rigid 
separation. But he had promised 
them not to go over to him without 
their consents; and they utterly dis- 
suaded him therefrom, as fearing his 
instability. And yet, contrary to 
his promise, he went over to him, 
which led him into manifest temp- 
tat icnis and aberrations." 

The celebrated Bishop Hall wrote 
a letter which lie addressed " to Mr. 
Smith and Mr. Robinson, ringlead- 
ers of the late Separation, at Am- 
sterdam." See Neal's Puritans, i. 
437 ; Baylie's Dissuasive, pp. 15, 19 ; 
Bp. Hall's Epistles, dec. iii. ep. 1. 



452 JOHN ROBINSON. 

CHAP, to describe. Neither need we, for they so well are 

XXVI. . 

^ — known both by friends and enemies. As he was a 
man learned and of solid judgment, and of a quick and 
sharp wit, so was he also of a tender conscience, and 
very sincere in all his ways, a hater of hypocrisy and 
dissimulation, and would be very plain with his best 
friends. He was very courteous, affable and sociable 
in his conversation, and towards his own people espe- 
cially. He was an acute and expert disputant, very 
quick and ready, and had much bickering with the 
Arminians,^ who stood more in fear of him than any of 
the university. He was never satisfied in himself until 
he had searched any cause or argument he had to deal 
in thoroughly and to the bottom ; and we have heard 
him sometimes say to his familiars that many times, 
both in writing and disputation, he knew he had suffi- 
ciently answered others, but many times not himself; 
and was ever desirous of any light, and the more able, 
learned, and holy the persons were, the more he desired 
to confer and reason with them. He was very profit- 
able in his ministry and comfortable to his people. He 
was much beloved of them, and as loving was he unto 
them, and entirely sought their good for soul and body. 
In a word, he was much esteemed and reverenced of 
all that knew him, and his abilities [were acknow- 
ledged] both of friends and strangers. But we re- 
solved to be brief in this matter, leaving you to better 
and more large information herein from others.^ 

* See pages 41 and 392. the year before he went over to 
^ John Robinson was born in Holland. Before his election as 
1576, but the place of his birth pastor of the Pilgrim Church, men- 
is unknown. He was educated tioned on page 23, he liad a bene- 
at Emmanuel College, Cambridge, fice near Yarmouth, in Norfolk, 
where he entered in 1592, took the where he was often molested by 
degree of Master of Arts in 1600, the bishop's officers, and his friends 
and Bachelor of Divinity in 1G07, almost ruined in the ecclesiastical 



RICHARD CLIFTON. 



453 



Mr. Richard Clifton 

Was a grave and fatherly old man when he came first 
into Holland, having a great white beard ; and pity it 
was that such a reverend old man should be forced to 
leave his country, and at those years to go into exile. 
But it was his lot ; and he bore it patiently. Much 
good had he done in the country where he lived, and 
converted many to God by his faithful and painful 
ministry, both in preaching and catechizing. Sound 
and orthodox he always was, and so continued to his 
end. He belonged to the church at Leyden ; but be- 
ing settled at Amsterdam, and thus aged, he was loath 
to remove any more ; and so when they removed, he 



CHAP. 
XXVI. 



courts. It is an ungenerous insin- 
uation of Bishop Hall, at the end 
of his Apology against Brownists, 
" Neither doubt we to say, that the 
mastership of the hospital at Nor- 
wich, or a lease from that city, (sued 
for, with repulse,) might have pro- 
cured that this separation from the 
communion, government, and wor- 
ship of the Church of England, 
should not have been made by John 
Robinson." 

Baylie, that bitter inveigher 
against the Brownists and Indepen- 
dents, acknowledges that " Robin- 
son was a man of excellent parts, 
and the most learned, polished and 
modest spirit that ever separated 
from the Church of England ; that 
the Apologies and Justifications he 
wrote were very handsome ; that 
by Dr. Ames and Mr. Parker he 
was brought to a greater modera- 
tion than he at first expressed ; that 
he ruined the rigid separation, 
was a principal overthrower of the 
Brownists, and became the author 
of Independency.^^ As to this last 
point, however, see Cotton's reply, 
in note ' on page 442. The name, 
however, as Mosheim suggests, 



may have been derived from an 
expression of Robinson's in his 
Apology : " Costum quemlibet par- 
ticularem esse totam, integram et 
perfectam ecclesiam, ex suis parti- 
bus constaniem, immediate et inde- 
pendenlcr quoad alias ecclesias, sub 
ipso Christo." 

As has already been seen, pp. 77 
and 384, and will more fully appear 
hereafter from his Letters, it was 
Robinson's intention and most ear- 
nest desire to come over and settle 
with his flock at Plyinouth ; but he 
was prevented by the want of 
means, the opposition of some of 
the merchant adventurers, and 
finally by death, which removed 
him fnnn the world March 1, 1625. 
The honors paid to his memory at 
his funeral are recorded in note ' 
on page 393. Hoornbeek says, in 
the work quoted on page 42, " Post 
obitum ejus, oborta in ccetu con- 
tentione et schisiuate super com- 
munione cum Ecclesia Angiicana in 
auditione verbi,D. Robinsoni vidua, 
liberi, reliquique propinqui et amici 
in comniunioneni ecclesia; nostree 
recepti fuerunt." Prince says, in 
his Annals, p. 238, " His son Isaac 



454 



ROBINSON'S WRITINGS. 



CHAP, was dismissed to them there, and there remained until 

XXVI. 

wJ he died.^ Thus have we briefly satisfied your desire. 



YOUNG MEN. 



We are very thankful to you for your pains. We 
perceive God raiseth up excellent instruments in all 
ages to carry on his own work ; and the best of men 
have their failings sometimes, as we see in these our 



came over to Plymouth Colony, liv- 
ed to above ninety of years, a ven- 
erable man, whom 1 have often 
seen, and has left male posterity in 
the county of Barnstable." He 
lived at Scituate in 1636, and in 
1639 removed to Barnstable ; he 
was a highly respectable man, and 
an Assistant in the government. 
He married agister of Elder Faunce, 
and a son of his, Isaac, was drown- 
ed at Barnstable in 1668. See 
Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 151 — 178; 
Neals Puritans, i. 437 ; Baylie's 
Dissuasive, p. 17 ; Cotton's Way, 
p. 7 ; Hoornbeek, Sum. Cont. p. 
741 ; Hornius, Hist. Eccles. p. 232 ; 
Mosheim, Eccles. Hist. v. 405 ; 
Deane's Scituate, p. 332 ; Holmes's 
Annals, i. 191,575; Prince, 173; 
Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 248, 249. 

In note * on page 40 there is a 
list of the books published by Rob- 
inson before the departure of the 
Pilgrims for America. He after- 
wards wrote the following works, 
all of which, with the others, I 
have had the privilege and pleasure 
of consulting. 1. " A Defence of 
the Doctrine propounded by the 
Synod at Dort, against John Mur- 
ton and his Associates, with the 
Refutation of their Answer to a 
writing touching baptism. By 
John Robinson. Printed in the 
year 1624." 4to,pp. 203. 2. " A 
Treatise of the lawfulness of hear- 
ing of the ministers in the Church 
of England ; penned by that learn- 
ed and reverend divine, John Rob- 
inson, late pastor to the English 
church of God at Leyden. Printed 
according to the copy that was 



found in his study after his de- 
cease ; and now published for the 
common good. Together with a 
letter written by the same author, 
[Leyden, 5 April, 1624] and ap- 
proved by his Church, which fol- 
loweth after this Treatise. Anno 
1634." pp. 77, Kimo. 3. " Es- 
says, or Observations, divine and 
moral, collected out of Holy Scrip- 
tures, ancient and modern writers, 
both divine and human, as also out 
of the great volume of men's man- 
ners; tending to the furtherance of 
knowledge and virtue. By John 
Robinson. The Second Edition. 
London. Printed for /. Bellamie. 
1638." pp. 556, 4to. In his Pre- 
face he speaks of having " dili- 
gently observed the great volume 
of men's manners ; having had, in 
the days of my pilgrimage, special 
opportunity of conversing with per- 
sons of divers nations, estates, and 
dispositions, in great variety. This 
kind of study and meditation hath 
been unto me full sweet and de- 
lightful, and that wherein I have 
often refreshed my soul and spirit, 
amidst many sad and sorrowful 
thoughts, unto which God hath call- 
ed me." 

' Of course Belknap is in an er- 
ror, when he says, in his Life of 
Robinson, Am. Biog. ii. 157, " As 
nothing more is said of the aged 
Mr. Clifton, it is probable that he 
died before this embarkation," i. e. 
from Enirland to Holland. Baylies, 
in his Menujir of New Plymouth, 
i. 11, repeats the error. Yet Prince 
would have set them right, p. 120. 



THE CHURCH AT AMSTERDAM. 455 

times, and that there is no new thinw under the sun. chap. 

XXVI. 

But before we end this matter, we desire you would '- 

say something of those two churches that were so long 
in exile, of whose guides we have already heard. 

ANCIENT MEN. 

Truly there were in them many worthy men ; and 
if you had seen them in their beauty and order, as we 
have done, you would have been much affected there- 
with, we dare say. At Amsterdam, before their divi- 
sion and breach, they were about three hundred com- 
municants, and they had for their pastor and teacher 
those two eminent men before named, and in our time 
four grave men for ruling elders,' and three able and 
godly men for deacons, one ancient widow for a dea- 
coness, who did them service many years, though she 
was sixty years of age when she was chosen. She 
honored her place and was an ornament to the congre- 

' The difference between the pas- that they " chose none for govern- 
tor, or teaching elder, and the ruling ing elders but such as were able to 
elder, as it existed in the churches teach." The office of ruling elder 
of the Pilgrims, is thus described by also existed in the churches of Mas- 
Prince, from their published writ- sachusetts Bay, at their first plant- 
ings, "1. Pastors, or teaching el- ing. Mr. Savage, says, "It was 
ders — who have the power of over- kept up hardly more than fifty years, 
seeing, teaching, administering the though in a few churches it contin- 
sacraments, and ruling too ; and ued to the middle of the last cen- 
being chiefly to give themselves to tury, much reduced, however, in 
studying, teaching, and the spiritual importance, and hardly distinguish- 
care of the flock, are therefore to be able from that of deacon. The title 
maintained. 2. Mere ruling elders of elders was retained from the be- 
— who are to help the pastors in ginning as a name for ministers." 
overseeing and ruling ; that their The olfice of ruHng elder is still 
offices be not temporary, as among kept up in the First Church in Sa- 
the Dutch and French churches, lem, the oldest church in Massa- 
but continual ; and being also quali- chusetts proper, the next after Ply- 
fied in some degree to teach, they mouth. For further particulars con- 
are to teach occasionally, through cerning the functions and duties of 
necessity, or in their pastor's ab- the ruling elder, see Robinson's 
sence or illness ; but being not to Apology, ch. iv. ; the Cambridge 
give themselves to study or teach- Platform, ch. vii. ; Hutchinson's 
ing, they have no need of mainte- Mass, i. 426; Prince's Annals, p. 
nance." It appears, from page 65, 177 ; Savage's Winthrop, i. 31. 



456 THE CHURCH AT LEYDEN. 

CHAP, ffation. She usually sat in a convenient place in the 

XXVI. ~ •' ^ 

congregation, with a little birchen rod in her hand, and 

kept little children in great awe from disturbing the 
congregation. She did frequently visit the sick and 
weak, especially women, and, as there was need, call- 
ed out maids and young women to watch and do them 
other helps as their necessity did require ; and if they 
were poor, she would gather relief for them of those 
that were able, or acquaint the deacons ; and she was 
obeyed as a mother in Israel and an officer of Christ. 
And for the church of Leyden, they were sometimes 
not much fewer in number, nor at all inferior in able 
men, though they had not so many officers as the other ; 
for they had but one ruhng elder with their pastor, a 
man well approved and of great integrity ; also they 
had three able men for deacons. And that which 
was a crown unto them, they hved together in love 
and peace all their days,^ without any considerable dif- 
ferences or any disturbance that grew thereby, but such 
as was easily healed in love ; and so they continued 
until with mutual consent they removed into New 
England. And what their condition hath been since, 
some of you that are of their children do see and can 
tell. Many worthy and able men there were in both 
places, who lived and died in obscurity in respect of 
the world, as private Christians, yet were they pre- 
cious in the eyes of the Lord, and also in the eyes of 
such as knew them, whose virtues we with such of 
you as are their children do follow and imitate. 

YOUNG MEN. 

If we may not be tedious, we would request to know 

' See pages 34, 36, and 380. 



THEIR COMMUNION WITH OTHER CHURCHES. 457 

one thins: more. It is commonly said that those of chap. 

XXVI. 

the Separation hold none to be true churches but their . 

own, and condemn all the churches in the world be- 
sides ; which lieth as a foul blot upon them, yea even 
on some here in New England, except they can re- 
move it. 

ANCIENT MEN. 

It is a manifest slander laid upon them ; for they 
hold all the Reformed Churches to be true churches, 
and even the most rigid of them have ever done so, as 
appears by their Apologies ^ and other writings ; and 
we ourselves some of us know of much intercommu- 
nion that divers have held with them reciprocally, not 
only with the Dutch and French, but even with the 
Scotch,^ who are not of the best mould, yea and with 
the Lutherans also ; and we believe they have gone 
as far herein, both in judgment and practice, as any of 
the churches in New England do or can do, to deal 
faithfully and bear witness against their corruptions. 

Having thus far satisfied all your demands, we shall 
here break off this conference for this time, desiring 
the Lord to make you to grow up in grace and wis- 
dom and the true fear of God, that in all faithfulness 
and humihty you may serve him in your generations. 

YOUNG MEN. 

Gentlemen, we humbly thank you for your pains 
with us and respect unto us, and do further crave 
that upon any fit occasions we may have access unto 
you for any further information, and herewith do 
humbly take our leave.^ 

' See Robinson's Apology, quot- * See pages 391 — 396. 
ed in note ^ on page 388. " Bradford continued this Dia- 

58 



458 



BRADFORD'S DIALOGUE. 



CHAP, logue in two other parts ; one of 
XXVI. which I have had in my possession, 

written with his own hand. The 

title is as follows: "A Dialogue, 
or 3d Conference, betweene some 
yonge men borne in New-Eng- 
land, and some ancient men which 
came out of Holand and Old Eng- 
land, concerning the Church and 
the governmente therof." It is 



longer than the first part which is 
here printed, and relates chiefly to 
the " controversy es amongst four 
sorts of men ; The Papists, the 
Episcopacy, the Presbyterians, and 
the Independents, as they are call- 
ed." Being a theological rather 
than a historical work, I have not 
deemed it suitable to be inserted in 
this volume. 




GOVERNOR CARVER S CHAIR. 



GOV. BRADFORD'S MEMOIR 



ELDER BREWSTER. 




CHAPTER XXVII. 



MEMOIR OP ELDER WILLIAM BREWSTER.i 



Now followeth that which was matter of OTeat sad- chap. 

XXVII. 

ness and mourning unto this Church. About the 
16th of April,^ in this year, died their reverend Elder 
our dear and loving friend, Mr. William ^ Brewster ; 
a man that had done and suffered much for the Lord 
Jesus and the Gospel's sake, and had borne his part 
in weal and wo with this poor persecuted Church 
about thirty-six years in England, Holland, and in this 
wilderness, and done the Lord and them faithful ser- 
vice in his place and calling ; and notwithstanding the 
many troubles and sorrows he passed through, the 
Lord upheld him to a great age. He was near four- 

' From the MS. Records of Ply- Hist. Mass. ii. 460, inserts about a 

mouth Church, book i. folio 38, into page of it from Bradford's MS. His- 

which it was copied by Secretary tory. There can be no doubt that 

Morton, from Governor Bradford's the whole Memoir proceeded from 

MS. History of Plymouth Colony, the pen of Bradford, and that Mor- 

* Morton, in his Memorial, p. ton, in this as in other cases, was a 

219, places Brewster's death on the mere copyist. 

18th of April, 1643. "Concerning ^ Burk, in his Hist, of Virginia, 

■whom," he adds, " I could say i. 214, makes Brewster the miUtary 

much of mine own knowledge ; but as well as the spiritual leader of 

I shall content myself only to insert the Pilgrims, confounding him with 

the honorable testimony that Mr. Standish. 

William Bradford, deceased, hath * Neal, in his Hist, of New Eng- 

left written with his own hand con- land, i. 8.5, errs in calling h'lxn John ; 

earning him." He then proceeds an error which is repeated by the 

to copy a considerable part of the authors of the Mod. Univ. Hist, 

above account. Hutchinson, in his xxxix. 271. 



462 MEMOIR OF ELDER BREWSTER. 

CHAP, score years of age ("if not all out) when he died. He 

XXVII. -^ ° ^ ' 

had this blessing added by the Lord to all the rest, to 

die in his bed, in peace, amongst the midst of his 
friends, who mourned and wept over him, and minis- 
tered what help and comfort they could unto him, 
and he again recomforted them whilst he could. His 
sickness was not long. Until the last day thereof 
he did not wholly keep his bed. His speech con- 
tinued until somewhat more than half a day before 
his death, and then failed him ; and about nine or ten 
of the clock that evening he died, without any pang 
at all. A few hours before he drew his breath short, 
and some few minutes before his last he drew his 
breath long, as a man fallen into a sound sleep, with- 
out any pangs or gaspings, and so sweetly departed 
this life unto a better. 

I would now demand of any what he was the worse 
for any former sufferings. What do I say ? The 
worse .^ Nay, surely he was the better, and they now 

i^s^?!' ^^^ to his honor. " It is a manifest token," saith the 
Apostle, " of the righteous judgment of God, that ye 
may be counted worthy of the kingdom of God, for 
which ye also suffer ; seeing it is a righteous thing 
with God to recompense tribulation to them that trou- 
ble you ; and to you who are troubled, rest with us 
when the Lord Jesus shall be revealed from heaven 

\^?\l with his mighty angels ; " and " If ye be reproached 
for the name of Christ, happy are ye ; for the spirit 
of God and of glory resteth upon you." What though 
he wanted the riches and pleasures of the world in his 
^^'"^- life, and pompous monuments at his funeral, yet the 
memorial of the just shall be blessed when the name 
of the wicked shall rot. 



BREWSTER UNDER SECRETARY DAVISON. 463 

I should say something of his Ufe, if to say a Httle chap. 

were not worse than to be silent. But I cannot whol- .-^ 

ly forbear, though haply more may be done hereafter. 

After he had attained some learning, viz. the know- 
ledge of the Latin tongue and some insight into the 
Greek, and spent some small time at Cambridge, and 
then being first seasoned with the seeds of grace and 
virtue, he went to the Court, and served that religious 
and godly gentleman, Mr. Davison,^ divers years, when 
he was Secretary of State ; who found him so discreet 
and faithful, as he trusted him above all other that 
were about him, and only employed him in matters of 
greatest trust and secrecy.^ He esteemed him rather 
as a son than a servant, and for his wisdom and godli- 
ness, in private, he would converse with him more 
like a familiar than a master. He attended his master 
when he was sent in ambassage by the Queen into the 
Low Countries, (in the Earl of Leicester's time,) as 158 5. 
for other weighty affairs of State, so to receive posses- 
sion of the cautionary towns ; ^ and in token and sign 

* The unfortunate William Davi- not a man in the land so furnished 

son, who fell a victim to Queen universally for the place he had, 

Elizabeth's duplicity and state- neither know I any that can come 

craft, was a person of great worth near him." See Supplement to 

and ability. The Earl of Essex, in the Cabala, p. 23; Strype's An- 

a letter to King James, April 18, nals, iii. 373. 

1587, interceding in his behalf, * Brewster had for a colleague 

speaks of him as " beloved of in office under Davison, George 

the best and most religious of this Cranmer, the pupil and friend of 

land. His sufficiency in council the judicious Hooker. See Wal- 

and matters of state is such, as the ton's Lives, p. 179, (Major's ed.) 

Queen herself confesseth in her Judge Davis justly remarks that 

kingdom she hath not such anoth- " there seems to have been a simi- 

er ; his virtue, religion, and worth larity of character between Mr. 

in all degrees are of the world taken Brewster and his patron." Mor- 

to be so great, as no man in his ton's Memorial, p. 221. 

good fortune hath had more gen- ^ In 158i, when Elizabeth enter- 

eral love than this gentleman in ed into a league with the United 

his disgrace ; " and Lord Burleigh, Provinces, and advanced money to 

in a petition to Queen Elizabeth, enable them to maintain their in- 

February 13, 1586, writes, "I know dependence of Spain, her rival in 



464 



BREWSTER TRUSTED BY SECRETARY DAVISON. 



CHAP, thereof the keys of Flushing beino^ dehvered to him in 

XXVII. . 

her Majesty's name, he kept them some time, and com- 
mitted them to his servant, who kept them under his 
pillow on which he slept, the first night. And, at his 
return, the States honored him with a gold chain, and 
his master committed it to him, and commanded him 
to wear it when they arrived in England, as they rode 
through the country, until they came to the Court. 
He afterwards remained with him until his troubles, 

15 87. vvhen he was put from his place about the death of the 
Queen of Scots, and some good time after, doing him 
many offices of service in the time of his troubles.^ 
Afterwards he went and lived in the country, in good 



power and ambition, she very pru- 
dently got consigned into her hands 
the tliree important fortresses of 
Flushing, the Brille, and Ramme- 
kins, as pledges for the reimburse- 
ment of the money which she ad- 
vanced in defence of their liberties. 
They were accordingly called " the 
cautionary towns.'' They were 
surrendered by James in 1616. See 
Sir Dudley Carleton's Letters, pp. 
27—35. 

' " When Mary, Queen of Scots, 
had been tried and condemned, and 
the Parliament of England had pe- 
titioned their sovereign for her ex- 
ecution, Elizabeth privately or- 
dered Davison to draw a death- 
warrant, which she signed, and 
sent him with it to the Chancellor 
to have the great seal annexed. 
Having performed his duty, she pre- 
tended to blame him for his preci- 
pitancy. Davison acquainted the 
Council with the whole transac- 
tion ; they knew the Queen's real 
sentiments, and persuaded him to 
send the warrant to the Earls of 
Kent and Shrewsbury, promising 
to justify his conduct, and take 
the blame on themselves. These 
Earls attended the execution of 
Mary ; but when Elizabeth heard of 



it, she affected great indignation, 
threw all the blame on the inno- 
cent Secretary, and committed him 
to the Tower, where he became the 
subject of raillery from those very 
counsellors who had promised to 
countenance and protect him. He 
was tried in the Star Chamber, 
and fined £^10,000, which being 
rigorously levied upon him, re- 
duced him to poverty." Belknap's 
Am. Biog. ii. 253. Camden says, 
" Thus was Davison, a man of 
good ingenuity, but not well skill- 
ed in court arts, brought upon the 
court stage of purpose (as most 
men thought) to act for a time this 
part in the tragedy ; and soon after, 
the part being acted, and his stage 
attire laid aside, as if he had failed 
in the last act, he was thrust down 
from the stage, and, not without 
the pity of many, shut up in pri- 
son." For a particular account of 
Davison, and a full vindication of 
his conduct, see Kippis's Biog. 
Brit. v. 4 — 15 ; and Nicolas's Life 
of Davison, London, 1823. See 
also Camden's History of Queen 
Elizabeth, pp. 389—393 ; Supple- 
ment to the Cabala, pp. 22 — 25 ; 
Strype's Annals, iii. 370 — 376, 447. 



BREWSTER JOINS THE PILGRIMS. 465 

esteem amongst his friends and the good gentlemen J^^^; 
of those parts, especially the godly and religious. 

He did much good in the country where he lived, 
in promoting and furthering religion ; and not only by 
his practice and example, and provoking and encou- 
raging of others, but by procuring of good preachers 
to all places thereabouts, and drawing on of others to 
assist and help to forward in such a work ; he himself 
most commonly deepest in the charge, and sometimes 
above his ability. And in this state he continued 
many years, doing the best good he could, and walk- 
ing according to the light he saw, until the Lord 
revealed further unto him. And in the end, by the 
tyranny of the bishops against godly preachers and 
people, in silencing the one and persecuting the other, 
he and many more of those times began to look fur- 
ther into particulars, and to see into the unlawfulness 
of their calHngs, and the burden of many anti-christian 
corruptions, which both he and they endeavoured to 
cast off, as they also did, as in the beginning of this 
treatise is to be seen.' 

After they were joined together into communion, 1602. 
he was a special stay and help to them. They ordi- 
narily met at his house on the Lord's day, which was 
a manor of the bishop's, and with great love he enter- 
tained them when they came, making provision for 
them to his great charge ; and continued so to do 
whilst they could stay in England. And when they 
were to remove out of the country, he was one of the 
first in all adventures, and forwardest in any. He 
was the chief of those that were taken at Boston, in I607. 
Lincolnshire, and suffered the greatest loss ; and 

' See page 20, 
59 



466 BREWSTER IN HOLLAIND. 

CHAP, [one] of the seven that were kept longest in prison, 

and after bound over to the assizes.^ 

1608. After he came into Holland, he suffered much hard- 
ship after he had spent the most of his means, having 
a great charge and many children ; and, in regard of 
his former breeding and course of life,^ not so fit for 
many employments as others were, especially such as 
were toilsome and laborious. Yet he ever bore his 
condition with much cheerfulness and contentation. 
Towards the latter part of those twelve years spent in 
Holland, his outward condition was mended, and he 
hved well and plentifully ; for he fell into a way, by 
reason he had the Latin tongue, to teach many stu- 
dents who had a desire to learn the English tongue, to 
teach them English, and by his method they quickly 
attained it with great facility ; for he drew rules to 
learn it by, after the Latin manner ; and many gentle- 
men, both Danes and Germans, resorted to him, as 
they had time from other studies, some of them being 
great men's sons. He also had means to set up print- 
ing,^ by the help of some friends, and so had employ- 
ment enough ; and by reason of many books which 
would not be allowed to be printed in England,^ they 
might have had more than they could do. 

* See pages 26 and 27. mum Brewsterum, in vico Chorali. 

^ The words " of life " I restore 1617." 8vo. pp. 1513. A copy 

from Bradford, in Hutchinson, ii. of this work is now in the posses- 

460. sion of the Pastor of the First 

^ Among the books printed by Church in Plymouth, having been 

Brewster at Leyden was the fol- presented to that Church in 1828 

lowing : " Commentarii Succincti by the Hon. John Davis, LL.D. 

et Dilucidi in Proverbia Salomonis. the learned editor of Morton's New 

Authore Thoma Cartwrightio, SS. England's Memorial. Another copy 

Theologiaj in Academia Cautabri- is in the library of the Pilgrim So- 

giensi quondam Professore. Qui- ciety at Plymouth. See Thacher's 

bus adhibita est Praefatio clarissimi Plymouth, p. 270. 

viri Johannis Polyandri, S. Theo- '' It appears from the following 

login; Professoris Leidensis. Lug- extracts of letters written by Sir 

duni Batavorum. Apud Guliel- Dudley Carleton to Secretary Naun- 



BREWSTER IN AMERICA. 467 

But now removinoj into this country, all these thingrs chap. 

1 • 1 • 1 • r ■ • XXVII. 

were laid aside again, and a new course of living must ■ — — 
be submitted to ; in which he was no way unwilling 1 6 2 o. 
to take his part and to bear his burden with the rest, 
living many times without bread or corn many months 
together, having many times nothing but fish, and 
often wanting that also ; and drank nothing but water 
for many years together, yea, until within five or six 
years of his death. And yet he lived, by the blessing 
of God, in health until very old age ; and besides that, 
he would labor with his hands in the fields as long as 
he was able. Yet when the Church had no other 
minister, he taught twice every sabbath, and that both 
powerfully and profitably, to the great contentment of 
the hearers, and their comfortable edification. Yea, 
many were brought to God by his ministry. He did 
more in their behalf in a year, than many that have 
their hundreds a year do in all their lives. 

ton, from the Hague in IG19, that lation, Gloss:es and Annotations of 
Brewster was at this time an object the New Testament, anno 1618, 
of suspicion and pursuit to the Eng- was printed by him. So was an- 
lish government on account of cer- other in l8mo. De vera ct genuina 
tain obnoxious books which he had Jesu Christi Domini et Salvatoris 
printed. nostri Religione, of which I send 
" July 23. One William Brew- your honor herewith the title page ; 
ster, a Brownist, haih been for and if you will compare that, wiiich 
some years an inhabitant and print- is underlined therein, with the 
er at Leyden, but is now within other, De Regi/nine EcclesitB Scoti- 
three weeks removed from thence canre, of which I send your honor 
and gone back to dwell in London, the title-page likewise, you will 
where he may be found out and ex- find it is the same character; and 
amined, not only of this book De the one being confessed (as that 
Regimine Ecdesice Scoticanee, but De vera ct genuina Jesu Christi, 
likewise of Perth Assembly, of <^c. Religione, Brewster doth openly 
which if he was not the printer avow,) the other cannot well be 
himself, he assuredly knows both denied." — "vVug. 20. I have made 
the printer and author ; for as I good inquiry after William Brew- 
am informed, he hath had, whilst ster, at Leyden, and am well as- 
he remained here, his hand in all sured that he is not returned thither ; 
such books as have been sent over neither is it likely he will, having 
into England and Scotland ; as par- removed from thence both his fam- 
ticularly a book in folio, entitled A ily and goods." — " Sept. 12. In my 
Confutation of the Rhemisis' Trans- last I advertised your honor that 



BREWSTER'S PRIVATE CHARACTER. 

For his personal abilities, he was qualified above 
many. He was wise and discreet and well spoken, 
having a grave, deliberate utterance ; of a very cheerful 
spirit, very sociable and pleasant amongst his friends, 
of an humble and modest mind, of a peaceable disposi- 
tion, undervaluing himself and his own abilities, and 
sometimes over valuing others; inoffensive and innocent 
in his life and conversation, which gained him the love 
of those without as well as those within. Yet he 
would tell them plainly of their faults and evils, both 
publicly and privately; but in such a manner as usually 
was well taken from him. He was tender-hearted, 
and compassionate of such as were in misery, but es- 
pecially of such as had been of good estate and rank, 
and were fallen into want and poverty, either for good- 
ness and religion's sake, or by the injury and oppres- 
sion of others. He would say, of all men these de- 
served to be most pitied ; and none did more offend 

Brewster was taken at Leyden ; phlets, which I have newly reco- 
which proved an error, in that the vered." — "Sept. 18. It appears 
schout, who was employed by the that this Brewer, and Brewster, 
niatristrates for his apprehension, whom this man set on work, hav- 
being a dull drunken fellow, took ing kept no open shop, nor printed 
one man for another. But Brewer, many books fit for public sale in 
who set him on work, and being a these provinces, their practice was 
man of means bare the charge of his to print prohibited books to be 
printing, is last in the University's vented underhand in his Majesty's 
prison; and his printing letters, kingdom." — "Jan. 19,1620. Un- 
which were found in his house in a less Brewer undertakes to do his 
garret, where he had hid them, and uttermost in finding out Brewster, 
his books and papers, are all seized (wherein I will not fail likewise of 
and sealed up. I expect to-morrow all other endeavours,) he is not like 
to receive his voluntary confession to be at liberty ; the suspicion 
of such books as he hath caused to whereof keeps him from hence, for 
be printed by Brewster for this as yet he appears not in these 
vear and a half or two years past; parts." Carleton's Letters, pp. 380, 
and then I intend to send one ex- 386, 389, 390, 437. It appears 
pressly to visit his books and pa- from page 71, that in May, 1619, 
pers, and to examine him particu- Brewster was in England. It is 
larly touching Perth Assembly, the probable he did not return to Ley- 
discourse De Regimine Ecclesi(B den, but kept close till the May- 
Scoticance, and other Puritan pam- flower sailed. 



HIS OFFICIAL CHARACTER. 469 

.and displease him, than such as would haughtily and ^^ap. 

proudly carry and lift up themselves, being risen from 

nothing, and having little else in them but a few fine 
clothes or a little riches more than others. 

In teaching, he was very stirring, and moving the 
affections ; also very plain and distinct in what he 
taught ; by which means he became the more profita- 
ble to the hearers. He had a singular good gift in 
prayer, both public and private, in ripping up the 
heart and conscience before God, in the humble con- 
fession of sin, and begging the mercies of God in 
Christ for the pardon thereof. He always thought it 
were better for ministers to pray oftener, and divide 
their prayers, than to be long and tedious in the same ; 
except upon solemn and special occasions, as on days 
of Humihation and the like. His reason was that the 
heart and spirits of all, especially the weak, could 
hardly continue and stand bent (as it were,) so long 
towards God, as they ought to do in that duty, with- 
out flagging and falling off. 

For the government of the church, which was most 
proper to his office, he was careful to preserve good 
order in the same, and to preserve purity both in the 
doctrine and communion of the same, and to suppress 
any error or contention that might begin to arise 
amongst them ; and accordingly God gave good suc- 
cess to his endeavours herein all his days, and he saw 
the fruit of his labors in that behalf. But I must 
break off, having thus touched a few heads of things.^ 

' William Brewster, the ruling probably the oldest of the Pilgrims, 

elder of John Robinson's church, being 60 when he arrived at Ply- 

and whose name stands fourth mouth. On account of his age and 

among the signers of the Compact, office he probably was not much 

was born in I5G4 ; but the place of employed in the civil affairs of the 

his birth is not known. He was Colony, and consequently his name 



470 



BREWSTER'S FAMILY. 



CHAP, seldom occurs in the preceding His- 
XXVII. tory. Tlie reason why he was not 

chosen governor after the death of 

Carver in 1621, is stated in note ' 
on page 197. It appears from this 
Memoir that he had " many child- 
ren ; " but the exact number has 
not been ascertained. He brought 
his wife with him, and four other 
individuals, who were probably his 
children. The following are known 
to have been his children — Jona- 
than, Love, Wrestling, Patience, 
and Fear. The last two came in the 
Anne in 1623 ; Patience married in 
1624 Thomas Prince, who was after- 
wards governor, and Fear married 
Isaac Allerton in 1626. It appears 
from page 173 that the venerable 
elder had a house lot assigned him 
in 1621, in Plymouth, on the street 
now called Leyden-street. In the 



latter part of his life he built a house 
in Duxbury, near Captain's Hill, 
and resided there a short time. His 
sons Jonathan and Love settled in 
Duxbury. Love died there, and his 
son William was deacon of the 
church in that place. Jonathan, 
with his family, removed to Con- 
necticut after 1648. There are 
many descendants of the worthy 
elder in Plymouth, Duxbury, Kings- 
ton, Pembroke, and in Connecticut, 
and elsewhere. A town on Cape 
Cod was named after him in 1803, 
and it is believed that the Brews- 
ters, in Boston harbour, were so 
called in compliment to him. See 
note ^ on page 27 ; Belknap's Am. 
Biog. ii. 252 — 266 ; Hutchinson's 
Mass. ii. 460 ; Mitchell's Bridge- 
water, p. 361 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. x. 
73, XX. 57 — 68. 




ELDER BREWSTER S CHAIR. 



LETTERS. 



" That is the best History, which is collected out of Letters.'* 

Baronius. 



" Letters of affairs, from such as manage them, or are privy to 
them, are of all others the best instructions for history, and to a 
diligent reader the best histories in themselves." 

Lord Bacon. 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 

ROBINSON TO THE CHURCH. 

To the Church of God at Plymouth, in New England.^ 

Much Beloved Brethren, 

Neither the distance of place, nor distinction of chap. 

body, can at all either dissolve or weaken that bond of 

true Christian affection in which the Lord by his spirit ^ ^ ^ i- 
hath tied us together. My continual prayers are to 
the Lord for you ; my most earnest desire is unto you ; ~ 
from whom I will not longer keep (if God will) than 
means can be procured to bring with me the wives 
and children of divers of you and the rest of your 
brethren, whom I could not leave behind me without 
great injury both to you and them, and offence to God 
and all men. The death of so many our dear friends 
and brethren,^ oh ! how grievous hath it been to you 
to bear, and to us to take knowledge of; which, if it 

' This and most of the following nately destroyed, having been put 

letters are taken from a fragment to the most ignoble uses. See 

of Gov. Bradford's Letter Book, Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 2-16, and 

which was rescued about fifty years Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 45. 

since from a grocer's shop in llali- ^ See note on page 453. 

fax, Nova Scotia. The earlier and ' See note ' on page 198. 
more valuable part was unfortu- 

60 



474 THE DEATHS AMONG THE COLONISTS. 

CHAP, could be mended with lamentinoj, could not sufficiently 

be bewailed ; but we must go unto them, and they 

^^^^- shall not return unto us. And how many even of us 
God hath taken away here and in England, since your 
departure, you may elsewhere take knowledge. But 
the same God has tempered judgment with mercy, as 
otherwise, so in sparing the rest, especially those by 
whose godly and wise government you may be and (I 
know) are so much helped.^ In a battle it is not looked 
for but that divers should die ; it is thought well for a 
side if it get the victory, though with the loss of divers, 
if not too many or too great. God, I hope, hath 
given you the victory, after many difficulties, for 
yourselves and others; though 1 doubt not but many 
do and will remain for you and us all to strive with. 

Brethren, I hope I need not exhort you to obedience 
unto those whom God hath set over you in church and 
commonwealth, and to the Lord in them. It is a 
Christian's honor to give honor according to men's 
places ; and his liberty to serve God in faith, and his 
brethren in love, orderly and with a willing and free 
heart. God forbid I should need to exhort you to 
peace, which is the bond of perfection, and by which all 
good is tied together, and without which it is scattered. 
Have peace with God first, by faith in his promises, 
good conscience kept in all things, and oft renewed 
by repentance ; and so one with another, for his sake 
who is, though three, one ; and for Christ's sake, who 
is one, and as you are called by one spirit to one hope. 



' It was certainly a remarka- Carver, most of the prominent 

ble providence, that out of the 21 men were spared. How different 

men who died the first winter, so mi^ht have been the fate of the 

few were among the leaders of the Colony had Bradford, Winslow, 

expedition. With the exception of Standish and Allerton heen cut off. 



ROBINSON'S DESIRE TO COIME TO AMERICA. 475 

And the God of peace and grace and all goodness be chap. 

XXVIII 

with you in all the fruits thereof plenteously upon 

your heads, now and forever. 1621. 

All your brethren here remember you with great 
love, a general token whereof they have sent you. 
Yours ever in the Lord, 

John Robinson. 
Leyden, {Holland.) June 30, anno 1621. 



robinson to elder brewster. 

Loving and Dear Friend and Brother,^ 

That which I most desired of God in regard of you, 
namely, the continuance of your life and health, and 
the safe coming of those sent unto you, that I most glad- 
ly hear of, and praise God for the same. And I hope 
mistress Brewster's weak and decayed state of body 
will have some repairing by the coming of her daugh- 
ters,^ and the provisions in this and other ships sent, 
which I hear is made for you ; which makes us with 
the more patience bear our languishing state and the 
deferring of our desired transportation, (which I call 
desired rather than hoped for,) whatsoever you are 
borne in hand with by others. For first, there is no 
hope at all, that I know nor can conceive of, of any 
new stock to be raised for that end, so that all must 
depend upon returns from you ; in which are so many 
uncertainties, as that nothing with any certainty can 
thence be concluded. Besides, howsoever, for the 

' This letter is copied from the the daughters of the Elder, arrived 

records of Plymouth Church, book in the Anne, in 1G23. See note on 

i. folio 27. page 352. 

'^ Patience and Fear Brewster, 



1623. 



476 THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS. 

CHAP present, the adventurers allege nothing but want of 
money, which is an invincible difficulty ; yet if that 
be taken away by you, others without doubt will be 
found. For the better clearing of this, we must dis- 
pose the adventurers into three parts ; and of them 
some five or six (as I conceive) are absolutely bent for 
us above others. Other five or six are our bitter pro- 
fessed adversaries. The rest, being the body, I con- 
ceive to be honestly minded, and lovingly also towards 
us; yet such as have others, namely, the forward 
preachers,^ nearer unto them than us, and whose 
course, so far as there is any difierence, they would 
advance rather than ours. Now what a hank^ these 
men have over the professors you know ; and I per- 
suade myself that for me they of all others are un- 
willing I should be transported ; especially such as have 
an eye that way themselves, as thinking if I come 
there, their market will be marred in many regards. 
And for these adversaries, if they have but half their 
will to their malice, they will stop my course when 
they see it intended, for which this delaying serveth 
them very opportunely ; ^ and as one rusty ^ jade can 

' John Lyford, who came over ' Lyford wrote home to the ad- 

in the spring of 1624, was probably verse part of the adventurers, in 

one of those " forward preachers," 1624, counselling thera that "the 

and John Pemberton, his corres- Leyden Company, Mr. Robinson 

pondent, was another. Robert and the rest, must still be kept 

Cushman, in a letter dated Jan. 24, back, or else all will be spoiled ; 

1624, says " We send a preacher, and lest any of them should be 

though not the most eminent, for taken in privately on the coast of 

whose going Mr. Winslow and I England, (as it was feared might 

gave way to give content to some be done,) they must change the 

at London." Bradford speaks of master of the ship, Mr. William 

" the minister, Mr. John Lyford, Peirce, and put another also in Mr. 

whom a faction of the adventurers Winslow's room for merchant, or 

send, to hinder Mr. Robinson." otherwise it would not be prevent- 

See Morton's Memorial, pp. Ill, ed." MS. Records of Plymouth 

114, and Prince's Annals, pp. 226, Church, b. i. folio 30. 

228. " Rusty, dull, lazy. 

* Hank, influence. 



HOSTILITY OF SOME OF THEM. 477 

hinder by lianmna^ back more than two or three can chap. 

.„ .p „ XXVIII. 

or will (at least if they be not very free) draw forward, 

SO will it be in this case. A notable experiment of ^^^^• 
this they gave in your messenger's presence/ con- 
straining the company to promise that none of the 
money now gathered should be expended or employed 
to the help of any of us towards you. 

Now touching the question propounded by you, I 
judge it not lawful for you, being a ruling elder, as 
Rom. xii. 7, 8, and 1 Tim. v. 17, opposed to the eld- 
ers that teach and exhort and labor in the word and 
doctrine, to which the sacraments are annexed, to 
administer them, nor convenient if it were lawful.^ 

Be you heartily saluted, an.d you wife with you, 
both from me and mine. Your God and ours, and 
the God of all his, bring us together, if it be his will, 
and keep us in the mean while and always to his 
glory, and make us serviceable to his majesty, and 
faithful to the end. Amen. 

Your very loving brother, 

John Robinson.' 

Ley den., Decemher 20, 1623. 

' This messeng-er was Edward England, althoug-h he so much 

Winslow, who sailed from Ply- longed to be with his flock, and his 

mouth in the Anne, Sept. 10, 1623, flock with him ; a worthy pattern 

and returned in the Charity in unto all churches and their ministers 

March, 1624. He was the bearer to be imitated." — Bradford's or 

of this letter. See Morton's Me- Morton's Note. 
morial, p. Ill ; Prince's Annals, Morton, in his Memorial, p. 126, 

pp. 225, 226. Prince quotes from says, that " his and their adversa- 

another letter of Robinson's to ries had been long and continually 

Gov. Bradford, brought by the same plotting how they might hinder his 

ship. coming into New England ; " and 

^ For the difference between a Hutchinson, ii. 454, says, that "he 

teaching and a ruling elder, see was prevented by disappointments 

note * on page 455. from those in England who under- 

^ " By the above written letter it took to provide for the passage of 

may appear how much the adver- him and his congregation." It 

sary hindered the coming of this appears that " Sir Ferdinando Gor- 

blessed servant of Christ into New ges and others were at this time 



16 25. 



THE DEATH OF JOHN ROBINSON. 



ROGER WHITE TO GOVERNOR BRADFORD. 

To his loving friend, Mr. William Bradford, Governor 
of Plymouth in New England, these he, ^c} 

Loving and Kind Friends, &c. 

I know not whether ever this will come to your 
hands, or miscarry, as other of my letters have done ; 
yet in regard of the Lord's dealing with us here, I 
have had a great desire to write unto you, knowing 
your desire to bear a part with us, both in our joys 
and sorrows, as we do with you. 

These therefore are to give you to understand, that 
it hath pleased the Lord to take out of this vale of tears 
your and our loving and faithful pastor, and my dear 
and reverend brother, Mr. John Robinson, who was 
sick some eight days, beginning first to be sick on a 
Saturday morning ; yet the next day, being the Lord's 
day, he taught us twice, and the week after grew 
every day weaker than other, yet felt no pain but 
weakness, all the time of his sickness. The physic 
he took wrought kindly, in man's judgment, yet he 
grew every day weaker than other, feehng little or no 

determined that New England man as Mr. Robinson." Sherley, 

should be settled under episcopacy ; one of the merchant adventurers, 

and though they would allow and incurred the ill-will of his associ- 

encourage people to settle here, ates, by being in favor of his remo- 

they were unwilling that any Pu- val. " The sole cause, he observed, 

ritan ministers should accompany in a letter to the Plymouth people, 

them. The bishops had prevented why the greater part of the adven- 

the crown from granting liberty to turers malign me, was that I would 

the petitioners from Leyden ; and not side with them against you and 

it was accounted a great matter, in the coming over of the Leyden peo- 

1621, to obtain a cautious allow- pie." See Holmes's Annals, i. 192, 

ance of indulgence under the au- 575. 

thority of the President and Council ' From the records of Plymouth 

for the Aftairs of New England. Church, book i. folio 31, and Gov. 

But they took great care to obstruct Bradford's Letter Book, in Mass. 

the coming over of so important a Hist. Coll. iii. 39. 



ROBINSON'S DEATH. 479 

pain, yet sensible, till the very last. He fell sick the chap. 

22d of February, and departed this life on the 1st of 

March. He had a continual inward ague, but, I thank i^^^- 
the Lord, was free of the plague, so that all his friends 
could come freely to him ; and if either prayers, tears, 
or means would have saved his life, he had not gone 
hence. But he having faithfully finished his course, 
and performed his work, which the Lord had appoint- 
ed him here to perform, he now rests with the Lord, 
in eternal happiness ; we wanting him and all church 
governors, not having one at present that is a govern- 
ing officer amongst us. Now for ourselves here left, 
(I mean the whole church,) we still, by the mercy of 
God, continue and hold close together in peace and 
quietness, and so I hope we shall do, though we be 
very weak ; wishing (if such were the will of God) 
that you and we were again together in one, either 
there or here ; but seeing it is the will of the Lord, 
thus to dispose of things, we must labor with patience 
to rest contented, till it please the Lord otherwise to 
dispose of things.' 

For news, at present here is not much worth the 
writing ; only as in England we have lost our old king, 
James, who departed this life about a month ago,^ so 
here we have lost Grave Maurice,^ the old prince here, 

1 "Until Robinson's death, the den, some of whom removed to Am- 

congregation at Plymouth had not sterdam, and others to New Eng- 

abandoned the hope of his coming land." Holmes, Ann. i. 191, 575. 

to America with their brethren Dr. Holmes errs in placing Robin- 

who remained in Holland. The son's death in 1G2G. 
only solution of the sinjrular fact, ^ King James died March 27, 

that the Plymouth people remained 1625. in his 59th year, 
for so many years without a min- ' Maurice, the prince of Orange, 

ister, is — that until his death, their or landgrave of Holland, died at 

affectionate and beloved pastor cher- the Hague April 23, 1G25, in his 

ished the desire, and they the ex- 59th year. He was succeeded by 

pectatiun, of his coming to Anie- his brother Frederick Henry. See 

rica. His death caused the disso- Grattan's Hist, of the Netherlands, 

iution of his congregation at Ley- p. 250. 



480 EUROPEAN NEWS. 

CHAP, who both departed this hfe since my brother Robin- 



16 25. 



son ; and as in England we have a new king, Charles, 
of whom there is great hope of good, so here likewise 
we have made Prince Hendrick general, in his bro- 
ther's place, who is now with the Grave of Mansfield 
with a great army, close by the enemy, to free Breda, 
if it be possible, which the enemy hath besieged now 
some nine or ten months ; but how it will fall out at 
last, is yet uncertain ; the Lord give good success, if it 
be his will. The king is making ready about one 
hundred sail of ships ; the end is not yet certain, but 
they will be ready to go to sea very shortly ; the king 
himself goes to see them once in fourteen days. And 
thus fearing lest this will not come to your hands, 
hoping as soon as I hear of a convenient messenger, 
to write more at large, and to send you a letter which 
my brother Robinson sent to London, to have gone 
to some of you, but coming too late was brought back 
again ; and so for this time I cease further to trouble 
you, and rest. 

Your assured loving friend, 

Roger White. 
Leyden, April 28, an7io 1625. 



thomas blossom to governor bradford. 

Beloved Sir, 

Kind salutations, &c. I have thought good to write 
to you, concerning the cause as it standeth both with 
you and us. We see, alas ! what frustrations and dis- 
appointments it pleaseth the Lord to send in this our 
course, good in itself, and according to godliness taken 
in hand, and for good and lawful ends, who yet pleaseth 



ROBINSON'S DEATH DEPLORED. 481 

not to prosper as we are, for reasons best known to him- chap. 

,^ . XXVIH. 

self; and which also nearly concerns us to consider of, — ■■ — 
whether we have sought the Lord in it as we see, or 1^25. 
not. That the Lord hath singularly preserved life in 
the business to great admiration, giveth me good hope 
that he will, (if our sins hinder not,) in his appointed 
time, give a happy end unto it. On the contrary, 
when I consider how it pleaseth the Lord to cross 
those means that should bring us together, being now 
as far off or farther than ever, in our apprehension ; as 
also to take that means away, which would have been 
so comfortable unto us in that course, both for wisdom 
of counsel as also for our singular help in our course of 
godliness ; whom the Lord (as it were) took away even 
as fruit falleth before it was ripe ; when neither length 
of days, nor infirmity of body, did seem to call for his 
end.' The Lord even then took him away, as it were 
in his anger ; whom if tears would have held, he had 
remained to this day. The loss of his ministry was 
very great unto me, for I ever counted myself happy 
in the enjoyment of it, notwithstanding all the crosses 
and losses otherwise I sustained. Yet indeed the 
manner of his taking away hath more troubled me, as 
fearing the Lord's anger in it, that, as I said, in the 
ordinary course of things, might still have remained, 
as also, the singular service he might have yet done in 
the church of God. Alas ! dear friends, our state and 
cause in religion, by his death being wholly destitute of 
any that may defend our cause as it should against our 
adversaries ; that we may take up that doleful complaint 
in the Psalm, that there is no prophet left among us, nor 



* "He means Mr. Robinson." — Bradford's Note. 
61 



482 ROBINSON'S INTENTION OP COMING TO AMERICA. 

CHAP, any that knoweth how loner. Alas ! you would fain have 

XXVIII. "^ . 

had him with you, and he would as fain have come to 

162 5, yQu^ Many letters and much speech hath been about 
his coming to you, but never any sohd course pro- 
pounded for his going ; if the course propounded the 
last year had appeared to have been certain, he would 
have gone, though with two or three families. I know 
no man amongst us knew his mind better than I did, 
about those things ; he was loath to leave the church, 
yet I know also, that he would have accepted the worst 
conditions which in the largest extent of a good con- 
science could be taken, to have come to you. For 
myself and all such others as have formerly minded 
coming, it is much what the same, if the Lord afford 
means. We only know how things are with you by 
your letters ; but how things stand in England we 
have received no letters of any thing, and it was No- 
vember before we received yours. If we come at all 
unto you, the means to enable us so to do must come 
from you.^ For the state of our church, and how it is 
with us, and of our people, it is wrote of by Mr. White. 
Thus praying you to pardon my boldness with you in 
writing as I do, I commend you to the keeping of the 
Lord, desiring, if he see it good, and that I might be 
serviceable unto the business, that I were with you. 
God hath taken away my son, that was with me in the 

' "In anno 1629, a considerable They arrived in August. Bradford 

number of the brethren of the says, " They were shipped at Lon- 

chnrch, [35, with their families] don in May with the ships that 

which were left in Holland, were came to Salem." Sixty more came 

transported over to us that were of in Oct. 1630, in the Handmaid. See 

the church in New England; Prince's Annals, pp. 264, 322. Gra- 

which although it was at about hame, i. 193, wrongs the Leyden 

£500 charge, yet it was borne congregation, I think, when he says 

cheerfully by tlie poor brethren that after the death of Eobinson, 

here concerned in it." — Records " very few ha.(\ the conrage to pro- 

Plym. Church, book i. folio 33. ceed to New Plymouth." 



ANNUAL CHOICE OF MAGISTRATES. 483 

ship, when I went back asjain : I have only two child- chap. 

XXVIII 

ren, which were born since I left you. Fare you well. 

Yours to his power, 1625. 

Thomas Blossom.^ 
Leyden, December 15, an7io 1625. 



ROGER WHITE TO GOVERNOR BRADFORD. 

To his very loving friend, Mr. William Bradford, Gov- 
ernor of Plymouth in New England, these he, ^c. 

My Loving and Kind Friend, and Brother in the 
Lord, 

My own and my wife's true love and hearty saluta- 
tions to yourself and yours and all the rest of our lov- 
ing friends with you ; hoping in the Lord of your 
good healths, which I beseech him long to continue 
for the glory of his name and good of his people. 
Concerning your kind letter to the church, it was read 
publicly ; whereunto (by the church) I send you here 
enclosed an answer. Concerning my brother Robin- 
son's sickness and death and our practice, I wrote 
you at large, some five or six months since ; but lest 
it should miscarry, I have now written to Mr. Brewster 
thereof, to whom I refer you. 

Now concerning your course of choosing your gov- 
ernors yearly, and in special of their choosing yourself 
year after year, as I conceive they still do, and Mr. 
Allerton your assistant ; howsoever I think it the best 
way that can be, so long as it please the Lord to con- 

' Thomas Blossom afterwards describe him as " a holy man and ex- 
came over to Plymouth, probably perienced saint," and "competently 
in 1629, and was chosen a deacon accomplished with abilities " for 
of the church. Bradford speaks of his place. He died in the summer 
him as one of " our ancient friends of 1633. Plym. Ch. Reel. 42, and 
in Holland." The Church records Prince's Annals, p. 437. 



484 ROTATION IN OFFICE EXPEDIENT. 

CHAP, tinue your lives, and so good governors offer you, yet, 

considering man's mortality, whose breath is in his 

16 25. nostrils, and the evils of the times wherein we live, in 
which it is ordinarily seen that worse follow them that 
are good, I think it would be a safer course, for after 
time, the government was sometime removed from one 
to another ; so the assistant one year might be governor 
next, and a new assistant chosen in his place, either of 
such as have or have not been in office ; sometimes 
one, sometimes another, as it shall seem most fit to the 
corporation. My reasons are, 1st, because other offi- 
cers that come after you, will look (especially if they 
be ambitiously minded) for the same privileges and 
continuance you have had ; and if he have it not, will 
take great offence, as though unworthy of the place, 
and so greatly disgraced, whom to continue, might be 
very dangerous, and hazard (at least) the overthrow of 
all ; men not looking so much at the reasons why others 
were so long continued as at the custom. 2dly, because 
others that are unexperienced in government might 
learn by experience ; and so there might be fit and able 
men continually, when it pleaseth the Lord to take 
any away. 3dly, by this means, you may establish the 
things begun, or done before ; for the governor this 
year, that was assistant last, will in likelihood rather 
ratify and confirm and go on with that he had a hand 
in the beginning of, when he was assistant, than other- 
wise, or persuade the new to it ; whereas new govern- 
ors, especially when there are factions, will many times 
overthrow that which is done by the former, and so 
scarcely any thing goeth forward for the general good ; 
neither, that I see, can this be any prejudice to the cor- 
poration ; for the new may always have the counsel 



THE PROSPECTS OF THE COLONY. 485 

and advice of the old for their direction, though thev chap. 

XXVIII. 

be out of office. These things I make bold to put to 

your godly wisdom and discretion, entreating you to 1625. 
pardon my boldness therein, and so leaving it to your 
discretion to make use of as you see it fitting, not 
having written the least inkling hereof to any other. 
Now I entreat you, at your best leisure to write to 
me, how you think it will in likelihood go with your 
civil and church estate ; whether there be hope of the 
continuance of both, or either ; or whether you fear 
any alteration to be attempted in either. The reason 
of this my request is, the fear of some amongst us, (the 
which, if that hinder not, I think will come unto you,) 
occasioned partly by your letter to your father-in-law, 
Mr. May,^ wherein you write of the troubles you have 
had with some, who it is like (having the times and 
friends on their sides) will work you what mischiefs 
they can ; and that they may do much, many here do 
fear ; and partly by reason of this king's proclamation, 
dated the 13th of May last, in which he saith that his 
full resolution is, — to the end that there may be one 
uniform course of government in and through all his 
whole monarchy, — that the government of Virginia 
shall immediately depend on himself, and not be com- 
mitted to any company or corporation, fcc, so that 
some conceive he will have both the same civil and 
ecclesiastical government that is in England, which 
occasioneth their fear. I desire you to write your 
thoughts of these things, for the satisfying of others ; 
for my own part and some others, we durst rely upon 
you for that, who, we persuade ourselves, would not be 
thus earnest for our pastor and church to come to you, 

' The father of his first wife, Dorothy. See note ' on page 1G2. 



486 LETTER FROM THE LEYDEN PEOPLE. 

CHAP, if you feared the danger of being suppressed. Thus 

XXVIII on rr 

"desiring you to pardon my boldness, and remember 

16 2 5. us in your prayers, 1 for this time and ever, commit 
you and all your affairs to the Almighty, and rest 
Your assured loving friend 

And brother in the Lord, 

Roger White. 

Ley den, December 1, anno 1625. 

P. S. The church would entreat you to continue 
your writing to them, which is very comfortable. 



THE LEYDEN PEOPLE TO BRADFORD AND BREWSTER. 

To our most dear and entirely beloved brethren, Mr. 
William Bradford^ and Mr. William Breioster, grace, 
mercy, and true peace be multiplied from God our 
Father, through our Lord Jesus Christ. Amen. 

Most Dear Christian Friends and Brethren, 

As it is no small grief unto you, so it is no less unto 
us, that we are constrained to live thus disunited each 
from other, especially considering our affections each 
unto other, for the mutual edifying and comfort of 
both, in these evil days wherein we Hve, if it pleased 

' William Bradford, whose name red the displeasure of his relatives 

occurs so frequently in the preceding and the scoffs of his neighbours ; 

pages, and whose writings occupy but neither opposition nor scorn 

so large a portion of this volume, could deter him from attending on 

was born at Austerfield, in York- the ministry of Clifton, and joining 

shire, in 1588. His parents died Robinson's church. The part which 

when he was young, and he was he took in the escape of the Pil- 

trained by his grand-parents and grims to Holland, and in their mea- 

uncles to " the innocent trade of sures for leaving that country for 

husbandry." His paternal inherit- America, has been related in the 

ance was considerable ; but he had preceding narrative. On his arri- 

no better education than what falls val at Plymouth he was about 32 

to the cummon lot of the children years old. We have seen, page 

of farmers. Being early interested 201, that on the death of Carver he 

in religion, and embracing the was immediately chosen governor 

views of the Separatists, he incur- of the Colony ; and was annually 



THEY WISH TO COME OVER. 487 

the Lord to bring us again together: than which as no chap. 

* "^ *= XXVIII. 

outward thing could be more comfortable unto us, or — ^ 
is more desired of us, if the Lord see it good, so see 162 5. 
we no hope of means of accomplishing the same, ex- 
cept it come from you ; and therefore must with pa- 
tience rest in the work and will of God, performing 
our duties to him and you asunder ; whom we are not 
any way able to help, but by our continual prayers to 
him for you, and sympathy of affections with you, for 
the troubles which befall you ; till it please the Lord to 
reunite us again. But, our dearly beloved brethren, 
concerning your kind and respective letter, howsoever 
written by one of you, yet as we continue with the 
consent (at least in aftection) of you both, although we 
cannot answer your desire and expectation, by reason 
it hath pleased the Lord to take to himself out of this 
miserable world our dearly beloved pastor, yet for our- 
selves we are minded, as formerly, to come unto you, 

re-elected as long as he lived, ex- he married in 1623, he had two 
cepting- three years when Winslow, sons, William and Joseph and a 
and two when Prince was chosen daughter, Mercy. John lived in 
— having filled the office 30 years. Duxbury ; but nothing is known of 
Though he had not received a him after 1662. William was de- 
learned education, yet he was fond puty governor of the Colony, and 
of study and writing, and his at- resided in Kingston. Joseph mar- 
tainments were respectable. Cot- ried a daughter of the Rev. Peter 
ton Mather says, " the Dutch tongue Hobart of llingham. A grand- 
was almost as vernacular to him daughter of his married a Waters, 
as the English ; the French tongue of Sharon, and one of her descend- 
he could also manage ; the Latin ants, Asa Waters, of Stoughton, 
and the Greek he had mastered ; possesses the Governor's bible, 
but the Hebrew he most of all printed in 1592, which contains a 
studied, because, he said, he would family record. A marble monu- 
see with his own eyes the ancient ment, erected in 1825, on the Burial 
oracles of God in their native beau- Hill at Plymouth, marks the spot 
ty." He died May 9, 1657, in his where Gov. Bradford and his son 
69th year, " lamented," as Mather William are interred. There are 
says, " by all the colonies of New many descendants of this excellent 
England, as a common blessing man in the Old Colony and else- 
and father to them all." where. See Mather's Magnalia, i. 
Gov. Bradford had one son, John, 100 — 105 ; Morion's Memorial, pp. 
by his first wife, Dorothy May ; 264 — 270 ; Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 
and by his second, Alice South- 456 ; Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 217 
worth, a widow, whose maiden — 251 ; Thacher's Plymouth, p. 
name was Carpenter, and whom 106 , Mitchell's Bridgewater, p. 358. 



488 LETTER. FROM LEYDEN. 

CHAP, when and as the Lord affordeth means : though we 

XXVllI. . 

see Httle hope thereof at present, as being unable of 

1625. ourselves, and that our friends will help us we see little 
hope. And now, brethren, what shall we say further 
unto you ? Our desires and prayers to God is, (if such 
were his good will and pleasure,) we might be reunited 
for the edifying and mutual comfort of both, which, 
when he sees fit, he will accomplish. In the mean 
time, we commit you unto him and to the word of his 
grace ; whom we beseech to guide and direct both you 
and us, in all his ways, according to that his word, and 
to bless all our lawful endeavours for the glory of his 
name and good of his people. Salute, we pray you, 
all the church and brethren with you, to whom we 
would have sent this letter. If we knew it could not 
be prejudicial unto you, as we hope it cannot, yet fear- 
ing the worst, we thought fit either to direct it to you, 
our two beloved brethren, leaving it to your goodly 
wisdom and discretion, to manifest our mind to the 
rest of our loving friends and brethren, as you see most 
convenient. And thus entreating you to remember us 
in your prayers, as we also do you, we for this time 
commend you and all your afikirs to the direction and 
protection of the Almighty, and rest. 
Your assured loving friends 

And brethren in the Lord, 
Francis Jessop, 
Thomas Nash, 
Thomas Blossom, 
Roger White, 
Richard Maisterson.^ 

Lerjden, Nov. 30, A. D. 1625. 

' Richard Masterson, afterwards deacon of the church. See note ' 
came over to Plymouth, and was a on page 73. 



INDEX. 



A. 



Abbot, George, Archbishop, 56, 333. 

Accomaclv, Plymouth, 203. 

Acorns, ealen by ihe Indians, 145, 205. 

Adams, Mrs. John, on Robinson's church at 
Leyden, 393. 

Agawam. See Ipswich, and Wareham. 

Ainsworth, Henry, teacher in the church at 
Amsterdam, 24, 418. Mentioned, 429, 440, 
441,445. Account of, 448. 

Air of New England, 129, 233, 369. 

Alden, John, a Pilgrim, 121, 150. 

Alderton, Point, 195, 229. See AUerton. 

Alewives, 172. Used for manure, 231. 

Alexander, son of Massasoit, 194. 

Allerton, or Alderton, Isaac, 85, 115. Daugh- 
ter of, last survivor of the Mayflower, 150, 
196, 250. Child of, born, 169. Death of 
his wife, 181. Account of, 195. Point 
named from, 195, 229. Chosen Assistant, 
201. Second wife of, 470. 

Allerton, John, a Pilgrim, 116, 122, 150. 

Allotment of lands, the first, 346. The sec- 
ond, 347. 

America, Reasons and Considerations touch- 
ing the Lawfulness of removing out of Eng- 
land into the Parts of, 239 ; cautions re- 
specting it, 240. What persons may re- 
move, 241 ; why, 242. See New England, 
Pilgrims, and Plymouth. 

Ames, William, account of, 423, 439. 

Amsterdam, English church at, 24, 447. 
Contention of the churches there, 34, 330. 
Number of communicants at, 36, 455 Peo- 
ple from, take leave of the Pilgrims at 
Delft-Haven, 83. Bradford's account of 
the church at, 455. Deaconess at, 455. See 
AinsiL'orth, and Johnson. 

Anabaptists, law against, 404. 

Anne, arrival of the, 351. Passengers in the, 

62 



352. Tonnage of the, 353. Return and 

cargo of the, 353. 
Apainiow, 232. 
Apaum, Plymouth, 203, 245. 
Apparel, Indian, 187, 365. 
Archer, Gabriel, 103. On sassafras, 130. 
Argall, Sir Samuel, Governor of Virginia, 69. 
Arminian controversy, in the Low Couutries, 

40, 392, 452. 
Arminius, James, 40. 
Armour of the Pilgrims, 134, 156. 
Arrows, sent as a challenge, 231. 
Aspinet, sachem of Nauset, 216, 244, 302. 

Meets an embassy, 217. Probably Apan- 

now, 232. Reception of Bradford by, 302. 

His salutation of Standish, 304. Fate of, 

345. See Indians Nauset, and Nauset. 



B. 



Bacon, Leonard, Rev., on Alderton, 196. His 
vindication of the Pilgrims, 419. 

Bancroft, Archbishop, persecution by, 423, 
439. 

Baptism, on the administration of, 64, 65. 
Views of Hobart respecting, 403; ofChaun- 
cy, 405. See Anabaptists. 

Barnstable, or Cunimaquid, error respecting 
the church in, 77. Everett's Address at, 
cited, 103. Sacliem at, 215. Under Massa- 
soit, 244. See Iijanough. 

Barnstable bay, 119, 123. Error of Prince 
respecting, 135. Overshot in the third ex- 
peciition of the Pilgrims, 159. Entered, in 
search of a boy, 212. Situation and size of, 
214. 

Barrington, in the Pokanoket country, 208. 

Barrow, Henry, persecuted, 412. Refutation 
of Gifford by, 424. A martyr, 427. Ex- 
amination of, 428. Robinson on his al- 



490 



INDEX. 



leged blasphemy, &c., 429. Slanders 
against, 430. Vindication of, 431 . Green- 
wood and, 432. His character, 433. His 
conversion, 433. Last acts of, 434. 

Baylie, Robert, on the Pilgrims at Leyden, 
379, 3S5. His aspersions, 425. Reply to, 
by Cotton, 426. On Barrow's death, 433. 
On Robinson, 453. 

Baylies, Francis, errors of, corrected, 5G, 75, 
99, 134. 

Beach grass, on Cape Cod, 123. 

Beach point, in Plymouth, 163. 

Beaver, among the Massachusetts, 229. 
Freighted in the Fortune, 236. Loaned to 
Weston, 342. Freighted in the Anne, 353. 

Beaver Dam Brook, in Plymouth, 165. 

Belknap, Jeremy, cited, 193, 255, 343, 464. 

Bentivoglio, Cardinal, his notice of the Pil- 
grims, 43. 

Bernard, Richard, 422. Robinson's answer 
to, 40, 429. 

Billingsgate Point, in Wellfleet, 151. 

Billington, Francis, discovers Billington Sea, 
149, 172, 214. 

Billington, John, a Pilgrim, 122. First of- 
fender, 149, 199. Hung in 1630, 149. 

Billington, John, jr., 149. Voyage in search 
of, 214. 

Billington Sea, 149, 167. Discovered and de- 
scribed, 172. Fish and deer there, 182. 

Birch bark canoes, 135. 

Blackwell, voyage of, to Virginia, 70. Con- 
duct of, 71, 72. 

Blossom, Thomas, letter by, to Bradford, 430. 
Notice of, 433. 

Blue Hills, in Milton, called Massachusetts 
Mount, 224. 

Boat Meadov^r creek, in Eastham, 155. 

Boston, England, treatment of Pilgrims at, 
26, 465. 

Boston, New England, first landing in, 225. 
Sachem of, 232. See Ohbati.newat. 

Boston harbour, formerly called Massachu- 
setts Bay, 225. Islands in, 226. Second 
voyage to, 290. Settlement of Thompson 
there, 351. 

Bradford, Dorothy, 148, 162, 485, 487. 

Bradford, William, Morton borrowed from, 4, 
5. Time of his death, 5, 17,487. His His- 
tory, 7. Goes to Holland, 29 ; his employ- 
ment there, 35. Age of, in 1620,46,487. 
In an excursion up the Cape, 126. Regis- 
ter by, 148. On Billington, 149. In the 
third exploring party, 149. Sick, 174, 177. 
Governor of Plymouth, 201, 486. Charter 
granted to, in 1629, 235. In an expedition 
for corn, 300. Reception of, at Chatham, 
300. Squanto and, 301. Goes to the Mas- 
sachusetts, 302. Trades at Nauset and 
Mattachiest, 302. Returns home by land, 
303. At Middlcborouffh and Sandwich, 
305. , Messenger from Weston's colony to, 
323. His advice to Weston's company, 
328. Holds a general court, 330. Mar- 
riage of, 353, 487. His Dialogue, 409. 
Prophesies, 419, 420. His Memoir of El- 
der Brewster, 459. His letter-book, 473. 
Letters to, from Leyden, 478, 480, 483,486. 



Account of, and of his family, 486. His 
Bible, 487. Monument to, 487. 

Bradford, William, jr., 487. 

Bradford's and Winslow's Journal, 109. Au- 
thorship of it, 115, 126, 128, 150, 158, 170, 
177. 

Brereton, John, on Cape Cod, 101. On the 
Elizabeth Islands, 129 ; on sassafras there, 
130. On drinking tobacco, 183. 

Brewster, Jonathan, 235. 

Brewster, William, 22, 23. Bradford's Me- 
moir of, 459—470. Under Secretary Da- 
vison, 463. Joins the Pilgrims, 405. Wor- 
ship at the house of, 24, 465. Imprison- 
ment of, at Boston, England, 27, 405. His 
library, 27. Goes to Holland, 27, 466. 
Chosen elder, 36. Becomes a printer, 35, 
467. Books printed by, 40, 466. Sent as 
agent to England, 57. Correspondence of 
John Robinson and, with Sir Edwin San- 
dys, 58. Suspected and pursued, 456. 
Mentioned, 71. Reasons of his going to 
America, 77, 383. Why not chosen gov- 
ernor, 197, 470. Not a rigid Separatist, 
400. His private and official character, 
463. Account of his family and descend- 
ants, 352, 470. Robinson's letter to, 475. 
Letter to, from the Leyden people, 486. 
His sword, 134. His chair, 470. His age, 
46.115. His death, 401. 

Brigham, William, edition of the Laws of 
Plymouth by, 197. 

Bristol, in the Pokanoket country, 203. 

Brown, Peter, a Pilgrim, 122, 174. 

Brown, Robert, the books of, 427. Account 
of, 441. Separatists before, 442. Back- 
sliding of, 442, 444. 

Brownists, some of the principles of the, 66, 
416. Dislike of the name, 397, 412, 416, 
423, 444. Raleigh on banishing, 430. 

Brown's island, in Plymouth harbour, 163. 

Burial Hill, in Plymouth, view from, 168. 
Fortified, 108, 170. Artillery planted on, 
181. Fort built on, 295, 335. First bury- 
ing on, 295. 

Burke, Edmund, on the Pilgrims in Holland, 43. 

Butler's Hudibras. cited, 333. 

Buzzard's Bay, Narraganset mistaken for, 
305. French and Dutch trade to, 306. On 
a canal from, 306. 



Callender, John, on Sowams, 208. 

Calvin, John, on the liturgy of the Church of 

England, 11. 
Calvinists, Robinson on the, 397. 
Cambridge, Platform of, 394. 
Cambridge, synod at, 394. Occasion of the, 

402. Invitation of Hobart to the, 406; of 

Chauncy, 406. 
Canal, from Buzzard's Bay, 306. 
Canacum. See Cawnacome. 
Canonicus, messenger from, 231. Notice of, 

281. Hostile to the Plymouth colonies, 231. 

Roger Williams, aud, 281. Challenge 

from, 231, 283. 



INDEX. 



491 



Cantangcantcest, Watson's hill, Plymoutli, 
ISO. 

Capawack. See Martha^s Vineyard. 

Cape Cod, visited hy Captain John Smith, SO, 
Fallen in with, hy llie Pilgrims, 101, 117, 
334. Historical notice of, 101. Pilgrims 
put into the harhour of, 102, 117. Edward 
Everett on, 104. Well wooded, 118, 124 
Graham's Survey and Map of, 118. Soil 
of, 123. Beach grass on, 123. Called Pa- 
omet, 125. Indians on, escape pestilence, 
184. Particulars as to the Indians on, 21 G. 
See Prorinccioicn. 

Cape Cod Lisiht, 123, 130, 137. 

Captain's Hill, in Duxhury, 126. 

Caresweil, in Marshfield, 27.'5. 

Carleton, Sir Dudley, on Sunday in Holland, 
47. On the Perth Assemhly, 395. His 
letters to Naunlon respecting Brewster, 
cited, 467. 

Carpenter, Mary, " a godly old maid," sister 
of Gov. Bradford's second wife, 353. 

Cartwright, Thomas, the Puritan, 436. 

Carver, John, twice an agent to England, 55, 
58, 59, GO, 78, 90. Deacon, 60, 200. Sahin 
Starsmore's letter to, 73. Robinson's let- 
ter to, 89. Confidence reposed in, 90. 
First governor, 122, 200. His sword, 134. 
Receives the first exploring party, 137. In 
the third expedition, 149. " Seeks lost men, 
174. Fishes at Billington Sea, 182. Re- 
ception of Massasoit by, 193. Re-elected 
governor, 197. His and his wife's death, 
198, 200. Notice of, and of his family, 
200. His chair, 458. 

Carver, William, 201. 

Cattle, first brought to New England, 233. 

Caunbatant, sachem, 232. See Corbitant. 

Cawnacome, sachem of Manomet, 232, 307. 
Reception of Bradford by, 307. Slandish's 
visit to, 310. Fate of, 345. 

Cedars, on Cape Cod, 118, 124. On Clark's 
island, 164 

Centaury, juice of the, drunk by the Indians, 
3G0. 

Chalmers, George, on the Pilgrims' removal 
from Holland, 48. 

Charily, arrival of the, 296. Returns to Eng- 
land. 299. 
Charter, second of Plymouth, found in the 
Land Office in Boston, 234. See Patents. 
Chatham. See Manamoick. 
Chauncy Charles, Rev., of Scituate, account 

of, 405. 
Chikkatabak, sachem of Neponset, 232. 
Chilton, Mary, a Pilgrim, 275. 
Church of Ensrland, contention about the cer- 
emonies and service book of the, 9, 11, 20. 
Overthrown, 14, 16. Re-established, 17. 
Conformity to the, required, 21 ; in the col- 
onization of Virginia, 54. Henry VHI., 
supreme head of the, 64. Robinson's re- 
gard for the, 389. 415, 442. Feelings of 
Higgin^on and VVinthrop respecting the, 
39S Views of the Separatists respecting 
the, 414. See Common Prayer, Episcopti- 
aj, and Liturgij. 



Church of Scotland. See Presbyterians and 
Commjinion. 

Churches, the primitive, the only pattern, 387. 
Robinson's church, modelled according to, 
426. See Commitnion. 

Clams, at Cape Cod, 119. At Plymouth, 164, 
•329. Note on, 306. 

(-lapboards, shipped to England, 353. 

Clark, pilot and master's mate of the May- 
flower, 85, 112, 150, 155. Clark's island, m 
Plymouth, named from, 160. 

Clark, Thomas, 160, 352. 

Clark's Island, arrival of the Pilgrims at, 
160. Notices of, IGO, 163. 'I'he only 
island in Plymouth harbour, 163. Trees 
on, 164. The Pilgrims conclude not to set- 
tle on, 167. 

Clergy, ejectment of the Puritan, 21. Influ- 
ence of the New England, in civil affairs, 
37. On the congregational ordination of, 
66. See Elders and Ministry. 

Clifton, Richard, Rev., 22. Bradford's ac- 
count of, 453. 

Climate of New England, 369. See Air. 

Codfish, at Cape Cod harbour, 119. At Ply- 
mouth, 164, 294. Want of means to catch, 
171, 294. 

Cold Harbour, in Truro, 139. 

Columbus, ships of, 86. 

Common house at Plymouth, building of the, 
169, 173. Burnt, 177. Cushman's Dis- 
cnurse at the, 255. Location of the, 255. 

Common Prayer, persecutions for books 
against the, 427. 

Communion, Robinson's doctrine of, 388, 
457. Of the Pilgrims with the Dutch and 
French churches,"392,457 ; with the Scotch, 
394, 395, 457. Bradford on, 457. Rob- 
inson on the administration of, by elders, 
477. 

Community of goods, 84. Qualified, 346. 

Compact o'f the" Pilgrims, 120. 

Conbatant. See Corbitant. 

Congregational Church, the first in America, 

77. ,. . . 

Congregationalism, 66. An apostolic institu- 
tion, 401 . The primitive church polity, 406. 
Growth, of, 423. 

Cooke. P'rancis, a Pilgrim, and his wife, 122, 
352,394. 

Coppin, Robert, second mate of the Mayflow- 
er. 112, 148, 150, 155, 159. 

Coppins, John, a Puritan martyr, 412, 427. 

Copp's Hill, in Boston, visited. 225. 

Corbitant, hostile to Massasoit and the Pil- 
grims, 219. Captures Tisquantum, 220. 
Attempt to take, 221. Escapes, 222. 
Threatened, 222. Likely to succeed Mas- 
sasoit, 315. Winslow lodges with, 324; 
their conversation, 325. 

Corn See Indian earn. 

Cornhill, in Truro, 133, 140. 

Cotton, John, of Boston, 5. Error of Cotton 
Mather, respecting the family of 30. On 
the church at Loyden, 3-^o. On the Ply- 
mouth church, 386. On Robinson's senti- 
ments, 339. Assists in drawing up the 



492 



INDEX. 



Cambridge Platform, 394. On Robinson's 
conduct, 396. ('onformily of, with Phillips, 
397. On Robinson's separatism, 400. On 
separation and secession, 417. On public 
offences in churches, 418. On prophesy- 
ing, 421. On modelling of different church- 
es, 426. On Elizabeth and the Puritan 
martyrs, 433. On the author of Inde- 
pendency, 442. On the name Brownists, 
444. On Ainsworth, 448. On John Smith, 
451. 

Cotton, John, jr, minister of Plymouth, 4, 5. 

Coubatant. See Corbitant. 

Court of High Commission, 19. 

Cow Yard, in Plymouth harbor, 171. 

Crabs, at Plymouth, 164. 

Cudbartson, 393. See Cuthhertson. 

Cummaquid. See Barnstable. 

Cushman, Isaac, Rev., 250. 

Cushman, Mary, last survivor of the May- 
flower, 150, 196, 250. 

Cushman, Robert, sent twice as agent to Eng- 
land, 55, 57, 78, 249. Letter from, 68. An- 
swers complainants, 84. Correspondence 
with, 85. Passenger in the Fortune, 99, 
116, 234. Letter by, to L P., 116. His 
" Reasons, &c." 239. Notice of 249. Re- 
turns in the Fortune, 249. Discourse by, 
255. On Weston's company, 296. On the 
preacher for Plymouth, 476. 

Cushman, Thomas, 235, 250. Wife and de- 
scendants of, 250. 

Cuthhertson, Cuthbert, 352, 393. 



D. 



Damariscove islands, 278, 293. 

Davenport, John, Rev., account of, 419. 

Davis, John, his edition of New England's 
Memorial, 5. Cited, 57, 195, 234, 255, 301, 
339. 

Davis, Samuel, on the Gurnet, 287. 

Davison, William, Secretary, Brewster under, 
463,464. Account of, 463. 

Deaconess, at Am- terdam, 455. 

Deer, near the pond in Truro, 130. In Ply- 
mouth, 175, 231. At Billington Sea, 182. 

Deer traps, 136. 

De la Noye, or Delano, Philip, 235, 236. Ad- 
mitted to churches of the Pilgrims, 394. 

Delft-Haven, 87. Parting at, 83, 384. 

Dennis, William, a Puritan martyr, 412, 427. 

Dermer, Captain, cited, 184. Attack on, by 
Indians, 185. Treatment of Squanto by, 
190. At Namasket, 190, 204. 

De Tocqueville, on the Magnalia, 30. On 
Plymouth rock, 161. 

Dort, Sunday at, 47. Synod of, 47, 424. 

Dotey, Edward, a Pilgrim, 116, 122, 127, 150. 
Punishment of, 201. 

Double Brook, in Plymouth, 165. 

Douglass, William, on the removal from Hol- 
land, 48. 

Dover, N. H., settlement at, 251. 

Downs, or Dunes, of Holland, 123. 

Drake, Sir Francis, vessels of, 86. 

Dress, Indian, 185, 365. 



Droitwich, birth-place of the Winslow fami- 
ly, 274. 

Drought. See Pilgrims, and Plymouth. 

Dudley, Gov. Thomas, 105, 199, 419. 

Duelling, punishment of, at Plymouth, 201. 

Duxbury, the name, 126. Formation of the 
church in, 394. 

Dwight, Timothy, on Plymouth and the Pil- 
grims, 161. 

Dyer's swamp, in Truro, 129. 



E. 



Eastham, or Nauset, explored, 151, 153. Ex- 
pedition to, 214. Corn procured at, 302, 
304. See Nauset. 

East Harbour, in Truro, 120. Pilgrims at, 
128, 137, 138. See Truro. 

East Harbour creek, 128. 

East Harbour village, in Truro, 129. Pond 
village near, 130. 

Eel river, in Plymouth, 160, 196, 216. 

Elders, remarks on and on their duties, 64, 65, 
419,455. Not chosen to civil offices, 197. 
Continuance of, 455. At Salem, 455. Rob- 
inson on the administration of the sacra- 
ments by, 477. 

Eliot, John, on the Indian pronunciation of/, 
n, and r, 319. 

Elizabeth, Queen, favors the Anglican ritual, 
12, 21. Suspension of Grindal by, 420. 
Conduct of, respecting Barrow and Green- 
wood, 432. Cause of her subsequent tol- 
eration, 433. Separatists in the time of, 
442. Her duplicity and treatment of Mary 
and of Davison, 463, 464. Aids Holland 
against Spain, 464. Fortresses consigned 
to, 464. 

Elizabeth Islands, springs on the, 129. Sas- 
safras exported from, 130. 

Embalmed body found, 142. 

Embden, synod at, 422. Johnson at, 445. 

Endicott, John, sends to Plymouth for a physi- 
cian, 223, 386. Instructed to purchase the 
Indians' lands, 259. On the worship at 
Plymouth, 336. 

English, Thomas, a Pilgrim, 116, 122, 150. 

Episcopacy, Robinson's dislike of, 390. At- 
tempt to establish, in New England, 478. 
See Church. 

Episcopius, Simon, 41. 

Everett, Edward, cited, 103. 



Fast, the first at Plymouth, 349. 

Faunce, Thomas, Elder, 199, 352. 

Fire-arms of the Pilgrims, 125, 136, 142, 156, 
237. 

First Brook, in Plymouth, 165. 

Fish, and fishing at Cape Cod, 119, 146. At 
Plymouth, 164. Want of means to catch, 
171,294. AtMonhegan, 182, 278, 293. In 
Taunton river, 205. At Damariscove 
islands, 278, 293. At Buzzard's bay, 306. 
Profits of, in New England, 81, 371, 383. 



INDEX. 



493 



Florida, discoverctl, 243. 
Foord, Goodwife, 235, 236. 
Forefathers, first comers so called, 353. 
Forefather's Day, 161. 

Fortune, arrival of the, 198, 234. Tonnage 
of the, 234. Names of passengers in the, 

235. Return cargo of the, 236. Captured, 

236. Passengers in the, 352. 
Frankfort, troubles at, 9. 

Freeman, James, Rev., of Boston, 120. 
Fresh Lake, 172. See Billington Sea. 
Frobisher, Martin, fleet of, 8G. 
Froissart, on Wat Tyler and Standysshe, 

126. 
Fuller, Samuel, the physician of the Pilgrims, 

85, 121. Notice of, 222. Heals Weston's 

sick colonists, 297. Sent for to Salem, 223, 

386. 
Fuller, Thomas, on Robert Brown, 442. 
Furs, trade for, 302, 371. See Beaver. 



G. 



Gambling, among the Indians, 210, 307. 

Gardiner, Richard, a Pilgrim, 116, 122. 

Gardner's Neck, 315. See Mattapoiset. 

Geneva Bible, 14. 

Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 87, 155. 

Glass windows, history of, 237. 

Godbertson, 393. See Cidhbertson. 

Goodman, John, a Pilgrim, 122. Lost, 174. 
Encounters wolves, 178. 

Gookin, Daniel, cited, 144, 145, 184, 187, 210, 
305,307,317,360,367. 

Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, on the Pilgrims, 55. 
Connected with the family of Lincoln, 75. 
Men of, attacked by Indians, 185. On In- 
dians carried to England, 190. Error re- 
specting the colony of, 334. Measures by, 
to establisli episcopacy in New England, 
478. Thompson sent over by, 351. 

Gorton, Samuel, 379. 

Gosnold, Bartholomew, error respecting, 75. 
Discovers Cape Cod, 101, 103, 119. Carries 
home sassafras, 130. 

Graham, J. D., ftlajor. Survey and Map of 
Cape Cod by, 1 18. 

Grahame, James, in error, 55, 76, 98, 105,334, 
482. 

Grapes and grape vines, 130, 132, 165, 234. 

Great Bear, the constellation, so called by the 
Indians, 366. 

Great Hollow, in Truro. 131. 

Great Meadow creek, in Eastham, 153. 

Great Pond, in Eastham, 153. 

Green's harbour, in Marshfield, grant to Wins- 
low at, 275. 

Greene, Richard, 299. 

Greenwood, John, persecuted, 412. Refuta- 
tion of Gifford by, 424. A preacher in Lon- 
don, 427. A martyr, 427. Examination of, 
42>i. Reynold's and Queen Elizabeth's 
conversation respecting, 432. 

Grimsl)y, in Lincolnshire, 28. 

Grindal', Archbishop, suspended by Elizabeth, 
420. Successor of, 432. 



Ground-nuts, 329. 

Guiana, 52. 

Guns of the Pilgrims, 125, 136, 142, 156. 

Gurnet, 160, 163, 164, 287. 



H. 



Hall, Bishop, on Holland, 25. OntbeBrown- 
isls, 451. On Robinson, 453. 

Hallam, Henry, cited, 10, 11, 428. 

Hampden, John, never in America, 314. 

Hampton Court, Conference at, 20, 432. 

Halherly, Timothy, 352, 353. 

Higginson, Francis, Rev., cited, 129, 184, 237, 
398. Ordained at Salem, 398. 

High Head, Truro, soil at, 123. 

Highland Light, Cape Cod, 123, 130. 137. 

Hilton, William, 235. Letter from New Ply- 
mouth by, 250. Settles at Dover, N. H., 
251. His wife and children, 251, 352. 

Hingham, first minisler of 402. 

Hither Manomet Point, in Plymouth, 291. 

Hobart, Peter, Rev., of Hingham, 402, 
487. 

Hobbamock, 219. Flight of, to Plymouth, 
220. Expresses fears, 285. Asserts Mas- 
sasoit's faithfulness, 288. A pinse, 288, 
341. Sends his wife to Pokanokel, 288. 
Guide to Buzzard's Bay, 307. Guide in 
the visit to Massasoit in his sickness, 314, 
315. Lamentations by, for Massasoit, 316. 
Massasoit reveals a plot to, 323. Interview 
of Pecksuot with, at Wessagusset, 337. 
On the death of Pecksuot, 339. Chases 
Indians, 341. His services, and character, 
350. 

Hobbamock, and Hobbamoqui, the Indian 
devil, 356, 357. 

Holland. See Low Countries. 

Holmes, Abiel, in error, 77. Cited, 199, 478, 
479. 

Hoornbeek, John, on John Robinson and the 
Arminians, 42, 453. 

Hopkins, Occanus, born, 100, 122, 127. 

Hopkins, Stephen, a Pilgrim, 100, 122. Ac- 
count of, 126, 127. Goes to meet Indians, 
181. Samoset lodges with, 185. In the 
embassy to Pokanoket, 202, 204. 

Hopkins's cliff", in Truro, 133. 

Hopkins's creek, in Truro, 133, 135. 

House lots, laid out at Plymouth, 170, 173. 

Houses, building of, commenced at Plymouth, 
173. Their probable character, 179. 

Howland, John, a Pilgrim, 122, 149. Notice 
of and of his family, 150. 

Hubbard, William, his history, 58, 79. Oa 
the laws of the Pilgrims, 197. On Stand- 
ish, 339. 

Hudson, Henry, at Cape Cod, 101, 103. Ex- 
plored Hudson's river, 308, 369. 

Hudson's river, settlements on, 42. Pilgrims 
sail for, 101, 117, 385. 

Hunt, Captain, the kidnapper, 186, 190, 
215. 

Hutchinson, Thomas, Gov., cited, 107, 120, 
122, 185, 195, 197, 274, 380, 477. 



494 



INDEX. 



I. 



Independents and Independency, 422, 442. 

Indian Brook, in VVellfleet, 152, 165. 

burying grounds and graves, 142, 154, 

227, 363. in Eastham, 153. 

challenge, 281, 283. 

corn, found, 131, 141. A native of 

America, 131. Indian mode of storing, 133. 
Taken and afterwards paid for, 134, 140, 204, 
235,259. Parched, 187,211. Exchanged 
for seed, 204, 209. Twenty acres of, 230. 
Aid in planting, from Squanto, 230. In- 
dians' season for planting, 230. Excursion 
after, 299. Procured, 301, 302, 305, 308, 

309. Divided with Weston's company, 303. 
Want of, at Weston's colony, 328. Al- 
lowance of, to Weston's company, 337. 
Given to the sachems, 362. Account of, 
310. 

hemp, 133, 166. 

Neck, in Truro, 135. 

priests. See Powoics. 

Indians, burning of underwood by the, 124. 
First sight of, by the Pilgrims, 127. Their 
barns, 133. Their baskets, 133, 145. Their 
mats, 133, 144, 145, 363. Their canoes, 
135. Hedges of, to take game, 142. Bu- 
rials by, 143, 362, 363. Household stuff of 
the, 144. Seen around a grampus, 151, 
153. Their arrows, 158. Fires of, seen at 
Plymouth, 170, 171. Standish goes in 
search of, 171. Seen on Clark's island, 
179. On Watson's hill, 180, 190, 191. 
Language of the, 183. Destroyed by pes- 
tilence, 183, 206, 229, 234, 258, 259. Treat- 
ment of, by Hunt, 136, 190,215. Apparel 
of, 187, 365. Lfse of tobacco by the, 188, 
363. Carried away by Weymouth, 190. 
At Namaschet, 205. Incident of their 
courage, 206. Submission of, to king 
James, 210, 226, 232, 244, 259, 307. Their 
beds, 210. Gamble, 210, 307. General 
rendezvous of, at Massachusetts, 226. 
I'heir forts, 227. Peace produced among 
the, 232. Their religion, 233, 355. On 
the right to their soil, 242. Conversion of 
the, 243, 257, 271. Habits of, 243. Treat- 
ment of, 244, 259. Friendly, 258, 272. 
Lands of, always purchased, 259. Massa- 
cre by, in Virginia, 278, 293, 294. Threat- 
en the Pilgrims, 295. Reception of Brad- 
ford by, at Chatham, 300. Mode of salu- 
tation by, 304. Conspiracy among them, 

310. Customs of, in sickness, 313, 317, 
362. Effect of Standish's expedition to Wes- 
sagusset on the, 345. Decline of the, 345. 
Notice the fast and the rain, 350. Man- 
ners, customs, religious opinions, and cere- 
monies of the, 354. Their God, 355 ; devil, 
356 ; powows, 357 ; sacrifices, 353 ; pniese, 
359; sachems and sachems' families, 360 ; 
funerals and mourning, 362. Names among 
the, 363. Wedlock among the, 364. Crimes 
and puuishmonts nmong them, 364. Their 
apparel, 305; lan?iiarre, 366; memorials, 
367. Sec Cape Cod, Missasoit, Piyraoxdh, 
Samoact. Squanto, and Squaws. 



Indians, Mashpee, 216. 

Massachusetts, swept off, by pesti- 
lence, 184, 229. Voyage to the, 224. Or- 
igin of their name, 224. Squaw sachem of 
the, 225, 228. Preparations for visiting 
again, 285. Apprehensions from them. 285. 
Alarm on the voyage to the, 287. Com- 
plaints by the, respecting Weston's com- 
pany, 298, 302, 327. Bradford's excursion 
to the, 302. Conspiracy among the, 310, 
323, 330, 343. Standish's expedition against 
the, at Wessagusset, 327, 331. Boldness 
of, at Wessagusset, 332. Seven, killed in 
a struggle, 339. Skirmish with, 341. 
Chased by Hobbamock, 341. Plot of the, 
confessed, 343. Seat of the sachem of the, 
227 ; of the squaw sachem, 228. Sec Ob- 
hatinewat, and Oblakiest. 

Namascheueks, 205, 212. 

Narraganset, suspected of a conspiracy 

with the Massachusetts, 235. Their devo- 
tions, 358. 

Nauset, encounter with, 150, 185. 

Steal, 180, 1S6, 304. Escape the pestilence, 

184. Their number, 185. Hostility of the, 

185. Treatment of, by Hunt, 186. Their 
principal seat, 216. Conspiracy by the, 
323. See Aspinet, and Naiinet. 

Penobscot, escape the pestilence, 184. 

Pequot, 280. 

Tarrateens, 225. 

Wampauoags, sachem of the, 287. 



Infanticide, Indian, 358. 
Ipswich, on settling at, 147. 
Isles of Shoals, 351. 
lyanough, sachem, 215, 216, 213,311. 
of, 345. See Barnstable. 



Fate 



Jacob, Henrj', 74. Account of, 439. 

James I., his dislike of the Geneva Bible, 14. 
Hostility of, to the Puritans, 20, 56. In- 
fluence and acts of, in the Low Countries, 
42, 436. Letters patent by, to the Virginia 
Company, 54. Does not grant an applica- 
tion for freedom in religion, 55, 56, 382. 
Oath of Allegiance required by, 64. Hates 
Sir Edwin Sandys, 69. Did not grant let- 
ters patent to the Pilgrims, 74. New pa- 
tent from, 80, 100. On fishing in New Eng- 
land, 81, 383. Reason by, for granting the 
patent, 184. Wife of, 210. Indian alle- 
giance to, 210, 226, 232, 244, 259, 307. Rep- 
resentation to, in favor of Davison, 463. 
Death of, 479. 

Jenny, John, has leave to build a mill, 172, 
352. A passenger in the Anne, 352, 392. 
Communed with the Dutch, 392. 

Johnson, the Lady Arbella, 75. 

Johnson, Edward, cited, 23, 158, 184, 183. 

Johnson, Francis, Rev., church of at Amster- 
dam, 24, 34, 36. Blafkwell and, 71, 72. 
Preacher at Middleburg, 424. Conversion 
of, 425, 447. Bradford's account of, 445. 
Excommunications by, 446. His wife, 446. 
Persecution and flight of, 447. 



INDEX. 



495 



Johnson, George, 446, 449. 

Johnson, Isaac, 75. Death of, 76. 

Jones, Captain of the Mayflower, 98, 99. Plot 
wrongly ascribed to, 102, 138. Mentioned, 
137, 138, 139,141,131. River, in Kingston, 
named from, 1 GO. Captain of the Discov- 
ery, arrives at Plymouth, 278. Furnishes 
supplies, 298. 

Jones's river, in Kingston, 165. Explored, 
166. 

Josselyn, John, cited, 118, 132, 139, 176, 306. 

Juniper trees, 118, 124. 



K. 



Kautantowwit, Indian god, 356. 

Kennebec, Popham's attempt to settle at Sag- 
adahoc, near the, 50, 55, 112,427. 

Kiehtan, the Indian god, 326. Meaning of, 
355. 

Kikemuit, seat of Massasoit, 208. 

Kingston, incorporated, 166. Residence of 
Wm. Bradford, jr., 4S7. 



Lands, first allotment of, 346 ; the second, 
347. 

Language, Indian, 366. 

Leister, Edward, a Pilgrim, 122. Punishment 
of, 201. 

Leyden, removal of the Pilgrims to, 35, 380. 
University of, 35. The congregation in 
peace at, 36, 380. Arminian controversy 
there, 40, 392. Influence ot James I., at 
the University of 42. Pilgrims leave, 87, 
384. Baylie and Cotton on the Pilgrims 
at, 379, 456. Respect there for Robinson, 
392, 393. Bradford's account of the church 
at, 456. Fate of the church there, after 
Robinson's death, 479, 482. Epistle from 
the people there to Bradford and Brewster, 
480. 

Leyden-street, at Plymouth, house-lots laid 
out on, 170, 173, 174. 

Lincoln, Elizabeth, Countess of, 75 ; Bridget, 
76. 

Lincoln family, connexion of the, with the 
New England settlements, 75. 

Lions, in JNew England, 176. 

Little James, size of the, 87, 353. Arrival of 
the, at Plymouth, 87, 150, 351, 352. 

Little Namskeket creek, in Orleans, 155. 

Liturgy, John Calvin on the, 11. Robin- 
son's dislike of the, 390. See Church, of 
England. 

Lobsters, at Plymouth, 164, 205, 233. At 
Boston, 225. 

London Company, 55. See Virginia Com- 
pany. 

Long Point, Provincetown, 118,120. Land- 
ing at, 123. Diminished, 123. Soil there, 
123. Shallop aground on, 150. 

Long pond, in Eastham, 153. 

Low Countries, religious toleration in the, 23. 
Influence of James I. there, 42, 436. Rea- 



sons and causes of the Pilgrims' removal 
from the, 44, 381. Sunday there, 47, 381. 
Two churches of Separatists in the, 418, 
453, 455. Suflerings of the Separatists 
there, 439, 441. Elizabeth's league with 
the, 463. See United Provinces. 

Luther, Martin, Robinson's remark on, 423. 
His zeal, 429. Erasmus on, 435. 

Lutherans, Robinson on the, 397. 

Lyford, John, 476. 



M. 



Maize, 131. Meal of parched, 187. See In- 
dian corn. 

Malaga, monks of, liberate Indians, 186. 

Manamoick, Chatham, 217. Bradford at, 
300. 

Manomet, Point, 148. Blufi'of, 159. 

Manomet, Sandwich, boy at, 217. Sachem 
of, 232, 307. Corn procured at, 305. No- 
tice of, 305. See Cairnacome. 

Manure, fish used for, 231, 370. 

Marriages, 94. First, in Plymouth, 201. In- 
dian, 364. Preaching at,'402. 

Marshall, John, in error, 84, 100. 

Marshfield, grant to Winslow at, 275. 

Martha's Vineyard, or Capawack, submission 
of the Indians of, 232. Conspiracy with 
the Indians on, 323. 

Martin, Christo])her, a Pilgrim, 78, 121. Sick, 
171. Death and notice of, 172. 

Martyr, Peter, cited, 75. On the ships of Co- 
lumbus, 86. 

Martyrs, Puritan, 412, 427. Not Brownisls, 
428. 

Mary, Queen, persecutions and flight of Re- 
formers in the time of, 9, 413. Act of Su- 
premacy of repealed under, 64. Separatists 
in her time, 442. 

Massachusetts Bay, occasion of the settle- 
ment of 122. Pilgrims' first visit to, 154. 
225. Meaning of, 225. General rendez- 
vous of Indians at, 226. Described, 228. 
Mission from, to Canonicus, 281. Harmo- 
ny between the settlers ol', and of Plymouth, 
398. Law in, against Anabaptists, 404. 

Massachusetts Mount, 224. 

Massasoit, 127. Samosel's return to, 185, 186. 
Forces of, 185. Description and entertain- 
ment of subjects of, at Plymouth, 186 ; their 
return home, 189. Ditferent modes of spel- 
ling the word, 191. Visits Plymouth, 191, 
259. Winslow's interview with, 192. Re- 
ception of, 192, 231. Treaty with, 193, 
244,245. Description of, 194. Treaty with, 
confirmed in 1062, 194. Withdraws, 194. 
Reception of Standish and Allerton by, 195. 
Goes home, 196. Embassy to, 202, 232. 
Presents to, 203, 209. Message to, and his 
reply, 203, 209. His territory and principal 
seats, 208, 225, 244, 288. Sent for and sa- 
luted, 209. Speech of, and conference with, 
209. Entertainment by, 211. Cape Cod 
Indians and, 216. Success of the Narra- 
gansetts against, 217. Expedition in de- 
fence of, 219. Reported hostility of, 287. 



496 



INDEX. 



Hobbamock's wife sent to, 288. Enraged 
with Tisquantum, 289, 290. Visits Ply- 
mouth, 290. Demands Tisquantum, 291. 
Seems lukewarm, 295. Sick, 313. Wins- 
low's journey to, 313. Reported death of, 
315. Hobbamock's lamentations for, 316. 
Reception of VVinslow by, 318. Tended by 
Winslow, 319. Convalescent, 320. Re- 
veals a plot, 323. Refuses to join in the 
conspiracy, 323. See Pokanoket. 

Masterson, Richard, 73, 488. 

Matchlocks, used by the Pilgrims, 125, 136, 
142, 156. 

Mather, Cotton, on Governor Bradford, 27, 
487. Not to be depended on for facts, 30. 
On Cape Cod, 101. On Ralph Partridge, 
394. 

Mather, Increase, 5, 30. Charter of Massa- 
clmsetts obtained by, 37. On the pestilence 
among the Indians, 184. Assists in mak- 
ing the Cambridge Platform, 394. 

Matlakiest, Barnstable, 215. 

Mattapoiset, Mattapuyst, or Gardner's Neck, 
Corbitant at, 232, 315. Visit to, by Wins- 
low, 316. See Corbitant. 

Maurice, Prince of Orange, 479. 

May, Mr., father of Dorothy, wife of Governor 
Bradford, 485. 

Mayflower, 85. Renowned, 99. Birth on 
board the, at sea, 100, 122, 127. The plot- 
ting of the Captain of the, considered, 102. 
Place of her making Cape Cod, 102. Place 
of her anchorage, 120, 123. Peregrine 
White born on board the, 143. Last sur- 
viving passenger of the, 150, 196. Tonnage 
of the, and anchorage, at Plymouth 171. 
Seen by Samoset, 182. Returns to Eng- 
land, 199. No Pilgrim returns in her, 199. 
Passengers in the, called old comers, or 
forefathers, 352. 

Meal, of parched maize, 187. See Indian 
Corn. 

Medicine men. See Poicows. 

Merchant adventurers, agreement with the, 
81. Smith on the, 81. Application by the, 
for the Plymouth colonists, 114. Cush- 
man's allusions to the, 266. Letters re- 
ceived from the, 348. Robinson on the, 
476. Prevent Pilgrims from gomg to New 
England, 476, 478. 

Merrimack river, settlements on the, 403. 

Meyrick, on firelocks and snaphances, 156. 

Middleborough. See Namasket. 

Middleburg, Johnson, preacher at, 424. 

Mill, on Town Brook, at Plymouth, 172, 352. 

Milman, H. H., Rev., on community of goods, 
84. 

Milton, Pilgrims in, 227. See Blue Hills. 

Milton, John, cited, 107. 

Mohegan river, the Hudson, 368, 369. 

Monardes, on sassafras, 130. 

Monhegan, fishing at, 182, 278, 293. Wins- 
low goes to, 293. Voyage to, from Weston's 
colony, for provisions, 330. Part of Wes- 
ton's company go to, 341, 342. 

Mooanam, son of Massasoit, 194. 

Morattigon, 183. 

Mortality of the Pilgrims, 100, 111, 148, 163, 



169,181. Table of the, 192. Remarks on 
the, 197, 265, 474. Robinson on the, 473. 
See Indians. 

Morton, George, 113. Bradford's relation 
sent to, 175. Letter probably sent to, 230. 
Comes out in the Anne, 236, 352, 353. 

Morton, Nathaniel, Secretary, Preface by, 3. 
His New England's Memorial, 4. Notice of, 
6. On the plot to avoid Hudson's river, 
102. On Miles Standish, 126. On Nani- 
skeket creek, 155. On a shipwreck in Ply- 
mouth harbour, 163. Dwelt at Wellingsly 
Brook, 165. On William Mullins, 181. 
On the name of Plymouth, 203. On Sam- 
uel Fuller, the physician, 223. On Phine- 
has Prat, 332. Preface by, to Bradford's 
Dialogue, 411 ; transcribed it, 413. Takes 
part in public worship, 419. On Brewster, 
and Bradford's Memorial of him, 461. On 
the plotting against Robinson, 477. 

Morton, Thomas, on burning underwood, 124. 
On walnut trees, 132. On grapes, 132. On 
storing Indian corn, 133. On Indian ca- 
noes, 135. On deer traps, 136. On wild 
geese, 140. On ducks, 140. On planks in 
Indian graves, 143. On Indian bowls, 144. 
On Indian hearse cloths, 154. On halibut 
or turbot, 164. On hemp, 166. On lions in 
New England, 176. On the pestilence 
among the Indians, 184. On Indian ap- 
parel, 187. On Indian beds, 210. On ale- 
wives, 231. On an execution at Weymouth, 
332. On Weston's company, 334. Not 
one of them, 334. 

Morton, Thomas, jr., 352. 

Mount Hope, residence of Massasoit, 208. 

Mourt, G., who he was, 113. 

Mullins, William, a Pilgrim, 121. Death of, 
181. 

Murdock's Pond, in Plymouth, adventure at, 
175. 

Muscles, at Cape Cod, 119. At Plymouth, 
164,233,329. At Weymouth, 329. 

Mystic river, discovered by the Pilgrims, 
228. 



JM. 



Nacook brook, grant on, 332. 

Namasket, Middleborough, Dermer at, 190, 
204. Under Massasoit, 204. Winslow and 
Hopkins at, 204, 205, 212. Expedition to, 
219. Alarm from, 287. Corn procured at, 
305. 

Namskeket creek, in Orleans, 155. Seat of 
the Nauset Indians, 216. 

Nanepashemet, grave of, 154, 227. Widow 
of, 225. House of, 226. Time of his death, 
227. 

Nash, Thomas, 85, 488. 

Naunton, .Sir Robert, friendly to the Pilgrims, 
55, 56, 382, 383. Carletonis letters to, re- 
specting Brewster, cited, 467. 

Nauset, 153. Voyage to, in search of a boy, 
214. Sachem of, 216, 244, 302. Expedi- 
tion to, for corn, 302. See Easlham, and 
Indians. 



INDEX. 



497 



Meal, Daniel, in error, 99, 100. On John 
Smith, 451. On Brewster, 461. 

Nepeof, a sachem, 220. 

Neponset, Milton, subject to the Massachu- 
setts sachem, 227. Sachem of, 232. 

Netherlands, the battle-ground of Europe, 25. 
See Loic Countries. 

Nets, want of fishing, 171, 294. 

Newbury, church at, 402. 

New England, patent for, 80, 100, 184. Visit- 
ed and named, 80, 25.5. Attempts to settle, 
107. 112. Abandoned as unmhabitable, 
112. Grant to the Plymouth Colonists by 
the President and Council of, 114, 116, 234. 
Water and air of, 129, 233, 369. First Eng- 
lishman born in, 148. Pestilence among 
the Indians in, 183. 206, 229, 2.^4, 258, 259. 
Supposed to be an island, 256, 368. Cush- 
man on emigration to, 256. Situation, cli- 
mate, soil, and productions of, 368. Unrea- 
sonable expectations respecting, 374. Wins- 
low's Narration of the Grounds of the first 
Planting of, 377, 379. Measures to estaliHsh 
episcopacy in, 478. See America, Kenne- 
beck, and Plymouth. 

New England's Memorial, Morton's, 4. 

Newfoundland, on the discoveryof, 155. Sep- 
aratists banished to, 441. 

New Netherlands, 42. 

New York, early settlement in, 42. 

Nobscusset, Yarmouth, boundary of a sachem- 
dom, 216 

Nokake, or nokehich, 187. See Indian com. 

Nonconformists, harmony of the Separatists 
and, 398. See Puritans. 

North river, in Scituate, 148. 

North Star, known to the Indians, 366. 

Nowell, Increase, 419. 

Noyes, James, Rev., of Newbury, 402. 



O. 

Oaks, on Cape Cod, 118, 124. 

Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, 64. 

Obbatinewat, a sachem in Massachusetts Bay, 

225. Submission of, 226, 232. Probably 

Obbatinua. 232. 
Obtakiest, 343. 344. 
Oiled paper, windows made of, 237. 
Old comers, first Pilgrims called, 353. 
Old Indian Wear, on Taunton river, 205. 
Old Tom's hill, in Truro, 135, 139, 147. 
Oldmixon, John, errors of, 91, 164. 
Opcchancanough, a Virginia sachem, 279. 
Ordination, remarks on, 66. 
Orleans, seat of Nauset Indians, 216. See 

Namskcket. 



P. 



Painter, Thomas, an Anabaptist, whipped, 

404, 405. 
Palfrev, John Gorham, cited, 77. 
Pamel little river. 133, 135. 
Pamet river, in Truro, 118, 125. Notices of, 

135. Explored, 139. On settling at, 146. 

63 



Paomet, Cape Cod so called, 204. 

Paragon, fate of the, 348, 349. 

Parker, Robert, Rev., 436, 439. 

Parker, Thomas, Rev., of Newbury, 402. 

Partridge, Ralph, Rev., of Duxbury, 394. 

Partridges, 137. 

Passaconaway, magical power of, 366. 

Patents, 80. See James /,, New England, 
and Pilgrims. 

Patuxet, Plymouth, 183, 203. Squanto, the 
only surviving native of, 190. 

Pecksuot, conierence of, with Hobbamock, 
337. His insolence, 338. Killed, 338. 

Pemberton, John, Rev., 476. 

Penry, John, persecuted, 412. Executed, 
427. Unjust charges against, 428. Tracts 
by, 423. 

Perkins, William, Rev., 14. 

Persecutions. See Mary, and Pilgrims. 

Perth Assembly, 395, 467. 

Pestilence among the Indians, 183, 206, 229, 
234, 258, 259. Narragansets escape the, 
280. 

Philip, the sachem, treaty broken by, 194. 

Phillips, George, Rev., of Watertown, 399. 

Pierce, John, letter to, 114. Charter taken in 
the name of, 116, 234, 296, 348. Patent 
surreptitiously obtained by, 234, 349. On 
Weston's company, 296. His attempt to 
come to Plymouth, 348. Resigns his pa- 
tent, 349. 

Pilgrims, used the Geneva Bible, 14. Origin 
of the, 19. Form a separate church, 21. 
Their covenant, 21, 397. Two churches of 
the, 22. Persecuted, 23. Resolve to fly to 
the Low Countries, 24 . Their first attempt 
prevented, 26. Imprisoned, 27. Their sec- 
ond embarkation, 28. Arrive in the Low 
Countries, 30. Fate of their wives and 
children left behind, 31 . Result of the per- 
secution of the, 32. In Amsterdam, 34, 
455. In Leyden, 35, 380, 456. Trades 
and employments of the, 35. The number 
of, 36, 97, 99, 100, 122, 455. Live in peace, 

38, 380, 456. Their credit with the Dutch, 

39, 393. Offers to the, to settle in Ame- 
rica or Zealand, 42, 385. Attract the 
notice of Cardinal Benlivoglio, 43. Rea- 
sons and causes for their removal from Hol- 
land, 44, 111, 381. Turn their eyes to 
America, 43, 381 ; to Guiana, 52. Feel- 
ings of the, towards the Spaniards, 53. 
Conclude for Virginia, 54, 383. Send agents 
to England, 55,^57, 58, 59, 382. Applica- 
tion by, for freedom in religion, 55, 382. 
Their correspondence with the Virginia 
Company, ancl with their agents in England, 
58, 66. Religious ])riuii])les of the, 64, 65, 
387, 388, 395. Obtain a ])atent from the 
Virginia Company, 74, 383. Keep a flist, 
77,383. Arrangements of the, for leaving 
Holland, 78, 383. Meet witJi discourage- 
ments, 81. Their purpose and views ia 
going to America, 81, 261. Their agree- 
ment with the merchant adventurers, 81. 
Did not have all things in common, 84. 
Vessel and pilot provided for the, 85, 86. 
Keep a fast, 87. Accompanied to Delft- 



498 



INDEX. 



Haven, 87, 334. The name belongs exclu- 
sively to the Plymouth colonists, 88. Their 
departure, 88, 384. At Southampton, 89. 
Parting letters to Carver and the, 89, 91, 

116. Sail, 97. Put back twice, 93. Plotted 
against, 99. Dismiss the Speedwell, 99. 
Imputations on the, 99. Sail again, 100, 

117. Voyage, 100. Descry Cape Cod, 
101,117,384. Stand for Hudson's River, 
102, 117, 38.3. Put back to Cape Cod har- 
bour, 102, 103, 117, 335. Charge against 
their Captain considered, 102, 138. Near- 
est plantations to the, 105. Mildness of 
their first winter, 105, 173. Grant to, by 
the President and Council of JNew England, 
114, 116, 234. Their compact, and the 
signing of it, IIG, 120. Examinations by 
the, 122. choose John Carver, governor, 
123. First excursion of the, under Miles 
Standish, 125. Their first sight of Indians, 
127. At East Harbour, in Truro, 128. At 
the Ponrl, 130, 136. Find Indian corn, 131, 
133; a kettle, 133. At Old Tom's hill, in 
Truro, 134. At Pamet river, 135. Find 
canoes, 135 ; a deer trap, 136. Return, 137. 
Second expedition of the, 138. Explore 
Pamet river, 139. Return to Hopkins's clifli', 
140. Find more corn, 141 ; Indian graves, 
142; an embalmed body, 142; wigwams, 
143. Return, 145. Propose settling at Pa- 
met river, 146. Third expedition of the, 
under Captain Standish, 149. At Billings- 
gate Point, 151. In Wellfleet, 152. _ In 
Eastham, 153. Find an Indian burying- 
ground, 153; wigwams, 154. Alarmed by 
wolves, 155. First encounter of, with In- 
dians, 156. Sail along the coast, 159. On 
Clark's island, 160. Go on shore, 161. 
Return to Provincetown harbour, 162. Sail 
in the Mayflower, and arrive in Pjj'mouth 
harbour, 163. (Jonclude to build on the 
bank at Plymouth, 167. Fortify Burial 
Hill, 168, 169,131,295,335. Cut timber, 169. 
Lay out house-lots, 170,173. In want offish- 
hooks and nets, 171, 294. Build, 173, 230. 
Two of the, lost in the woods, 174. Re- 
ceive Samoset, 182; with other Indians, 
187; Squanto, 191; Massasoit, 191, 231. 
Mortality among the, 197, 265. Burial 
place of the, 199. Not one of the, return 
in the Mayflower, 199. Embassy of the, 
to Massasoit, at Pokanoket, 202. Acces- 
sions to the, liy the Fortune, 235, 280. Put 
on short allowance, 236. Their treatment 
of the Indians, 250. True to their princi- 
ples, 260. Unjustly charged with fanati- 
cism, 273. Menaced by the Narragansets, 
230. Famishing, 294. Supplied by Cap- 
tain Jones, 293. Advice by the, to Wes- 
ton's colony, 328. Their wants and means 
of subsistence, 329. Offer to receive Wes- 
ton's colony, 337, 342. Aid Weston, 342. 
Accessions to the, by the Anne and the 
Little James, 352. Old comers or forefa- 
thers among ihe, 352. Contributions by 
the first, to bring over and support the oth- 
ers, 385, 482. Not Separatists, 387. Not 
schismatics, 391. Not exclusionists, 392, 



399. Works in vindication of the, 419. 
See America, New England, Plymouth, 
and Robinson. 

Pines, on Cape Cod, 118, 124. At Plymouth, 
161. 

Pinses, braves, 288. Sachems' council, 323, 
359. Killed at Weymouth, 339. Account 
of, 359. Procure corn for the sachems, 362. 

Piscataqua, settlement at, commenced, 351. 

Plague, Squanto on the, 291. See Pestilence. 

Plums, at Plymouth, 231. 

Plymouth, New England, mildness of the 
first winter at, 105, 173. Effects of the set- 
tlement at, 122. First offence in, 149, 199. 
Day of the landing at, 161. Rock and 
place of the landing, 161, 199. Trees and 
plants of, 164, 165. Soil of, 165. Conclu- 
sion to settle there, 167 ; to fortify Burial 
Hill, 163, ie9. Common house there, 169, 
173, 177. House lots laid out in, 170, 173. 
Mill at, 172, 352. First entry in the records 
of, 173. Two men lost from, 174. Ponds 
in, 176. Shed built at, for common goods, 
178. Two Indians at, 180. Artillery planted 
on the hill at, 181. Samoset at, 182. Indian 
names of, 183,203,245. Visit to, by Indians 
from Masssoit, 186. Garden seeds sown, 

189. Savagesappear at, 190. Squanto there, 

190. Massasoit visits, 191, 259. Treaty 
at, with Massasoit, 193, 244, 245. Brig- 
ham's Digest of the Laws of, 197. Re- 
election of Carver as governor of, 197. Mor- 
tality and burying-place at, 197, 199,473. 
Mayflower sads from 199. Death of the 
governor of, 200. First marriage and duel 
in, 201. Origin of the name, 203. Embas- 
sy from, to Massasoit at Pokanoket, 202. 
Voyage from, in search of a lost boy, 214. 
Seven men only at, 218. Expedition from, 
against the Narragansets, 219. The sur- 
geon and physician at, 222. Voyage from, 
to the Massachusetts, 224. Arrival of the 
Fortune at, 235. Things wanted at, 237. 
Hilton's Letter on, 250. Ship's company 
arrive at, from Damariscove islands, 278. 
Impaled, 235. Measures for protecting, 
285. Apprehensions there, from the Narra- 
gansets, 235, 287. Council held at, 286. 
Alarmed, 287. Visited by Massasoit, 290. 
Second voyage from, to Massachusetts, 290. 
Scarcity of provisions there, 290. Arrival 
of the Sparrow, 293. Voyage from, to 
Monhegan, for provisions, 293. Arrival of 
the Charity and the Swan at, 296. Arrival of 
the Discovery and Sparrow at, 298. Expe- 
ditions from, for corn and to discover a pas- 
sage round Cape Cod, 300. Winslow's sec- 
ond journey from, to Pokanoket, 313. Ex- 
pedition from, against the Indians at Wey- 
mouth, 327. General Court held at, 331. 
Indian spy arrested at, 335. Reception of 
part of VVeston's company at, 342. Head 
set up at, 343. Allotment of lands, 346. 
Drought and famine at, 348, 354. The first 
fast at, 349. Tlianksgiving, 231, 351. Ar- 
rival of the Anne and Little James at, with 
a list of the passengers, 351, 352. Food for 
passengers on arriving at, 353. Climate 



INDEX. 



499 



of, 369. Consultation of, hy succeeding 
colonies, 3S6. White ou the trovcrnment 
at, 483. See Burial Hid, and PUi(rims. 

Plymouth Church, early records of the, 4. 
The First Independent or Congregational, 
in America, 77. Givers of the parsonage 
ground to the, 223. 

Plymouth Company, not applied to by the 
Pilgrims, ,'j5, 75. 

Plymouth harbour, explored, IGl. Pilgrims 
arrive in, 161, 103. Islands in, 161, 163. 
Fish and fowl in, 164. Includes Kingston 
and Duxbury harbours, 164. First death 
in, 163 

Plymouth rock, IGl, 199. 

Pokanoket, expedition to Massasoit at, 197, 
202, 232. Arrival at. 208. Extent of the 
countrj', 208. A night at, 210,211. See 
Massasoit. 

Pollock Rip, 102. 

Polyander, John, 43. 

Pond and Pond village, in Truro, 130, 136. 
Great Hollowr near, 131. 

Popham, John, Lord, Colony of, at Sagada- 
hoc, 50,55, 112,427. Condemnation of Pu- 
ritans by, 427. 

Portsmouth, seitlemcnt at Little Harl)our in, 
351. 

Powows, priests, one sentenced to death, 308. 
Practices of, among, the sick, 317. With 
Massasoit, 317. Account of, 357, 366. 

Prat, Phinchas, 332, 352. 

Prayers, habits of the Pilgrims as to, 156, 
167. Brewster on, 469. 

Presbyterians, tolerated in JNew England, 402. 
See Communion. 

Priests. See Powoics. 

Prince, Thomas, in error, 57, 58. On attempts 
to settle New England, 107. Error of, as 
to Barnstable harbour, 135. On a grant to 
Peregrine White, 148. Had Bradford's 
register, 148. On the re.«pect for Robinson 
at Leyden, 393. On Robinson's Farewell 
Discourse, 399. On Isaac Robinson, 453. 
On the difference in elders, 455. 

Prince, Thomas, Gov., arrives in the Fortune, 
235. Marriage of, 470. 

Prophesying, the practice of, 419. Ancient, 
420. Liberty of 421. 

Provincetown harbour, Pilgrims at, 102, 117, 
385. Survey and Map of by Major J. D 
Graham, 118. Whales andfish there, 119. 
Wotice of, 120. Landing at, 123. Beach 
grass planted at, 123. Mayflower sails 
from, 163. Fortune puts into, 234. See 
Cape Cod. 

Provisions. See Indian Corn, Pilgrims, and 
Plymouth. 

Punishments, Indian, 365. 

Punkapog, Stoughton, 227. 

Puritans, tlie name, 12, 417, 443. Hos- 
tility of James 1. to the, 20. See Pil- 
g-rims. 



Q 

Quadequina, Massasoit's brother, 191, 232. 



Presents to, 192. Hostage with, 192. Re- 
ception of, 194. Described, 195. 

Qnads, on Cape Cod, 137. 

Quincy, Pilgrims at, 226. Supposed resi- 
dence of the Massachusetts sachems, 227. 
See Squaniuvi. 



R. 



Race Point, Cape Cod, 119. 

Raleigh, Sir Walter, on Guiana, 52. On the 
law for banishing Separatists, 436. 

Rattlesnake's skin, sent with arrows, 281. 
Returned with powder and shot, 283. 

Razor shell, 306. 

Reynolds, Captain of the Speedwell, 85. 
Puts back twice, 98. 

Reynolds, John, Rev., 432. 

Rhode Island, 281. 

Robertson, William, on the removal from Hol- 
land, 48. In error, 84, 100. 

Roliinson, Isaac, 453. 

Robinson, John, Rev., 23. Goes over to Hol- 
land, 34. Removes from Amsterdam to 
Leyden, 34. His ministry and character, 
36,452. Time of his death, 393,479. Books 
written by, 40, 400, 454. His Apology, 40, 
388, 391. Disputes with Episcopius, 41, 
392. Age of, in 1620,46. Correspondence 
of with Edwin Sandys, 58 ; with Sir John 
Wolstenholme, 63. Preaches a Fast Ser- 
mon, 77. Tarries at Leyden, 77, 384. The 
reason of his not accompanying the Pil- 
grims, 77, 383, 453. Farewell Fast Ser- 
mon by, 87, 396. His parting letter to 
John Carver, 89 ; to the whole company, 91, 
116. Dies without going to Pvew England, 
91,443. On Standish, 339. His doctrine 
of communion, 388. His views of and re- 
gard for the Church of England, 389, 415, 
442. His dislike of Episcopacy and the 
Liturgv, 390. Respect and funeral honors 
for, at Lc3den, 392,393,453. Not a rigid 
Separatist, 400. His Treatise on the 
Church of England cited, 400. On Church 
Synods, 419. On prophesying, 422. His 
answer to Bernard, 423. His church a 
model, 426. On Robert Browne, 442. Brad- 
ford's account of, 451. Facts respecting, 

452. Bp. Hall's insinuation respecting, 

453. His intention and desire to settle at 
Plymouth, 453, 475, 476, 477, 479, 482. Let- 
ters from, to the church at Plymouth, 473; 
to Elder Brewster, 475. Lyford and, 476. 
Plotting against, 476, 477. On elders, 477. 
Last days'and death of, 393, 478, 481. 

Rock harbour creek, in Orleans, 155. 
Roses, at Plymouth, 234. 
Rowland. Thomas, persecuted, 443. 
Ruling elders, diflcrence lietween teaching 

and, 455, 477. Still continued in Salem, 

455. See Elders. 



Sabbath. See Sunday. 



500 



INDEX. 



Sachems, account of, and of their families, 
3G0. Executioners of the laws, 365. 

Sacrifices, Indian, 358. 

Sagadahoc. !»ee Kennebec. 

St. Lawrence river, discovered, 243. 

Salem, error respecting the church in, 77- 
Mission from, to Plymouth, for a physician, 
223, 330. Dutch admitted to comnnuiion 
at, 393. Ruling elders in, 455. See Endl- 
cott, and Hiffginson. 

Samoset, description, and reception of, at Ply- 
mouth, 182. Lodges with Hopkins, 185. 
Goes to Massasoit, 185, ISti. Returns with 
others, 186. Remains, 189. Comes again, 
with Squanto, 190. Tarries, 195, 196. 

Sanders, .John, overseer of Weston's colony, 
writes to Plymouth, 327. Bradford re- 
plies to, 330. Voyage by, to Monhegan, 
330, 332. 

Sandwich, Manomet, boy lost at, 217. Sa- 
chem at, 232. See Ccnrnacoinc. 

Sandy Neck, at Barnstable, 159, 212. 

Sandys, Sir Kdwin, 55, 56, 332. Correspond- 
ence of, with Robinson and Brewster, 58. 
Notice of, 59. Treasurer and governor of the 
Virginia Company, 68. Obnoxious to James 
I., 68. 

Saquisii, in Plymouth harbour, 160, 164, 287. 

Sassafras, on Cape Cod, 118. Medicinal vir- 
tues ascribed to, 130. At Plymouth, 164,165. 

Savage, James, on Cotton Mather, 30. On 
Hampden's visit to New England, 315. On 
ruling elders, 455. 

Savins, on Cape Cod, 124. 

Scituate, North river in, 148. Chauncy, min- 
ister of, 405. 

Scussett harbour, in Sandwich, 306. 

Sea fowls, at Cape Cod, 119. At Plymouth, 
164, 229. Time of the, 294. 

Seals, at Plymouth, 172. 

Se-baptist, John Smith the, 451. 

Self-love, Cushman's discourse on the sin and 
danger of, 262. 

Separatists, 388. Harmony of the Noncon- 
formists and, 398. Views of, respecting 
the Church of England, 414. Principles of 
the, 416, 417. No synods among the, 418. 
On prophesying among the, 419. Law ban- 
ishing the, 436. Persecution of the, 437. 
Treatment of in prisons, 437. Excom- 
municated, 438. Dej)rived of their live- 
lihood, 439. Banished, 439, 441. Treat- 
ment of, by the prelates, 440. Before i'.ob- 
ert Brown, 442. See Pilgrims. 

Shawmut, sachem of, 232. See Boston. 

Sheath fish, 306. 

Shellfish, at Plymouth, 294. At Buzzard's 
Bay, 306. 

Shingle Brook, in Plymouth, 165. 

Ships, size and character of, 86. 

Sickness, Indian customs in, 317. 

Simmons, formerly Symonson, 394. 

Simonson, Moses, a Pilgrim, 235, 236, 394. 

Skate at Plymouth, 164. 

Slade's Ferry, in Swanzey, 315. 

Slanv, John," 191. 

Smallpox. See Pestilence. 

Smith, John, Rev., and his church at Amster- 



dam, 22, 34, 429. Persecuted, 443. On 
Johnson and Ainsworth, 445. Bradford's 
account of, 450. Facts respecting him, 4.^>1. 

Smith, John, Captain, surveys and numes 
New England, 80, 101, 255. On the mer- 
chant adventurers, 81. On Cape Cod, 101. 
On New England water, 129. On Indian 
flax, 166. Names Plymouth, 203. Men- 
tions Nauset, 216. On the country of the 
Massachusetts, 226. Isles named by, 351. 

-Smith, bir Thomas, account of, 68. 

Smith's isles, 251. 

Snaphances, 156, 157. 

Snow's brook, in Easthain, 152. 

Soil, English and Indian right to the, 243. 

Somer Islands Company, 112. 

Southampton, 85. Arrival of the Pilgrims 
at, 89. Situation of, 89. 

Southworth, Thomas, 419. 

Sowams, seat of Massasoit, 208. 

Spain. See United Provinces. 

Sparrow, arrival of the, at Plymouth, 291, 
293,298. 

Speedwell, 85. Size of the, 86. Unscawor- 
thy, 93. Dismissed, 99. 

Spooner, Ephraim, Dea., of Plymouth, 199. 

Squa sachem, of the Massachusetts Indians, 
225, 229. Of Mattapuyst, 317. 

Squanto, or Tisquantum, History of, 190. Place 
in Quincy, named from, 191. At Plymouth, 
195, 196. In an embassy to Massasoit, 202. 
At Pokanoket, 211. On a voyage in search 
ofaboy, 212. Sent to Aspinet, 216. Ex- 
pedition against the Narragansetts to re- 
venge the supposed murder of, 219. Cap- 
Uwd by Corbitant, 220. Returns to Ply- 
mouth. 223. In a voyage to the Massachu- 
setts, 224. Would plunder the Massachu- 
setts, 228. Aid from, af)out planting In- 
dian corn, 230. Su.spicions as to, 285. 
Double-dealing of, 289. Valuable services 
of, 290. Demanded by Massa.soit, 291. 
Pilots an expedition for corn, and to discov- 
er a passage round Cape Cod, 299, 300. 
Sickness and death of, 301. Instructs In- 
dians in English salutations, 305. 

Squantum, a promontory in Quincy, 191, 226. 
Taken possession of, by Thompson, 351. 

Squaws, modesty of the, 228, 364. IJurdens 
borne by, 305, 311. Treatment of, at Wey- 
mouth, 339, 341. Their travail, 358. Ser- 
vitude of 303. Particulars respecting, 364. 

Standish family, 126. 

Standish, Miles, Captain, 115. Leader in an 
excursion up the Cape, 125. Account of, 
125, 338. His coat of mail and sword, 134. 
In' the third expedition, 149. Encoun- 
ters Nauset Indians, 156, 158. Goes in 
search of Indians at Plymouth, 171. Death 
of his wife, 179. (Jhosen Captain, 180. 
Sent to meet Indians, 131. Meets Ma?^ 
sasoit, 192. Massasoit's reception of, 
194. Marches against the Narragan- 
sets ill defence of Massasoit, 220. In an 
expedition to the Massachusetts, 225. 
Secures a messenger from Canonicus, 281. 
Military preparations of 284. Sets for- 
ward for Massachusetts, 287. Driven back 



INDEX. 



501 



from an expedition for com, 299. Goes to 
Eastham, 304. Salutation of, by Aspinet, 
304. Conduct of, at Yarmouth, 308. At 
Scussett, 309. Treachery against, 311. 
Returns, 312. Expedition of, against the 
Indians at Weymouth, 326.327,331. Ar- 
rives at Weymouth, 336. Trade of, with 
an Indian spy, 337. Kills Pecksuot in a 
struggle, 33S. Remarks on, by Robinson, 
Hubbard, and Davis, 339. Skirmishes with 
Indians, 341. Takes the head of Wituwa- 
mat, and returns to Plymouth, 342, 343. 
Efiect of his Expedition, 345. Procures 
provisions, 350. Second wife of, 352. 

Standysshe, John, killed Wat Tyler, 126. 

Starsmore, Sabin, 74. 

Store house, at Plymouth, 169, 173, 177. 

Stout's creek, in Truro, 128. 

Strawberry Hill, Watson's hill called, 180. 

Sunday, in Holland, 47, 381. On Clark's 
island, 160. Kept on shore at Plymouth, 
177. Refusal of the Pilgrims to traffic on, 
189. 

Supremacy, oath of, 64. 

Swamps, formerly ponds, 130. 

Swan, arrival of the, 290. Remains, 298. 

Swanzey, 208. See Corbitant, Gardner's 
Neck, Mattapoiset, and Slade's Ferry. 

Synods, at Dort, 47, 424. At Cambridge, 394, 
402. At Embden, 422. Kone among the 
Separatists, 408. 



Tabor, and Taborites, 33. 

Tarhcs, John, 396. 

Taunton river, 205. Pestilence on, 206, 234. 
Notice of, 206. Country on, 207. 

Thacker, Elias, persecuted, 412. Executed, 
427. 

Thanksgiving, the first, 231. After a fast, 351. 

Theft, Indian punishment of, 364. 

Thievish Harbour, 148, 159. 

Thompson, David, 350. 

Thompson's island, in Boston harbour, 351. 

Tilly, Edward, a Pilgrim, 122, 126, 149. No- 
tice of, 151. 

Tilly, John, a Pilgrim, 149, 151. 

Tisquantum. See Squanto. 

Titicut, 205, 212. 

Tobacco, 188, 194, 363. 

Tokamahamon, an Indian guide, 211, 214. 
Corbitanl's hostility to, 219. With a mes- 
senger from Canonicus. 281. 

Toleration, want of under James I., 21. Hol- 
land reproached for, 23. Application for, 
by agents from Holland, 55, 382. Of the 
Pilgrims towards the Dutch and French, 
388, 392, 393 ; towards the Scotch, 394 ; 
towards the Presbyterians, 402, 407. Not 
shown to evil-doers, 407. See Commun- 
ion, Pilgrims, Robinson, and Separatists. 

Town brook, in Plymouth, Pilgrims settle 
near, 167. Notice of, 172. Mill on, 172, 
352. Crossed to meet Indians, 181. Re- 
ception of Rlassasoit at the, 192. 

Training Green in Plymouth, 168. 



Trees, on Cape Cod, 118, 124, 132. At Ply- 
mouth, 164. In Pokanoket, 207. 

Trial, an Indian, 307. 

Truro, soil in, 123. Excursions to, 128. Pond 
in, 130. Second excursion to, 139. See 
East harbour. 

Turbot, 164. 

Tyburn, persons executed at, 437. 

Tyler, Wat, killed, 126. 



U. 



Uncle Sam's Hill, in Truro, 133. 

United Provinces, war between Spain and the, 
25; truce between them, 44. Expiration 
of the truce, 51. See Loic Countries. 

Upham, Charles W., Rev., 77. 



Vessels, size and character of, 86. 

Virginia, colonization of, 53, 54. Pilgrims con- 
clude ior, 54, 383. Settled by Episcopalians, 
54. Territorial extent of, 54. Application 
for religious toleration in, 55. Oaths for 
emigrants to, 64. Governors of, 69, 70. 
Blackwell's voyage to, 70. New patent for 
the northern part of, 80, 100. Effect of the 
Plymouth settlement on, 122. Winslow 
on the state of, 278. Indian massacre in, 
278, 293, 295. Vessels for, at Plymouth, 
298. Proclamation as to the government of, 
485. See New England. 

Virginia Company, 54. Application of the 
Pilgrims to the 55, 57 ; their correspond- 
ence, 58. Courts held by the, 67. Gov- 
ernors and Treasurers of the, 68. Conten- 
tions in the, 69. Patent obtained from the, 
74. 

W. 

Wachusett mountain, 223. 

Walloons, 39, 352, 393. 

Walnut trees, 132, 164, 165. 

Wampom, 143. 

Wamsutta, son of Massasoit, 104. 

Wareham, conspiracy with the Indians at, 

323. 
Warren, in the Pokanoket country, 208. 
Warren, Richard, a Pilgrim, 121, 150. His 

widow and descendants, 150. 
Wassapinewat, 330. 
Water of New England, 129 ; of Plymouth, 

105, 106, 167, 255. 
Watcrtown, minister of 398. 
Watson, Edward, owner of Clark's island, 

160. 
Watson's hill, two Indians appear on, 180. 

Names of ISO. Indians again appear there, 

190. Massasoit there, 190. 
Weavers among the Plymouth settlers, 35. 
WfUflcetbay, visited, 151, 152. 153. 
Wellinfjslv Rrook, in Plymouth, 165. 
Wessagus'sett, 78. Subject to the Massachu- 
setts sachem, 227. See Weijmoulh. 



502 



INDEX. 



West, Francis, admiral of New England, 278. 

Weston, Thomas, agreement with, 78. No- 
tice of, 78. Inclines to New England, 80. 
Neglects to provide shipping, 85. On a 
charter, 23t. His people at Weymouth, 
276, 296. The Sparrow sent out by, 293. 
Writes to Mr. Carver, 293. Expedition of 
his people for corn, 299 ; their return to 
Weymouth, 303. His visit and misfortunes, 
342. See Wcytnoidh. 

Weymouth, Captain, carries Indians from Pe- 
nobscot, 190. 

Weymouth, or Wessagusset, 78. Character 
of Weston's colony at, 276, 296, 334. Ac- 
count of the planting of, 296. Conduct of 
the colonists of, at Plymouth, 297, 300. 
Indians' complaints respecting, 293, 302, 
327. Indian conspiracy against, 310, 323. 
Expedition against the Indians of, 327, 331. 
Want of provisions at, 323. Too feeble 
and sick for defence, 329. Wretched state 
of, 332. Execution at, 332. .Standish's ar- 
rival there, 336. Carelessness at, 336. Of- 
fer to, from the Pilgrims, 337. Seven In- 
dians killed at, 339. Broken up, 341. See 
Weston. 

Whales, whaling and, 119, 146. 

Whitbourne, Richard, Captain, 155. 

White, Roger, letters by, to Bradford, 478, 
483. 

White, Peregrine, the first born, 148. 

White, William, a Pilgrim, 121, 148. Death 
of 181, 201. 

Whitgift, Archbishop, 432. 

Wigwams, discovered, 143. Described, 144. 
In Eastham, 154. Near Plymouth, 172. 
Of Nanepashemet, 226. 

Wildfowl, at Cape Cod, 119, 137,139,140. 
At Plymouth, 164, 179, 229. Time of the, 
294. 

Williams, Roger, 132, 133, 142, 187, 280. 305, 
317, 318, 319, 356, 365, 366, 367. Prophe- 
sying by, at Plymouth, 420. 

Williams, Thomas, a Pilgrim, 122. Meets 
Massasoit, 192. 

Wincob, John, patent taken in the name of, 75. 

Windows, account of, 237. 

Winnatuckset brook, source of, 206. 

Winslow chair, cut of the, 238. 

Winslow Edward, on John Robinson and Ar- 
minianism, 41. Age of, in 1620, 46. Rea- 
sons by, for removing from Holland, 47. On 
Thomas Weston, 78. On the profit from 
fishing, 81, 383. In the third exploring 
party, 139. On errors, 175, 277. On the 
Indian language, 183. On the Indians' use 
of tobacco, 189. Interview of, with Mas- 
sasoit, 192. A hostage, 192. Death of his 



wife, 197, 201. Married again, 201. Pro- 
bably wrote the narrative of the journey to 
Pokanoket, 202. In the embassy to Mas- 
sasoit, 202, 204, 213. Letter from, 230. 
Cattle brought to Plymouth by, 233. His 
Relation, 269. Notice of and of his family 
and descendants, 274. His return to Eng- 
land, 277, 477. On the state of Virginia, 
278. In the second Massachusetts expedi- 
tion, 287. Goes to Monhegan, 293. Sec- 
ond journey of, to Pokanoket, to visit Mas- 
sasoit in his sickness, 313. Indian plot re- 
vealed to, 324, 320. Lodges with Corbi- 
tant, 324. Returns, 326. His brief Narra- 
tion of the true Grounds for the first Plant- 
ing of New England, 377, 379, 408. Sent 
to England in 1640 to defend the colony of 
Massachusetts against Gorton, 379. Pre- 
serves Robinson's Farewell Discourse, 399. 
Works by, 408. On prophesying by, 419. 

Winslow, Gilbert, 275. 

Winslow, Isaac, 275. 

Winslow, John, 235, 275. 

Winslow, Josiah, on the purchase of the In- 
dians' lands, 259. Notice of, 275. 

Winslow, Kenelm, 275. 

Winter, the first, at Plymouth, 105, 173. 

Winthrop, John, Gov., fleet of, rendezvous at 
Southampton, 89. On a shipwreck on 
Brown's island, 163. On the Church of 
England, 398. On the synod at Cambridge, 
402. On Rev. Peter Hobart, 402. Takes 
part in religious services at Plymouth, 419. 

Wituwamat, 310, 338. Killed, 339. Head 
of, taken, 342 ; stuck up, at Plymouth, 343. 

Wives of sachems, 361. See Squa, and 
Squaws. 

Wolstenholme, Sir John, 55, 63, 66. 

Wolves, alarms from, 155. Encountered, 178. 

Wood, Anthony, cited, 59, 432, 439. 

Wood, William, 118, 124, 129, 132, 133, 135, 
136, 140, 142, 143, 164, 166, 170, 187, 188, 
198, 305, 306, 307, 318, 366. 

Wood End, on Cape Cod, 118, 119. 

Wood-gaile, 129. 

Woosamequin, or Massasoit, 245. 



Y. 



Yarmouth, Mattachicst, 216. Corn procured 
at, 302, 308. Valor of Standish at, 309. 

Yeardley, Sir George, Governor of Virginia, 
70, 279. 



Ziska, John, 33. 



THE END. 



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